FROM   THE   LIBRARY   OF 
REV.    LOUIS    FITZGERALD    BENSON,   D.  D. 


BEQUEATHED   BY   HIM   TO 

THE   LIBRARY   OF 

PRINCETON  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 


SW7 


V' 


THOMAS    KEN,    D.D. 


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DHAPT     PETITION     OF     THE     SEVEN     B18II0PB. 

Prom  the  OripinaJ  in  Sancroft's  hand,  in  the  Bodleian  Library. 


THE     LIFE     OE 


THOMAS  KEN.  D.D. 


BISHOP  OF  BATH  AND   WELLS 


By   E.    H.    PLUMPTRE,    D.D. 

DEAN    OF   WELLS 


WITH  ILLUSTRATIONS  BY  E.   W HTM  PER 


"Of  whom  the  world  was  not  worthy.' 


"  Isti  sunt  triurnphatores  et  amici  Dei,  qui,  contemnentes 
jussa  principum,  meruerunt  prsemia  aeterna  : 
Modo  coronantur  et  accipiunt  palmam. 

Isti  sunt  qui  venerunt  ex  magna  tribulatione  et 

laverunt  stolas  suas  in  sanguine  Agni : 
Modo  coronantur  et  accipiunt  palmam." 

IN  TWO    VOLUMES 
VOL.  II. 


NEW   YORK 

E.    &   J.    B.    YOUNG    &    CO. 

COOPER  UNION,  4th  AVENUE 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS. 

VOL.  II. 
XVIII. 

PAGE 

THE   TRIAL   OF    THE    SEVEN    BISHOPS,    A.D.    1688        .  .  1 

XIX. 
THE    REVOLUTION    OF   A.D.    1688 24 

XX. 

HESITATION   —    FINAL    DECISION  —  DEPARTURE      FROM 

WELLS,    A.D.    1689 — 1691  .  ...  .  .37 

Note.  —  BISHOP    KIDDER 60 

XXL 

KEN  AND    THE    NON-JURORS    TO    THE    DEATH    OF    MARY, 

A.D,     1689 — 1694 64 

Notes. — l.   THE  JACOBITE  LITURGY   AND   MODEST  ENQUIRY        82 


XXII. 
KEN      AND      THE     NON  -  JURORS      TO       THE     DEATH     OF 

WILLIAM    III.,    A.D.    1694—1702 95 

Note. — DID   KEN   WRITE    *  THE   ROYAL   SUFFERER?'.  .       115 

XXIII. 
KEN    AND   THE   NON-JURORS    UNDER    QUEEN    ANNE,    A.D. 

1702 — 1705 119 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 


XXIV. 
EPISODES   IN    PRIVATE    LIFE,    A.I).    1695 — 171"  : 


.. 


" 


1.  THE    "  STUDENT-PENITENT'      OF    169.5 

2.  THE   TRAGEDY    OF   STATFOLl)    . 
:j.  LEWIS   SOUTHCOMBE,    PENITENT 
4.  Till:    LADIES    OF    NAISH   COURT 
:>.  KEN   AND   ELIZABETH   ROWE   . 

G.  ken's  'LYRA  innocentium' 


1.').") 
160 
163 
167 

172 
174 


XXV. 
LITERARY    CORRESPONDENCE   WITH   DR.    THOMAS   SMITH 


XXYI. 

CLOSING   YEARS    AND    DEATH,    A.D.    1709 — 1711 


Appendix. — KEN'S   WILL 


XXVII. 

KEN'S   MORNING,  EVENING,  AND    MIDNIGHT    HYMNS 

XXVIII. 
KEN    AS    A    POET    AND    THEOLOGIAN 

XXIX. 
ESTIMATES,    CONTEMPORARY    AND    LATER 


179 

191 
206 

210 

231 

2.-)  7 


APPENDICES. 


T.    KEN     PORTRAITS 


II.    KEN's    BOOKS 


291 
294 


INDEX 


303 


KEN'S  LETTERS. 

VOL.    II. 


LETTER 

XXII.  To  Viscount  Weymouth.     (Longleat  MSS.)   . 

XXIII.  To  Lord  Dartmouth.     (Dartmouth  MSS.) 

XXIV.  To  Archbishop  Sancroft.     (R.,  p.  41.    A.,  p.  474) 

XXV.  To  Archbishop  Sancroft.     (A.,  p.  489.     From  Tanner  MSS 
xxviii.,  p.  299)  .... 

XXVI.  To  Viscount  Weymouth.     (Longleat  MSS.)    . 
XXVII.  To  Viscount  Weymouth.     (Longleat  MSS.)    . 
XXVIII.  To  Henry  Dodwell.     (Morrison  MSS.) 
XXIX.  To  Henry  Dodwell.     (Morrison  MSS.) 
XXX.  To  Bishop  Burnet.     (R.,  p.  18.     A.,  p.  530.     From  Hawkins, 

L'fe) 

To  Mrs.  Gkigge.     (B.,  ii.,  p.    192.     R.,   p 
Malet  MSS  )    . 


XXXI. 
XXXII.  To  the  Rev.  Mr 
XXXIII 


13. 


605 


Harbin. 
p.  370 


R.,  p.  44. 


XXXIV. 
XXXV. 

XXXVI. 
XXXVII. 

XXXVIII. 

XXXIX. 

XL. 

XLI. 

XLII. 
XLIII. 

XLIV 

XLV 


To  Archbishop  Sancroft. 
xxvii. 

(R.,p 

(A., 
App., 


To  Bishop  Lloyd. 
To  Robert  Nelson. 


(B  ,  ii.,  p.  198. 
From  Malet  MSS  )     . 
(A.,  p.  564.     From  Tanner  MSS 
p.  155)  .... 

48.     From  Williams  MSS.) 
p.   671.     From  Life   of  Kettlewell, 
p.  lxxxvi.) 


To  Viscount  Weymouth.     (Longleat  MSS.)   . 

To  Dr.   Thomas   Smith.       (R.,   p.   45.     From    Smith   MSS. 

Bodleian  Library)    .... 
To  Dean  Hickes.     (R.,  p.  48.     From  Bodleian  Library) 
To  Dean  Hickes.     (R.,  p.  50.     From  Bodleian  Library) 
To  Rev.  Mr.  Harbin.    (B.,  ii.,  p.  228.    R.,  p.  53.    A.,  p.  682 

From  Malet  MSS.) 
To  Rev.  Mr.  Harbin.      (B.,   ii.,  p.  231.       R.,  p.  54.     A.,  p 

682.     From  Malet  MSS.) 
To  Henry  Dodwell.     (Communicated  by  Rev.  Canon  Moor) 


To  Bishop  Lloyd. 


To  Bishop  Lloyd. 


To  Bishop  Lloyd. 


(R.,  p.  55. 

MSS.)       . 
(R.,  p.  55. 
MSS.)      . 
(R.,  p.  54. 


A.,  p.  699.  From  Williams 
A.,  p.  699.  From  Williams 
From  Williams  MSS.)   . 


PAGE 

13 
15 
22 

28 
37 
39 
41 
42 

48 

52 

54 

66 

78 

102 
106 

107 
108 
110 

111 

112 
113 

120 

122 
123 


viii  A'hWS    LETTERS. 

LKTTKK  PA01 

XLVL  To  Bishop  Lloyd.     (B.,  ii.,  246.    II.,  p.  08.     From  Williams 

MSS.) 124 

XLVII.  To  Bishop  Lloyd.    (E.,  p.  69.    From  Williams  MSS.)  .     125 

XL\  111.  To  Bishop  Lloyd.     (It.,  p.  GO.     Brom  Williams  MSS.)  .     126 

XLIX.  To  Bishop  Lloyd.     (R.,  p.  61.     A.,  p.  703.    From  Williams 

MSS.) 127 

L.  To  Bishop  Lloyd.     (R.,  p.  62.     A.,  p.  704.     From  Williams 

MSS.) 128 

LI.  To  Bishop  Lloyd.     (R.,  p.  63.     A.,  p.  706.     From  Williams 

MSS.) 129 

LII.  To  Bishop  Lloyd.     (R.,    p.  64.     A.,   p.  70.     From  Williams 

MSS.) 129 

LIII.  To  Bishop  Lloyd.     (R.,  p.  65.     A.,  p.  713.     From  Williams 

MSS.) 130 

LIV.  To  Bishop  Hooper.     (B.,  ii.,  p.  249.     R.,  p.  65.     A.,  p.  712. 

From  Prowsc  MS.) 131 

LV.  To  Bishop  Lloyd.     (B.,   ii.,  p.  241.     It.,  p.  66.     A.,  p.  712. 

From  Williams  MSS.)      ....     133 
LVI.  To  Bishop  Hooper.     (B.,  ii.,  p.  250.     R.,  p.  67.     A.,  p.  714. 

From  Browse  MS.) 134 

LVI1.  To  Bishop  Lloyd.     (R.,  p.  80.    A.,  p.  715.     From  WiUiams 

MSS.) 138 

LVIII.  To  Bishop  Lloyd.     (R.,  p.  81.     A.,  p.  716.     From  WiUiams 

MSS.) -  .139 

LIX.  To  Bishop  Lloyd.     (R.,  p.  82.     From  Williams  MSS.)  .         .     140 
LX.  To  Bishop  Lloyd.     (R.,  p.  68.     A.,  p.  718.     From  Williams 

MSS.) 141 

LXI.  To  Bishop  Lloyd.     (It.,  p.  68.     A.,  p.  720.     From  Williams 

MSS.) 143 

LXII.  To  Bishop  Lloyd.     (B.,  ii.,  p.  262.     R.,  p.  74.     A.,  p.  723. 

From  Williams  MSS.)      .         .         .         .145 
LXIII.  To  Bishop  Lloyd.     (R.,  p.  76.     A.,  p.  724.     From  Williams 

MSS.) 146 

LXIV.  To  Bishop  Lloyd.     (It.,  p.  78.     A.,  p.  727.     From  Williams 

MSS.) 149 

LXV.  To  Bishop  Hooper.     (B.,  ii.,  p.  252.     R.,  p.  78.     A.,  p.  730. 

From  Prowse  MS.) 150 

I, XVI.  To  Bishop  Lloyd.     (B.,  p.  60.     A.,   p.  732.     From  Williams 

MSS.) 152 

I. XVII.  To  Bishop  Hooper.     (B.,  ii.,  p.  253.     It.,  p.  79.     A.,  p.  735. 

From  Prowse  MS.) 153 

I,X  VIII.  To  Mrs.  Graham.     (From  Paget's  Student  Penitent)       .        .     158 
LXIX.  To  Viscount  Wbymouth.     (Longleat  MSS.)  .        .        .        •     170 
LXX.  To  Viscount  Wbymouth.     (Longleat  MSS.)  ....     171 
LXXI.  To   Dk.  Thomas  Smith.     (R.,  p.  84.     From  Smith  MSS.  in 

Bodleian  Library)  .        .        .        .        .181 
I. XXII.  To  Db.  Thomas  Smith.    (R.,  p.  86.     Prom  Smith  MSS.,  in 

Bodleian  Library) 181 


KEN'S  LETTERS.  ix 

LETTER  PAGE 

LXXIII.  To  Dr.  Thomas  Smith.     (R.,  p.  89.     From  Smith  MSS.,  in 

Bodleian  Library) 182 

LXXIV.  To  Dr.  Thomas  Smith.     (R.,  p.  92.     From  Smith  MSS.,  in 

Bodleian  Library)   .         .         .         .         .184 
LXXV.  To  Dr.  Thomas  Smith.     (R.,  p.  93.     From  Smith  MSS.,  in 

Bodleian  Library) 184 

LXXYI.  To  Dr.   Thomas  Smith.     (R.,  p.  95.     From  Smith  MSS.  in 

Bodleian  Library)    .         .         .         .         .185 
LXXVII.  To  Dr.  Thomas  Smith.     (R.,  p.  98.     From  Smith  MSS.  in 

Bodleian  Library) 186 

LXXVIII.  To  Dr.  Thomas  Smith.     (R.,  p.  161.     From  Smith  MSS.,  in 

Bodleian  Library) 187 

LXXIX.  To  Dr.  Thomas  Smith.     (R.,  p.  104.     From  Smith  MSS.,  in 

Bodleian  Library) 188 

LXXX.  To  Dr.  Thomas  Smith.     (R.,  p.  10cS     From  Smith  MSS.  in 

Bodleian  Library) 189 

LXXXI.  To  Henry  Dodwell.     (From  Morrison  MSS.)         .         .         .193 
,  LXXXIL  To  Robert  Nelson.     (A.,  p.  776.     From  Mai  shall '§  Defence  of 

Constitution,  1717) 194 

LXXXITI.  To  Henry  Dodwell.  (Communicated  by  T.  M.  Fallow,  Esq.)  195 
LXXXI  V.  To  Viscount  Weymouth.  (Longleat  MSS.)  .  .  .  .196 
LXXXV.  To   Rev.    Mr.    Cressy.      (Sloane    MSS.,    4,274-15,  British 

Museum) 197 


ABBREVIATIONS. 

A — Anderdon,  Life  of  Ken,  by  A  Layman.     Second  Edition. 

B — Bowj.es,   Life  of  Lien. 

R — Round,  Prose  Works  of  Ken. 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS 


VOL.  II. 


Fac-simile  of  the   Draft    Petition  of  the    Seven    Bishops 

(from  the  Original  in  Sancroft's  Hand,  in  the  Bodleian  Library)    Frontispiece 

Medals  to  Commemorate  Acquittal  of  the  Seven  Bishops       .         .         .  9,  36 


Sancroft's  Design  for  Medal   . 
Longleat  . 

Fac-stmile  of  Lettkr  from  Ken 
Ken's  Paten  and  Chalice 
Ken's  Tomr         .... 
Ken's  Coffee-Pot 


11 
57 

112 

190 
205 
2o0 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

THE    TRIAL    OF    THE    SEVEN    BISHOPS. 

"  And  next  I  mark,  'twas  trial  did  convey 

Or  grief,  or  pain,  or  strange  eventful  day, 
To  my  tormented  soul  such  larger  grace." 

/.  H.  Newman. 

The  tale  of  that  passage  from  Whitehall  Stairs  to  the  Traitors* 
Gate,  on  the  evening  of  that  "  Black  Friday,"  June  8th,  has 
been  told  by  many  masters  of  narrative.  We  see  the  crowds 
that  follow  the  Bishops  to  the  river's  edge,  and  kneel,  asking 
for  their  blessing,  or  rush  towards  the  boats,  that  they  may 
grasp  their  hands  or  touch  the  hem  of  their  garments.  We  hear 
the  shouts  of  the  thousands  who  greeted  them  as  the  saviours 
of  their  Church  and  country.  Even  the  soldiers  of  the  Tower 
by  turns  fall  on  their  knees  before  them,  and  drink  their  health, 
in  spite  of  orders  to  the  contrary,  with  three  times  three.  To 
one  of  those  who  listened  to  that  clamour  there  must  have 
come,  if  I  mistake  not,  as  there  did  to  William  III.,  when  he 
too  was  for  the  moment  the  idol  of  the  people,  the  memory  of 
a  crowd  that  once  shouted  to-day,  '  Hosanna,'  and  to-morrow, 
1  Crucify. '  We  at  least  may  remember  that,  within  two  years 
from  that  day,  men  were  writing  pamphlets  against  Ken  and 
the  other  non-juring  Bishops,  and  were  stirring  up  the  people 
to  that  form  of  *  lynching '  which  was  then  known  as  *  De 
Witting,'  a  phrase  which  to  Ken,  who  had  lived  in  Holland, 
was  only  too  terribly  significant  (p.  66). 

Men  noticed  at  the  time,  and  doubtless  the  Bishops  them- 
selves felt,  that  the  Second  Lesson  for  that  day,  as  the  Calendar 
then  stood  (2  Cor.  vi.),  seemed  as  if  it  had  a  special  message  to 
those  who,  like  St.  Paul,  were  called  to   "  approve  themselves 


2  TRIAL   OF  THE  SEVEN  BISHOPS.       [chap.  xvm. 

as  ministers  of  God,  in  much  patience,  in  afflictions,  in  dis- 
tresses, in  stripes,  in  imprisonments,  in  tumults,  in  labours,  in 
wat chings,  in  fastings."  Some  of  them  may  have  remembered 
how  the  Lesson  for  the  day  (Matt,  xxvii.)  had  brought  a  like 
message  to  Charles  I.  on  the  morning  of  his  execution.  On 
June  10th,  Trinity  Sunday,  the  prisoners  received  the  Holy 
Communion  in  the  Tower  Chapel.  The  Chaplain  had  received 
special  orders  from  Sunderland  to  read  the  Declaration.  He 
chose  rather  to  suffer  affliction  with  the  confessors  who  were 
communicating  with  him,  did  not  read  it,  and  was  dismissed 
from  his  office.  The  week  that  followed  was  one  continual 
hrrc.  The  Bishops  were  allowed  to  walk  in  the  precincts  of 
the  Tower,  and  crowds  of  all  classes,  including  the  very  soldiers 
on  guard,  came  to  ask  their  blessing.  The  courtyard  was 
crowded  with  the  carriages  of  those  of  higher  rank,  among  whom 
Clarendon  was  conspicuous.  Ten  Nonconformists  came  to  ex- 
press their  sympathy  and  admiration.1  Evelyn  paid  a  visit  on 
June  13th,  of  which  Sancroft,  Ken,  Turner,  and  Lloyd  were 
the  special  objects.  We  note,  with  something  of  the  feeling 
that  "  such  is  life  !  "  that  the  next  entry  in  his  Liar//  records 
that  he  dined  on  the  following  day  with  Jeffreys,  and  wonder 
whether  his  visit  to  the  Bishops  formed  a  topic  of  conversation. 
One  memorable  event  was  brought  to  the  Bishops'  knowledge 
whilst  they  were  in  the  Tower.  On  the  morning  of  Sunday, 
June  10th,  the  long-expected  heir  to  the  throne  was  born  at 
St.  James's  Palace,  to  which  the  Queen  had  been  carried 
after  midnight  from  Whitehall.  Sunderland  and  the  Roman 
Catholic  lords,  supported  by  Jeffreys,  urged  the  King  to 
signalize  the  occasion  by  a  general  pardon,  but  in  vain.-  That 
birth  was  destined  to  play  a  memorable  part  in  the  life  of  each 
of  the  prisoners,  to  determine  their  decisions  on  great  critical 
questions  this  way  or  that,  to  advance  two  to  higher  positions 
in  the  Church,  to  consign  the  other  five  to  an  old  age  of  depri- 
vation and  poverty.  These  last,  at  all  events,  were  not  likely 
to  give  credence  to  the  "warming-pan"  story,  which  William 
affected  to  believe,  on  which  Burnet  and  Lloyd  again  and 
again     insisted,     but    which    has  now    been  relegated    to    the 

1  Rereeby,  p.  3!  -  Clarendon,  Li.  206. 


a.d.  1688.]  WILLIAM  PENN.  3 

mythical  history  which  is  the  offspring  of  popular  suspicion. 
Neither  then,  nor  afterwards,  did  Ken  doubt  the  legitimacy  of 
the  Prince.  For  him,  at  least,  who  believed  the  father  to  be 
incapable  of  such  a  fraud,  the  son  was  never  the  Pretender. 

Their  imprisonment  did  not  last  long.  Within  a  week  of 
their  committal,  on  June  15,  the  Bishops  were  brought  before 
the  Court  of  King's  Bench,  and  this  time,  the  question  having 
been  argued  and  decided  against  them,  they  did  not  stand  on 
their  privilege  as  peers,  and  were  content  to  enter  into  their 
own  recognisances.  Had  they  been  required  to  find  sureties, 
Halifax,  or  Compton,  had  arranged  to  find  three  peers  for  each 
of  the  seven.  It  was  said  that  an  eminent  Nonconformist  of 
the  City  had  "  asked  for  the  special  honour  of  being  allowed 
to  give  surety  for  Ken."  *  Their  progress  to  and  from  the 
Court  was  attended  by  the  same  expressions  of  enthusiasm  as 
had  been  shown  on  their  passage  to  the  Tower.  When  they 
were  seen  to  leave  it,  no  longer  in  custody,  there  were  shout- 
ings and  ringing  of  bells.  The  Abbey  struck  up  a  peal,  which 
Sprat,  as  its  Dean,  quickly  silenced.  The  prelates  made  their 
way  to  their  own  houses,  or  to  those  of  their  friends  ;  Ken, 
probably,  to  his  friend  Hooper's  Pectory,  at  Lambeth.  Cart- 
wright,  the  so-called  "Papist"  Bishop  of  Chester,  one  of 
James's  most  servile  tools,  had  mingled  with  the  crowd,  and 
was  taken  by  some  one,  who  did  not  know  him,  for  one  of  the 
seven  Confessors.  The  man  asked  his  blessing,  and  the  Bishop 
gave  it.  Soon  the  mistake  was  discovered,  and  the  suppliant 
told  the  "Popish  dog"  to  take  his  blessing  back.  The  trial 
was  fixed  for  the  29th  of  June,  and  the  fortnight  that  followed 
the  release  of  the  Bishops  was  spent  by  them  in  consultations 
with  counsel,  in  receiving  letters  from  all  parts  of  the  kingdom, 
even  from  the  Presbyterians  of  Scotland,  of  grateful  sympathy 

1  Macaulay,  chap.  viii.  Mr.  Anderdon  (p.  432)  obtained  from  Macaulay  the 
nformaiion  that  the  Nonconformist  was  a  Quaker.  The  fact  was  reported  in 
a  dispatch  from  the  Dutch  envoy  in  London.  It  is,  I  think,  a  probable  con- 
jecture that  the  Quaker  in  question,  if  not  William  Perm  himself,  was  one 
acting  under  his  influence.  Penn  had  been  to  St.  James's  on  the  morning  of 
the  previous  Sunday,  and  had  urged  the  King  to  take  the  opportunity  of  the 
Prince's  birth,  and  to  release  the  Bishops  as  an  act  of  grace  and  amnesty. 
The  three  peers  who  were  to  have  answered  for  Ken  were  the  Earls  of  Clarej 
Shrewsbury,  and  Dorset. — Gutch,  Coll.  Curiosa,  i.  356. 


4  TRIAL   OF  Tin-   SEVEN  BISHOPS.        [chap,  xviii. 

and  adhesion.  Everywhere  the  feeling  of  the  people  showed 
itself  in  clamorous  demonstrations.  The  men  of  Cornwall 
revived  the  burden  of  an  old  ballad,  and  shouted  : — 

••  And  have  they  fixed  the  where  and  when, 
And  must  Trelawney  die  ? 
Then  thirty  thousand  Cornish  men 
Will  know  the  reason  why."  ■ 

The  memorable  29th  at  last  came,  and  the  lovers  of  coin- 
cidences noted,  as  doubtless  the  Bishops  themselves  felt,  that  the 
services  of  the  day,  St.  Peter's  day,  were  singularly  appropriate. 
They  told  of  the  Apostle  who,  because  he  had  said  that  he  must 
"  obey  God  rather  than  man,"  had  been  cast  into  prison,  and 
had  been  delivered  from  it  by  the  ministration  of  an  angel. 
The  trial,  as  such,  belongs  to  general  history  rather  than  to  the 
biography  of  Ken.  It  has  been  told,  with  more  or  less  fulness, 
over  and  over  again,  and  is  probably  sufficiently  familiar  to  all 
who  read  these  pages.  I  must  resist  the  temptation  to  tell  a 
twice-told  tale  yet  once  more,  and  will  content  myself  with 
what  seems  to  me  to  fall  within  my  province,  by  attempting  to 
enter,  more  or  less  conjecturally,  of  course,  into  Ken's  feelings, 
as  he  watched,  in  silent  expectancy,  the  proceedings  of  the  trial. 
To  him,  I  conceive,  the  earlier  part  of  those  proceedings  must 
have  seemed  eminently  unsatisfactory.  The  counsel  for  the 
defence  tried,  as  they  were,  of  course,  bound  to  do,  to  win 
a  verdict  for  their  clients  on  purely  technical  grounds.  There 
was  no  sufficient  proof  that  the  petition  and  the  signatures  were 
in  the  handwriting  of  the  accused.  When  that  point  was  settled 
by  the  evidence  of  Blathwayt,  a  clerk  of  the  Council,  who  had 
been  present  when  the  King  interrogated  the  Bishops  on 
June  8th,  and  swore  that  he  had  heard  the  seven  prelates  own 
their  signatures,  they  argued  that  that  confession  had  been 
given  under  a  promise  from  the  King  that  it  should  not  be 
used  against  them.  When  that  plea  was  set  aside  by  the  wit- 
ness swearing  that  there  had  been  no  express  promise,  they 

1  Macaulay  (chap,  viii.)  quotes  the  lines  with  a  variation,  as  if  thoy  had  h  en 
composed  with  special  reference  to  the  Bishop.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  however, 
thev  referred  to  an  earlier  Trelawney,  who  had  supported  Parkin  Warbeck  against 

It*  in  y  VI  I,  and    was  imprisoned  at   the   time   in  the  Tower. — Strickland.   Lif)99t 

p.  366.  Compare  the  poem  based  upon  the  lines  by  the  Rev.  E£.  8.  Hawker,  ol 
Morwenstow.    Another  version  gives,  "Then  thirty  thousand  underground." 


a.d.  1688.]  PROGRESS  OF  TEE  TRIAL.  5 

started  the  objection  that  there  was  no  evidence  that  the  petition 
had  been  written  in  the  county  of  Middlesex  ;  Sancroft,  indeed, 
who  had  written  out  the  petition,  had  never  left  Lambeth, 
which  was  not  in  Middlesex.  The  Crown  lawyers  changed 
their  ground  and  undertook  to  prove  that  the  petition,  though 
not  written,  had  been  published,  i.e.  presented  to  the  King,  in 
that  county.  But  of  this  there  was  at  first  no  evidence.  No  one 
had  been  present  when  the  Bishops  presented  the  petition,  and 
the  King  could  not  be  put  in  the  witness-box.  Pepys  and  other 
witnesses,  including  Blathwayt,  who  had  been  present  at  the 
Council,  while  they  remembered  the  Bishops  owning  their  sig- 
natures, could  not  swear  that  they  had  admitted  the  delivery. 
That  difficulty  was  got  over  by  sending  for  Sunderland,  j  ust  as 
the  Chief  Justice  was  about  to  charge  the  jury,  and  direct  a 
verdict  of  acquittal.  He  came,  and  proved  that  the  Bishops  had 
shown  him  a  petition,  and  that  he  admitted  them  into  the  royal 
closet ;  and  this  was  held  to  be  sufficient  presumptive  evidence 
of  publication,  and  so  that  point  had  to  be  abandoned.  All  this,  I 
imagine,  must  have  seemed  to  Ken  and  his  fellows  wearisome  and 
unsatisfying.  To  be  set  free  on  such  grounds  as  these  would  settle 
nothing  for  the  future,  and  would  leave  the  whole  battle  of  the 
constitution  to  be  fought  over  again.  It  must  have  been  a  real 
relief  to  them,  when  they  heard  the  discussion  pass  to  the  graver 
questions  of  the  King's  dispensing  power  and  of  the  subject's 
right  to  petition.  Their  hearts  must  have  burnt  within  them, 
as  they  listened  to  that  five  minutes'  speech  with  which  Somers 
ended  the  pleadings  on  their  side,  and  which  established  his 
fame  both  as  an  orator  and  constitutional  lawyer.  One  by  one 
he  went  through  every  word  of  the  indictment.  The  petition 
was  not  false,  for  every  fact  stated  in  it  could  be  proved  ;  it  was 
not  malicious,  for  the  Bishops  had  taken  no  action  till  they  had 
to  choose  between  the  King's  command  and  their  own  con- 
science ;  not  seditious,  for  it  had  not  been  by  them  scattered 
abroad  among  the  people,  but  delivered  into  the  King's  own 
hands ;  not  a  libel,  because  not  a  single  phrase  passed  the  limits 
of  humble  supplication. 

After  replies  from  the  Attorney-  and  Solicitor- Generals,  the 
latter  contending  that  the  Bishops  had  no  right  to  petition 
except  in  Parliament,  the  judges  summed  up,  each  giving  his 

VOL.    II.  B 


6  TRIAL   OF  THE  SEVEN  BISHOPS.       [chap,  xviii. 

own  view  of  the  case.  The  Chief  Justice  was,  on  the  whole, 
against  the  prisoners,  though  he  did  not  go  all  lengths  with  the 
Solicitor-General.1  Allibone,  a  Roman  Catholic,  took  the  same 
line.  Holloway  held,  without  giving  an  opinion  on  the  dis- 
pensing power,  that  the  petition  was  such  as  subjects  who 
think  themselves  aggrieved  had  a  right  to  present,  and  was 
therefore  not  a  libel.  Powell  took  a  bolder  tone,  treated  the 
Declaration  of  Indulgence  as  a  nullity,  and  pronounced  against 
the  dispensing  power  as  making  an  end  of  parliaments. 
"  That,  issue,  gentlemen,"  he  said,  "  I  leave  to  God  and  your 
consciences." 

It  was  already  dark.  The  prisoners  were  allowed,  as  before, 
to  go  to  their  homes,  and  the  jury  were  locked  up  for  the  night 
to  consider  their  verdict.  One  of  them,  Arnold,  the  King's 
brewer,  was  reported  to  have  said  that  he  would  hold  out  to 
the  last  for  a  verdict  of  guilty.  It  was  a  night  of  agitated 
expectancy  for  all  concerned,  for  the  King  and  his  advisers,  for 
the  defendants  and  their  friends,  for  the  population  of  London, 
for  the  whole  Church  and  nation.  But  expectancy  at  such  a 
time  takes  different  forms,  according  to  the  diversity  of  men's 
characters.  I  confine  myself  to  asking  how  that  night  was 
likely  to  be  passed  by  a  man  like  Ken,  feeling,  as  he  did,  all 
the  issues  for  himself  and  others  that  hung  on  the  verdict  of  the 
morrow.  The  region  to  which  that  inquiry  leads  us  is  one  on 
which  we  may  well  enter  with  reverent  feet,  and  our  words 
should  be  wary  and  few ;  but  I  seem  to  myself  to  hear  in  those 
midnight  hours  some  such  words  as  these,  "  Father,  forgive 
them,  for  they  know  not  what  they  do ;  "  "  If  it  be  possible, 
let  this  cup  pass  from  me;"  "  Lord,  lay  not  this  sin  to  their 
charge;"  perhaps,  also,  words  like  those  which  had  passed 
from  the  lips  of  William  Tyndale  on  the  scaffold  at  Vilvorde, 
"  Lord,  open  the  King  of  England's  eyes." 

The  jury  were  heard  to  be  in  loud  debate  at  midnight,  and 
again  at  three  a.m.  It  was  rumoured  once  more  that  Arnold 
was  holding  out  against  the  rest.  At  ten  the  next  morning 
the  court  met.  The  accused  were,  as  before,  at  the  bar. 
Then  came  the  well-known    scene.     Sir  Roger  Langley,   the 

1  "He  behaved  with  great  moderation  and  civility  to  the  Bishops." — Evelyn, 
June  29th,  1688. 


a.d.  1688.]  VERDICT  OF  ACQUITTAL.  7 

foreman  of  the  jury,  reported,  in  answer  to  the  questions  of 
the  Clerk  of  Assize,  that  the  jury  were  agreed,  and  that  their 
verdict  was  "  Not  Guilty."  *  How  Halifax  waved  his  hat,  and 
the  people  shouted  by  their  thousands,  first  in  the  court  and 
then  in  Westminster  Hall — a  shout,  as  Reresby  describes  it, 
which  was  a  "  very  rebellion  of  noise ;  "  how  the  clamours,  as 
Williams  told  the  Nuncio2  and  Sunderland,  were  mingled  with 
tears  of  joy ;  how  loud  and  long  huzzas  took  up  the  accla- 
mations in  Whitehall,  in  the  Strand,  the  Temple,  and  the  City  ; 
how  messengers  on  horseback  carried  the  tidings  far  and  wide 
throughout  the  country;  how  the  news  reached  James  in  the 
camp  at  Hounslow,  and  how  he  said,  when  he  was  told  that  the 
Bishops  were  acquitted,  Taut  pis  pour  eux ;  how,  as  soon  as  his 
back  was  turned,  the  soldiers  burst  into  cheers,  which  they  had 
repressed  while  he  was  still  in  the  camp,  and  how  James  asked 
what  the  shouts  meant,  and  Feversham  told  him  that  it  was 
nothing  but  the  troops  huzzaing  for  the  acquittal  of  the 
Bishops,  and  the  King  said,  "  Do  you  call  that  nothing  ? " 
and  fell  back,  as  before,  on  the  ill-boding  words  Tant  pis  pour 

1  The  fate  of  those  who  serve  on  a  jury  in  some  important  crisis  of  national 
history  has  always  seemed  to  me  a  strange  instance  of  the  irony  of  fortune.  For 
a  few  hours  or  days  every  one  watches  them,  thinks  of  them,  talks  of  them, 
and  then  their  names  sink  into  the  dim  obscure.  On  the  principle  of  giving 
honour  where  honour  is  due,  I  print  the  list  of  the  jury  who  returned  the  ver- 
dict that  determined  the  course  of  English  history  : — 

Names  of  the  Jury  on  the  Trial  of  the  Seven  Bishops. 
Sir  Eoger  Langley,  of  Westminster,  Foreman. 
Sir  William  Hill,  Teddington. 
Robert  Jennings,  Hayes,  Esq. 
Thomas  Harriot,  Islington,  Esq. 
Jeffrey  Nightingale,  St.  Giles,  Cripplegate,  Esq. 
William  Withers,      ditto  ditto,  Esq. 

William  Dacres,  Enfield,  Esq. 
Thomas  Austin,  South  Minis,  Esq. 
Nicolas  Grice,  Heston,  Esq. 
Michael  Arnold,  Westminster,  Esq. 
Thomas  Done,  St.  Giles-in-the-Fields,  Esq. 
Richard  Shoreditch,  Tottenham. 

The  jury  would  seem  to  have  been,  as  was  natural  in  such  a  case,  a  special 
one.  Should  these  pages  fall  under  the  notice  of  any  of  their  descendants  I  shall 
be  glad  if  they  will  favour  me  with  any  information  as  to  the  life  and  character  of 
those  to  whom  England  owes  so  much. 

2  Adda  says  il  Avvocato.     Possibly  he  may  have  meant  Powys. 

B  2 


8  TRIAL  OF  THE  SEVEX  BISHOPS.       [chap,  xyiii. 

eur — of  all  this  we  may  say,  Is  it  not  written  in  the  pages  of 
Macaulay  ?  * 

It  was,  perhaps,  significant  of  the  prominent  position  that 
Ken  had  occupied  throughout,  that  his  name  followed  Sancrof  t's 
in  the  indictment,  and  that,  when  the  prelates  left  the  court, 
he  accompanied  the  Primate  in  his  carriage.  Their  journey, 
which  was,  perhaps,  intentionally  made  in  this  way,  and  instead 
of  being  by  water,  took  them  through  the  Strand,  Fleet  Street, 
Ludgate  Hill,  Cheapside,  across  London  Bridge,  and  so  on  by 
Southwark  to  Lambeth,  had  the  character  of  a  triumphal  pro- 
cession. The  crowds  gathered  round  the  coach,  and  insisted 
on  both  the  prelates  giving  them  their  blessing.  They,  of 
course,  complied  with  the  request,  and  as  they  did  so,  repeated, 
again  and  again,  the  counsel,  "  Keep  to  your  religion."  2 

That  30th  of  June  was,  however,  memorable,  in  yet  another 
way,  in  its  bearing  on  the  history  of  England.  It  was  on  that 
day  that  Henry  Sidney  dispatched  the  famous  memorial  to  Wil- 
liam, signed  by  some  of  the  chief  nobles  and  statesmen  of 
England,  begging  him  to  come  over  and  help  them,  and  defend 
their  religion  and  their  liberties.  Compton,  who  had  all  along 
been  privy  to  the  negotiations,  was  the  only  bishop  who 
signed  it. 

The  week  that  followed  was  one  of  rejoicing  through  the 

1  The  counsel  who  defended  the  Bishops  were  Sir  Rohert  Sawyer  (i.  90,  n.  3), 
Pollexfen,  Finch,  Somers.  It  may  he  mentioned  that  Sawyer  and  Finch,  on  one 
occasion,  refused  their  fees  of  twenty  guineas.  The  costs  were  assessed  at 
.£240  16s.  6d.,  and  were  paid  by  the  Bishops  at  the  rate  of  six  per  cent,  on  the 
revenues  of  their  sees — Sancroft's  being  estimated  at  £4,000,  Turner's  at  £2,000, 
Ken's  at  £900.  (Dallaway's  Western  Sussex,  p.  91 ;  Gutch,  Collect.  Curios.,  ii.,  368 
— 380.)  The  expenses  included  an  express  sent  by  Ken  to  Oxford,  and  two  to 
Exeter  (Ibid.  ii.  377).  They  were  probably  intended  to  urge  the  bishops  or  deans 
of  those  cities  to  follow  the  example  of  the  Seven  Confessors  in  refusing  to  read 
the  Declaration.  Trelawney,  in  a  letter  to  Sancrof t,  of  August  16th,  1688, 
refers  to  letters  which  he  and  Ken  had  written  to  Bishop  Lamplugh  to  that 
effect.  That  prelate's  motto,  however,  was,  "I  will  be  safe,"  and  he  was 
rewarded  for  his  subservience  with  the  Archbishopric  of  York.  The  Dean  was 
faithful  to  his  trust. 

2  Ken  was  staying  with  his  friend  Hooper  at  Lambeth  Rectory  (Prowse  IMS.). 
The  Grenadiers  of  Lord  Lichfield's  regiment,  who  had  been  ported  at  Lambeth, 
received  the  Archbishop  with  military  honours,  made  a  lane  for  his  passage  from 
the  river  to  the  palace,  and  fell  on  their  knees  to  ask  his  blessing. — Ellis,  Corrtsp., 
i.  350.  in  Anderdon  (p.  433).  This,  however,  was  on  June  loth,  on  their  release 
from  the  Tower. 


a.d.  1688.] 


MEDALS. 


whole  kingdom  at  the  great  and  unlooked-for  deliverance. 
Portraits  of  the  Bishops  were  sold  by  thousands.1  Not  less  than 
eight  different  medals  were  issued  to  commemorate  their 
acquittal,  were  worn  round  the  neck,  treasured  up  in  families, 
handed  down   afterwards  as  heir -looms.2     The  Bishops  were 


MEDAL    TO    COMMEMORATE    ACQUITTAL    OF    SEVEN    BISHOPS. 


1  The  Sutherland  Collection  in  the  Bodleian  contains  a  series  of  seventeen 
folio  and  quarto  prints  of  the  seven  oval  portraits,  some  with  the  heading,  "The 
Seven  Candlesticks,"  for  which  the  sketches  were  taken  as  they  sat  in  court. 
One  of  these,  Gribelin's,  has  the  device,  "  Protestant  Christianity  restored  in 
England." 

2  I  reproduce  a  list  of  these  from  Anderdon. 

1 ■  1 .  The  White  Tower  of  London ;  in  the  distance  are  the  Bishops  approaching 
under  guard.  Legend,  probis  honori  infamleque  malis.  Honour  to 
the  good,  infamy  to  the  had.    Exurge.    archiepisc.  cantuar  :  episcopi- 

S?  ASAPH.    BATH.    ET   WELL.    ELY.    PETERB    CHICHEST.     BRIST.     INCARCER.  —% 
1688. 

The  Sun  and  Moon  equally  balanced  in  scales  suspended 
from  the  clouds.     Leg.     sic  sol  lunaque  in  libra. 
2\  inch  diam. 

2.  Bust  of  Abp.   Sancroft,  wearing  a  cap  and  robes.     Leg.  gvil.  san croft. 

archiepisc.  cantuar.  1688. 

Eev.    Busts  of  the  six  imprisoned  Bishops  round  that  of  the  Bp.  of 
London,  stars  interspersed,     g.b.f.     (Geo.  Bowers,  fecit.) 

Edge,     si  fractus  illabatur  orbis  impavidos  ferient  ruinje. 

2  inch  diam. 

3.  A  variety  of  the  preceding,  the  date  in  Roman  numerals. 

4.  Bust  of  Abp.  Sancroft,  same  as  No.  2. 

Eev.  Seven  stars  in  the  middle  of  the  starry  heavens.     Leg.  qvis 
restringet  pleiadvm  delicias.     iob.     c.  38.     (See  p.  36). 
2  inch  diam. 


10  TRIAL  OF  TEE  SEVEX  BISHOPS.       [chap,  xviii. 

received  on  their  return  to  their  dioceses  with  acclamations 
which  reminded  students  of  Church  history  of  those  which  had 
greeted  Athanasius  and  Chrysostom  on  their  return  from  exile.2 
Bonfires  and  ringing  of  bells  proclaimed,  as  at  Peterborough, 
the  joy  of  the  people,  where  the  thanksgiving  service  for  the 
birth  of  the  Prince  of  Wales  had  been  received  in  sullen 
silence.  In  what  way  Ken's  own  diocese  testified  its  joy  I 
have  not  as  yet  been  able  to  trace,  except  in  the  parish  of 
North  Curry,  where  the  bells  were  rung  "  on  the  deliverance 
of  the  Bishops  from  the  Tower.''  Letters  came  from  Scotland 
reporting  to  Sancroft  "  the  strange  news  that  the  Bishops  of 
England  are  in  great  veneration  among  the  Presbyterians  of 
Scodand.''2 

Ken  remained  for  some  time  in  town,  and  was  much  in  San- 

6.  Bust  of  Abp.  Sancroft,  wearing  a  cap  and  robes.     Leg.  gvil  Bancroft 

ARCHIEPS  CANT. 

Rev.   Church  founded  upon  a  rock,  in  the  midst  of  the  sea,  and 
assailed  by  the  four  winds.     Leg.  immota  triumphans. 
]i  inch  diam. 

6.  A  Jesuit  and  a  Monk,  with  spade  and  pickaxe,  endeavouring  to  undermine 

a  Church,  which  is  supported  by  a  hand  from  Heaven.     Leg.  the  gates 

OF    HELL    SHALL    NOT    PREVAILE.       Matt.  XVI.   18. 

Rev.  Seven  medallions  of  the  Archbishop  and  six  Bishops,  a  mitre 
over  each,  and  name  below.      Leg.  wisdom  hath  builded  her  hovs  : 

SHE    HATH    HEWEN    OVT    HER    7    FILLERS.       FrOV.  iz.  1. 

2\  inch  diam. 

7.  Same  device.     Leg.  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevaile  against  it. 

Rtv.  Seven  medallions  of  the  Archbishop   and  Bishops,  with  their 
names.     Stars  interspersed. 

Edge,  upon  this  rock  have  i  built  my  chirch. 
If  inch  diam. 

8.  A  Jesuit  and  a  Monk,  with  spade  and  pickaxe,  endeavouring  to  undermine 

a  Church,  supported  by  a  hand  from  Heaven;  the  field  chequered. 
Leg.  incuse,  the  gates  of  hell  shall  not  prevail  against  it.  A 
border  of  large  beads. 

Rev.  Medallions  of  the  Abp.  and  Bishops.     Legend  incuse  ;  the  field 
radiated. 

li  inch  diam." 

In  addition  to  these  there  is  the  singular  design  (p.  11)  found  in  Bancroft's 

papers  {Tanner  M8S.,  Bodleian  Library),  with  its  Greek  inscription.     I  know 

nothing  of  it  beyond  the  fact  of  its  existence,  and  am  in  doubt  whether  it  was 

meanl  for  p*  -  atation  to  the  Bishops'  counsel,  or  as  a  recognition  of  the  work 

.  i'  a  higher  Advocate. 

1  Overton,  Life  in  L.C.,  p.  82,  with  special  reference  to  Lake. 
"  Gutch,  Collect.  Curiosa,  i.,  383. 


a.d.  1688.]        INSTRUCTIONS  TO  THE  CLERGY. 


11 


croft's  counsels.  His  hand  is  to  be  traced,  with  a  probability- 
little  short  of  certainty,  in  the  Instructions1  which  the  Primate 
issued  to  the  Bishops  in  the  course  of  the  following  month.  The 
document  is  a  little  wordy,  and  I  give  extracts  that  sufficiently 
indicate  its  character,  instead  of  quoting  it  in  extenso. 

The  clergy  are  exhorted  to  be  patterns  of  all  holy  conversa- 
tion ;  to  be  constantly  resident ;  to  catechise  the  children ;  to 
have  daily  service  even  in  villages  ;  to  urge  frequent  commu- 


•0A  CiV£S*SMT&S'. 


nion.  They  are,  "  four  times  a  year  at  the  least,"  to  preach 
against  all  usurped  and  foreign  jurisdiction.  They  are  further, 
"the  King's  power  being  in  his  dominions  highest  under  God," 
upon  all  occasions  to  persuade  the  people  to  loyalty  and  obedi- 
ence to  his  Majesty  in  all  things  lawful,  and  to  patient  sub- 
mission in  the  rest ;  promoting,  as  far  as  in  them  lies,  the 
public  peace  and  quiet  of  the  world. 

They  are  further  to  "  exhort  all  those  of  our  communion  to 
continue  steadfast  to  the  end  in  their  most  Holy  Faith,  ...  to 

2  D'Oyly,  Lxfe  of  Saner  oft,  chap.  vii. 


12  TRIAL  OF  THE  SEVEX  BISHOPS,     [chap,  xviii. 

take  heed  of  all  seducers,  especially  of  Popish  emissaries ;  " 
and  inasmuch  as  "those  emissaries  were  commonly  most  busie 
and  troublesome  to  our  people  at  the  end  of  their  lives,  labour- 
ing to  proselite  and  perplex  them  in  time  of  sickness  and  in 
the  hour  of  death, n 1  the  clergy  were  to  be  more  diligent  than 
ever  in  the  work  of  visiting  the  sick,  "  watching  over  every 
sheep  within  their  fold  .  .  .  lest  those  evening  wolves  devour 
them."  In  what  follows  I  trace  Ken's  influence  yet  more 
distinctly.  It  is  entirely  on  the  lines  of  his  own  thought  and 
action,  and,  though  Bancroft  had  been  more  lenient  to  the  Dis- 
senters than  Sheldon,  is  in  advance  of  anything  he  had  before 
written.     The  Bishops  are  to  instruct  their  clergy — 

"That  they  also  walk  in  Wisdom  towards  those  that  are  not  of 
our  Communion :  and  if  there  be  in  their  Parishes  any  such,  that 
they  neglect  not  frequently  to  confer  with  them  in  the  Spirit  of 
Meekness,  seeking  by  all  good  ways  and  means  to  gain  and  win 
them  over  to  our  Communion :  More  especially  that  they  have  a 
very  tender  Regard  to  our  Brethren  the  Protestant  Dissenters ;  that 
upon  occasion  offered,  they  visit  them  at  their  houses,  and  receive 
them  kindly  at  their  own,  and  treat  them  fairly,  wherever  they  meet 
them,  discoursing  calmly  and  civilly  with  them ;  perswading  them  (if 
it  may  be)  to  a  full  Compliance  with  our  Church,  or  at  least,  that 
'  whereto  we  have  already  attained,  we  may  all  walk  by  the  same 
Rule,  and  mind  the  same  thing.'  And  in  order  hereunto  that 
they  take  all  opportunities  of  assuring  and  convincing  them,  that 
the  Bishops  of  this  Church  are  really  and  sincerely  irreconcileable 
Enemies  to  the  Errors,  Superstitions,  Idolatries  and  Tyrannies  of 
the  Church  of  Pome ;  and  that  the  very  unkind  Jealousies,  which 
some  have  had  of  us  to  the  contrary,  were  altogether  groundless. 

' '  And  in  the  last  place,  that  they  warmly  and  most  affectionately 
exhort  them,  to  join  with  us  in  daily  fervent  Prayer  to  the  God  of 
Peace,  for  an  universal  blessed  Union  of  all  Reformed  Churches,2  both 

1  Was  Ken,  or  Sancroft,  thinking  of  Charles  II.  and  Huddleston  ? 

2  The  words  seem  singularly  significant,  as  pointing  to  the  enlargement  of 
sympathies  which  followed  on  the  sense  of  a  common  danger.  The  Protestants 
of  Germany  and  Sweden,  the  Reformed  Churches  of  France,  Switzerland,  and 
Holland,  were  all  distinctly  recognised  as  Churches,  though  they  might  be  want- 
ing in  some  elements  of  polity  or  worship  that  were  necessary  for  the  complete- 
ness of  a  Church.  In  the  idealism  of  the  moment  the  hope  of  union  included 
the  Dissenting  Communities  in  England  and  the  Presbyterians  in  Scotland. 
Alas !  too  soon  the  dreamers  found  that  neither  the  hour,  nor  the  man,  had  come. 


a.d.  1688.]  FORECASTS.  13 

at  home  and  abroad,  against  our  common  Enemies  ;  that  all  they  who 
do  confess  the  holy  Name  of  our  dear  Lord,  and  do  agree  in  the 
Truth  of  His  holy  word,  may  also  meet  in  one  holy  Communion,  and 
live  in  perfect  Unity  and  godly  Love."1 

Ken,  we  may  assume,  was  active  in  circulating  the  Instruc- 
tions among  his  own  clergy,  and  in  exhorting  them  not  to 
read  the  King's  Declaration.  About  that  time,  I  think  it 
probable  that  he  returned  to  Wells,  and  that  the  following 
letter,  in  which  he  gives  his  forecast  as  to  the  impending 
crisis,  though  bearing  no  date  of  place,  was  written  from  the 
palace : — 

LETTER  XXII. 

To  Viscount  Weymouth. 
"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 
"  My  very  good  Lord, 
1 '  I  have  a  great  many  acknowledgments  to  returne  to  your  Lord- 
shippe  for  the  favour  of  your  last  visitt,  and  of  your  present  letter, 
wch  answers  those  intimations  I  gave  you  hence,  &  wh:  I  had 
received  when  I  was  last  in  Towne.  I  confess  I  do  believe  y*  God 
is  doing  some  great  thing  for  the  good  of  His  Church,  but,  in  all 
probability,  some  medicinall  Chastisement  will  goe  before,  to  render 
us  the  more  fitt  to  receive  a  blessing.  I  am  further  persuaded  y*  God 
will  doe  ye  work  Himself  e  :  so  that  wee  are  not  to  rely  on  ye  arme  of 
flesh  ;  but  ye  true  disposition  in  wch  this  Church  ought  now  to  be,  is 
most  appositely  describ'd  in  ye  first  Lesson  for  this  day,  wch  teaches 
us  ye  it  is  not  Ashur  y*  shall  save  us  (Hosea  xiv.  3),  but,  that  all 
our  hopes  of  God's  Goodnesse  to  us  &  of  our  own  prosperity,  y*  we 
shall  grow  as  the  Lily,  depends  on  our  Returning  unto  the  Lord. 
I  beseech  your  Lordshippe  to  present  my  most  humble  Service  to 
yr  Good  Lady,  ye  two  young  Ladys,  &  to  the  little  Gentileman,  &  to 
those  Country  Confessours  who  are  with  you.  The  blessing  of  this 
life  &  ye  next  be  multiplied  on  you  all.  God  of  His  Infinite  mercy 
give  us  grace  to  keep  ye  Word  of  His  Patience,  &  keep  us  in  the 
hour  of  temptation. 

"  My  Good  Lord, 
"Your  Lordshipp's  most  humble  &  affect:  Servant, 

"THO.  BATH  &  WELLS. 
"Sept.  1st  (1688)." 

1  Gutch's  Collectanea  Curiosa,  vol.  i.,  p.  386. 


14  TRIAL  OF  THE  SEVEN  BISHOPS.      [chap,  xyiii. 

[We  note  the  coincidence  of  thought  with  that  of  the  last  sermon  preached  at 
"Whitehall.  Ken  looked  forward,  as  Micah  and  Jeremiah  had  done,  to  the  discipline 
of  suffering.  The  reference  to  "  Ashur"  and  the  "arm  of  flesh"  obviously  points  to 
the  hopes  which  some  were  building  on  the  intervention  of  the  Prince  of  Orange, 
but  I  doubt  whether  Ken  knew  of  the  invitation  that  had  been  sent  off  on  the  very 
day  of  the  acquittal  of  the  Bishops,  signed  by  the  Earls  of  Devonshire,  Shrews- 
bury, Danby,  by  Compton,  Bishop  of  London,  William  Russell,  nephew  of 
the  Duke  of  Bedford,  Lord  Lumley,  and  Colonel  Churchill,  afterwards  Duke  of 
Marlborough.  The  "  Country  Confessours  "  are,  I  imagine,  parochial  clergy  who 
had  refused  to  read  the  Declaration  of  Indulgence.  The  steps  which  James  had 
taken,  within  a  fortnight  of  the  trial,  in  carrying  out  his  threat  of  Tant  pis 
pour  eux,  ordering  the  names  of  all  who  refused  to  read  the  Declaration  to  be 
sent  by  the  Chancellors  of  Dioceses  and  Archdeacons,  and  laid  before  the  Court 
of  Ecclesiastical  Commission,  might  well  entitle  those  who  followed  in  the  foot- 
steps of  the  Bishops,  to  that  honourable  title.  They  had  the  prospect  of  nothing 
less  than  deprivation,  fines,  imprisonment,  if  convicted,  and  of  being  tried,  not  by 
a  judge  and  jury,  but  by  a  tribunal  over  which  Jeffreys  presided,  and  which 
claimed  to  be  above  the  limitations  of  other  courts,  as  to  evidence  and  pro- 
cedure. The  threat  proved,  it  is  true,  a  brutum  fulmen.  The  Chancellors  and 
Archdeacons  made  no  returns.  Sprat,  Bishop  of  Rochester,  resigned  his  seat  on 
the  Commission.  He  had  read  the  Declaration  himself  in  obedience  to  the 
King's  commands,  but  he  could  not  condemn  the  thousands  of  pious  and  loyal 
divines  who  had  taken  a  different  view  of  their  duty.  The  Court  broke  up  in 
confusion,  and  never  met  again  to  take  any  active  measures.] 

Towards  the  end  of  September  the  King  was  informed  by 
Louis  XIV.,  on  the  report  of  the  French  ambassador  at  the 
Hague,  of  the  expedition  which  William  was  preparing,  of  the 
invitation  which  he  was  reported  to  have  received,  of  the  pre- 
sence in  Holland  of  English  nobles  and  gentlemen  who  had 
gone  over  to  support  him.1 

James  was  alarmed,  and  in  his  distress  turned  to  the  very 
men  whom  a  few  weeks  before  he  had  sent  to  the  Tower.  He 
clung,  we  may  believe,  to  the  hope  that  they,  at  least,  were 
loyal  to  him.  If  I  am  not  mistaken,  he  trusted  most  of  all  to 
Ken's  personal  affection.  The  Bishops  of  London,  Winchester, 
Ely,  Bath  and  Wells,  Peterborough,  Bristol  and  Rochester, 
received  a  letter  from  Sunderland  informing  them  that  the  King 

1  At  the  levee  on  September  24th,  James  reported  the  tidings  to  those  who 
attended  it.  "Now,"  he  said,  "  we  shall  see  what  the  Church  of  England  men 
will  do."  "Your  Majesty  will  see,"  was  Clarendon's  answer,  "that  they  will 
act  as  honest  men,  though  they  have  been  somewhat  ill-used  of  late."  On 
September  27th  Jeffreys,  who  was  getting  alarmed,  told  Clarendon  that  "  some 
rogues  had  changed  the  King's  mind,  that  he  would  yield  in  nothing  to  the 
Bishops;  that  the  Virgin  Mary  was  to  do  all." — Clarendon,  ii.,  pp.  221 — 244. 


a.d.  1688.]  SUMMONS  FROM  THE  KING.  15 

desired  to  speak  with  them,  and  fixing  September  28th,  10  a.m., 
for  their  attendance.  Ken's  answer,  addressed  to  Lord  Dart- 
mouth, who  apparently  had  transmitted  Sunderland's  letter,  or 
communicated  a  like  message,  is  as  follows  : 


LETTER  XXIII. 
To  Lord  Dartmouth. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 
"  My  very  good  Lord, 
"  The  expresse  your  Lordshippe  sent  I  just  now  reciev'd,  and  in 
obedience  to  his  Majesty's  pleasure,  by  whose  command  I  presume 
you  wrott,  I  will  make  what  haste  I  can  to  the  towne,  though  I  am 
the  more  unfitt  for  a  journy  because  I  came  a  tedious  one  yesterday. 
I  did  all  way  es  thinke  that  his  Majesty  could  never  believe  our 
Church  would  be  disloyall,  having  given  so  many  undeniable  in- 
stances to  the  contrary,  and  I  shall  be  allwayes  ready  to  serve  my 
Sovereign  to  the  utmost  of  my  power,  as  far  as  can  be  consistent  with 
my  superiour  duty  to  God  and  to  that  Holy  Eeligion  I  prof  esse.  The 
declaration  you  mention  is  not  yett  sent  downe,  which  I  should  have 
been  glad  to  have  seen  before  I  leave  this  place,  which  I  intend  to 
doe,  God  willing,  earelye  to  morrowe  that  I  may  reach  London  on 
"Wenesday  night  if  possible,  time  enough  I  hope  to  see  you  before 
you  goe.  My  humble  service  to  my  good  Lady.  God,  of  His  Infi- 
nite goodnesse,  multiply  his  blessings  on  you  booth,  and  on  your 
children  and  keepe  you  all  stedfast  in  our  most  Holy  faith. 

"THO.  BATH  &  WELLS. 

"Sept.  23  (1688)." 

[The  letter  exhibits  the  painful  conflict  in  Ken's  mind.  He  is  "  ready  to  serve 
his  Sovereign  to  the  utmost  of  his  power,"  hut  it  must  he  within  the  limits 
of  his  higher  duty.  He  still  cherished  the  hope,  apparently,  that  James,  in 
summoning  the  Bishops  to  advise  him,  was  willing  to  be  guided  by  their 
counsels.  The  declaration  referred  to  was  probably  that  which  James  issued  on 
September  21st,  announcing  his  resolution  to  maintain  the  Church  of  England. 
Ken's  hopes  of  being  in  time  to  see  Lord  Dartmouth  in  London  probably  refer 
to  that  nobleman's  appointment  as  Commander  of  the  Fleet  against  "William. 
It  was  on  this  occasion  that  the  offer  of  a  Chaplaincy,  referred  to  in  i.  163, 
was  made  to  Pechell,  Master  of  Magdalen  College,  Cambridge.] 

Ken  accordingly  presented  himself  with  five  other  Bishops — 
Winchester,  Ely,  Chichester,  Peterborough,  and  Rochester 
(Sancroft  was  unwell),  at  the  appointed  day  and  hour.     They 


16  TRIAL  OF  TEE  SETEN  BISHOPS.       [chap,  xyiii. 

found  James  in  one  of  bis  fits  of  oscillation.  He  would  not  ask 
their  advice  about  anything  definite,  but  contented  himself  with 
vague  professions  of  goodwill  towards  the  Church  of  England, 
and  with  lecturing  them  on  their  duty.  Ken,  who  clearly  took 
the  lead  in  the  interview,  had  to  express  his  own  disappointment 
and  that  of  his  brethren,  that  they  had  been  brought  up  to 
London  on  what  was  practically  a  fool's  errand.  "  His  Majesty's 
inclinations  towards  the  Church  and  their  duty  to  him  were 
sufficiently  understood  before,  and  would  have  been  equally  so, 
if  they  had  not  stirred  one  foot  out  of  their  dioceses." 

Sancroft,  on  hearing  from  the  Bishops  of  the  result  of  the 
conference,  went  to  the  King,  on  September  30th,  and  asked 
for  another  interview.  James  appointed  October  2nd.  In  the 
meantime  he  issued  a  proclamation  in  the  London  Gazette , 
calling  on  his  subjects  to  rally  round  him  against  William's 
invasion,  and  recalling  the  writs  which  he  had  issued  for  a  new 
parliament,  on  the  ground  of  the  confusion  into  which  the 
country  had  been  thrown  by  it.  On  the  3rd  of  October  (James 
had  been  engaged  on  the  2nd)  Sancroft,  with  Ken  and  the 
other  Bishops,  Winchester  excepted,  who  had  left  London, 
waited  on  him,  and  the  Primate,  after  mildly  expressing  his 
regret,  in  Ken's  very  words,  that  the  first  interview  had  not 
advanced  matters  further  than  "if the  Bishops  had  not  stirred 
one  foot  out  of  their  dioceses,"  presented  a  Memorial  which 
he  and  the  other  Bishops  had  drawn  up,  for  the  King's  con- 
sideration.1 It  was,  beyond  all  question,  a  State  paper  of  the 
first  order  of  importance,  a  Petition  of  Eights,  in  which  the 
gravamina,  of  which  the  Church  and  nation  complained,  were 
fully  and  deliberately  stated,  and,  as  such,  I  print  it  nearly 
in  extenso.     They  recommended  him 

"1st.  To  put  the  administration  of  government  in  the  several 
counties  into  the  hands  of  such  of  the  nobility  and  gentry  as  were 
legally  qualified  for  it. 

"  2nd.  To  annul  the  Ecclesiastical  Commission. 

1  D'Oyly,  p.  203.  The  Memorial  was  signed  by  all  the  Bishops  who  were 
present.     With  the  addition,  "  We  do  also  heartily  concur," 

H.  LONDON. 

P.  WINCHESTER. 

W.  ASAPH. 


a.d.  1688.]  2TEJI0RIAL  TO  THE  KING.  17 

"  3rd.  To  withdraw,  and  in  future  withhold,  all  dispensations, 
under  which  persons  not  lawfully  qualified  had  been,  or  might  be, 
put  into  offices  of  trust  and  preferment  in  Church  or  State,  or  in  the 
Universities,  especially  such  as  have  cure  of  souls  annexed  to  them, 
and  particularly  to  restore  the  President  and  Fellows  of  Magdalen 
College. 

1 '  4th.  To  withdraw  all  licenses  for  Roman  Catholics  to  teach  in 
public  schools. 

"  oth.  To  desist  from  the  dispensing  power,  until  that  point  had 
been  freely  and  calmly  debated,  and  settled,  in  Parliament. 

"  6th.  To  prohibit  the  four  foreign  Bishops,  who  styled  themselves 
Yicars  Apostolical,  from  further  invading  the  ecclesiastical  jurisdic- 
tion, which  is  by  law  vested  in  the  Bishops  of  the  English  Church. 

"  7th.  To  fill  the  vacant  Bishoprics,  and  other  ecclesiastical  pro- 
motions in  England  and  Ireland,  and  in  particular  the  Archiepiscopal 
chair  of  York,  which  had  been  so  long  vacant,  and  on  which  a  whole 
Province  depended.  ! 

"  8th.  To  restore  the  ancient  Charters  of  the  Corporations,  which 
had  been  forfeited. 

"  9th.  To  issue  writs  with  all  convenient  speed,  calling  a  free  and 
regular  Parliament,  for  the  purpose  of  securing  the  uniformity  of 
the  Church  of  England,  due  liberty  of  conscience,  and  the  liberties 
and  properties  of  the  subject,  and  for  establishing,  between  himself 
and  all  his  people,  a  mutual  confidence  and  good  understanding. 

"  10th.  To  permit  the  Bishops  to  offer  to  His  Majesty  such  motives 
and  arguments  as  might,  by  God's  grace,  be  effectual  to  persuade 
him  to  return  to  the  Communion  of  the  Church  of  England,  into 
whose  most  Holy  Catholic  Eaith  he  had  been  baptized  and  educated, 
to  which  it  was  then  their  earnest  prayer  to  God  that  he  might  be 
reunited. 

"These,  Sir"  concluded  the  address,  "are  the  humble  advices, 
which,  out  of  conscience  of  the  duty  we  owe  to  God,  to  your  Majesty, 
and  our  country,  we  think  fit  at  this  time  to  offer  to  your  Majesty, 
as  suitable  to  the  present  state  of  your  affairs,  and  most  conducive  to 
your  service;  and  so  we  leave  them  to  your  Princely  considera- 
tion," &c.2 

James  thanked  them  for  their  advice — there  was  no  "  This  is 
the  standard  of  rebellion  "  now, — and  promised  to  comply  with 

1  James  acted  on  the  suggestion  by  appointing  Lamplugh  Bishop  of  Exeter, 
see  p.  8,  n. 

2  Gutch's  Collectanea  Curiosa,  vol.  i.,  p.  411. 


18  TRIAL   OF  THE  SEVEN  BISHOTS.      [chap.  xvm. 

some  of  their  suggestions.  On  the  point  of  calling  a  parliament 
he  could,  he  said,  make  no  concessions.  He  summoned  the 
Bishops  again  for  October  8th,  directed  them  to  appoint  a  fast 
and  to  compose  prayers  with  reference  to  the  expected  invasion, 
told  them  he  had  considered  their  paper  and  "  seemed  sufficiently 
displeased  with  it."  On  the  9th,  Turner  and  Ken  held  a 
consultation  with  Clarendon.  On  the  10th  they  presented  the 
prayers  they  had  drawn  up  to  the  King.  On  the  11th  they 
were  again  summoned  to  hear  that  the  prayers  were  approved, 
and  were  ordered  to  be  used  in  all  the  churches.1  They  then 
resolved  to  go  to  their  respective  homes,  and  "  feeling  no 
longer  bound  to  secrecy,  gave  their  friends  an  account  of  what 
had  passed  between  the  King  and  them."  2 

That  11th  of  October  was  the  last  day  on  which  James  and 
Ken  ever  met.  The  latter,  and  most  of  the  other  Bishops  who 
had  taken  part  in  the  interviews,  left  London  for  their  dioceses, 
and  Ken  awaited  at  Wells  the  issue  of  events.  Meantime  those 
events  followed  in  quick  succession.  James  took  a  few  hasty 
steps  of  compliance  with  the  Bishops'  memorial.  The  Charters 
of  the  City  of  London  and  other  corporations  were  ordered  to 
be  restored.  The  Court  of  Ecclesiastical  Commission  was 
abolished.  The  Bishop  of  Winchester  (Peter  Mews)  was  ordered, 
as  Visitor  of  Magdalen  College,  to  restore  the  President  and 
Fellows,  who  had  been  expelled  by  Cartwright's  Commission. 
On  October  16th  William  started  on  his  expedition.  The  flag, 
with  his  hereditary  motto,  "  Je  maintiendray ,"  was  hoisted  on 
his  frigate,  and  the  sentence  was  completed  by  the  flag  of 
England,  with  the  words,  "  The  Liberties  of  England  and  the 
Protestant  Religion."  3     The  fleet  made  its  way,  with  varying 

1  The  Form  of  Prayers  was  drawn  up  with,  singular  skill  and  caution.  It 
consists  of  three  prayers.  (1)  For  Repentance,  perfectly  general  in  its  con- 
fessions of  sin.  (2)  For  the  King,  carefully  avoiding  all  approval  of  the  past, 
and  for  the  future  "  Inspire  him  with  wisdom  .  .  .  Prosper  all  his  under- 
takings, for  Thy  honour  and  glory."  (3)  For  Peace  and  Unitie.  "  Give  peace 
in  our  days,  if  it  be  Thy  good  will.  Prevent  the  effusion  of  Christian  blood. 
Reconcile  all  our  dissensions  .  .  .  ,"  and  so  on.  All  could  join  in  the 
prayer,  and  it  committed  none  to  any  line  of  policy. 

2  Clarendon,  Diary,  ii.,  pp.  72,  73. 

3  It  is  a  curious  instance  of  the  ins  and  outs  of  the  bye-ways  of  the  history  of  the 
Revolution  that  while  this  was  the  view  popularly  accepted  then,  as  it  has  been 
since,  the  Non-juringthoory  oi  William's  expedition, held  by  Frampton  and  there- 


a.d.  1688.]  INTERVIEWS   WITS  THE  KIXG.  19 

casualties,  according  as  it  had  a  "  Protestant  wind  "  with  it,  or 
a  "  Popish  wind  "  against  it,  and  on  November  the  5th,  the 
memorable  anniversary  of  the  overthrow  of  a  former  con- 
spiracy against  the  liberties  of  England  and  the  Protestant 
religion,  the  Prince  of  Orange  landed  at  Brixham  in  Torbay. 

It  is  natural  to  assume  that  Ken  was  kept  fairly  informed  of 
what  was  passing  at  such  a  critical  time,  both  in  London  and 
in  the  West.  He  would  hear  how  James,  startled  by  the 
news  of  the  Prince's  landing  and  the  statement  made  in 
his  declaration,  that  he  had  been  invited  by  Lords  Spiritual 
as  well  as  Temporal,  had  first  questioned  Compton,  and  on  the 
following  day  Sancroft  and  the  few  other  Bishops  who  were 
still  in  town,1  as    to  their   complicity  ;  how  Compton,  in  terms 

fore  probably  by  his  friend  Ken,  was  of  a  very  different  character.  William,  as 
they  held,  was  merely  a  tool  in  the  Pope's  hands.  James  had  refused  to  enter  the 
continental  league  against  Louis  XIV.,  whom  the  Pope  was  bent  on  humbling, 
and  therefore  Innocent  XI.  was  bent  on  his  destruction,  and  found  his  tool  "  in 
an  ambitious  son-in-law,  and  crafty,  Jesuitical  statesmen."  William,  accordingly, 
was  sent  to  possess  himself  of  the  Kingdom  of  England,  "with  the  Pope's 
Apostolic  benediction."  The  theory  was  not  without,  at  least,  an  element  of 
truth.  Macaulay  exults  in  the  supreme  skill  with  which  William  made  the 
Pope  subservient  to  his  policy,  and  drew  him  into  the  alliance  against  Louis 
(chap,  ix.)  He  accepts,  that  is,  the  facts,  but  sees  them  from  a  different  point  of 
view.  Frampton  and  Ken  had  both  travelled  much,  the  former  had  been  at 
Rome,  the  latter  both  at  Rome  and  the  Hague,  and  they  may  have  understood, 
better  than  most  of  their  contemporaries,  the  inscrutable  policy  of  the  Roman 
Curia.  To  that  Curia  the  humiliation  of  Louis  might  seem  an  object  of  more 
importance  than  the  re-establishment  of  Romanism  in  England,  under  a  Defender 
of  the  Faith  who,  like  his  "  Most  Christian"  brother  of  France  would,  as  he 
said  on  his  accession,  be  "an  upholder  of  the  Royal  Supremacy  against  the 
Pope  in  its  strongest  forms."  (Reresby,  p.  328.)  And  so  Petre  and  James's 
other  Jesuit  counsellors  were  only  the  conscious,  or  unconscious,  instruments  by 
which  he  was  pushed  on  in  the  infatuated  course  that  led  him  to  a  foredoomed 
destruction.  He  was  a  pawn  that  was  to  be  sacrificed  that  the  Pope  might  give 
checkmate  to  Louis.  If  so,  it  was  a  case  of  "  Greek  meeting  Greek "  and 
"  diamond  cutting  diamond."  Innocent  must  have  felt,  after  a  time,  that 
William  was  the  better  chess-player  (Evans,  Frampton,  pp.  179,  180.)  Among 
the  strange  results  of  this  entanglement  of  policies  we  may  note  that  AVilliam  had 
4,000  Papists  in  his  army  in  London,  and  James  6,000  Swiss  Protestants  in  that 
with  which  he  invaded  Ireland. — Reresby,  pp.  436,  444. 

1  The  interviews  are  leported  as  follows: — "  Oct.  15th,  with  Sancroft  alone  ; 
Nov.  1st,  with  Compton  alone ;  Nov.  2nd,  with  Sancroft,  Compton,  Crewe, 
Cartwright,  and  Watson,  of  St.  David's  ;  on  Nov.  6th,  with  Sancroft, 
Compton,  Sprat,  and  White.  On  Nov.  1st,  James  questioned  Compton  as  to 
the  share  of  the  Bishops  in  the  invitation  addressed  to  William,  and  received  the 
answer,  '  I  am  sure  my  brethren  will  say  that  they  have  taken  as  little  part  in 


20  TRIAL  OF  THE  SEVEN  BISHOPS,      [chap,  xyiii. 

which  afterwards  proved  to  be  a  dishonourable  prevarication, 
and  the  others  in  good  faith,  had  denied  all  knowledge  of  any- 
such  invitation  ;  how  they  had  refused  to  comply  with  his  de- 
mands that  they  should  sign  a  declaration  that  they  abhorred 
the  Prince's  invasion,  and  had  questioned  the  genuineness  of  the 
proclamation,  which,  it  was  said,  he  had  issued ;  how  on  No- 
vember 17th  the  two  Archbishops  (Lamplugh  of  Exeter,  who 
had  read  the  Declaration  of  Indulgence  and  tried  to  make  his 
clergy  read  it,  was  now  Archbishop-elect  of  York),  the  Bishops 
of  St.  Asaph,  Ely,  Rochester,  Peterborough,  and  Oxford,  and  a 
few  peers  who  were  still  in  town,  including  Ormond,  Clarendon, 
Rochester,  and  Dorset,  had  presented  a  petition  to  the  King 
entreating  him  to  call  "  a  Parliament,  ready  and  free  in  all  its 
circumstances ;  "  and  lastly  how,  on  November  20th,  James 
declared  that  there  was  nothing  he  desired  so  passionately  as  a 
Parliament,  but  that  he  could  not  call  it  while  an  enemy  was 
in  the  kingdom  and  could  make  a  return  of  nearly  a  hundred 
voices.  This  would  bring  the  London  news  up  to  date.1  From 
the  West  there  would  have  come  tidings  of  William's  march 
to  Exeter,  of  the  service  in  the  Cathedral  there,  at  which 
Burnet  had  preached  and  had  read  the  Prince's  manifesto,  of 
the  march  eastward  in  the  direction  of  Honiton  and  Sherborne, 
of  the  appearance  of  his  troops  under  Kirke's  command, 
probably  near  Warminster,  within  ten  miles  of  Wells. 

We  may  venture  to  ask  ourselves  with  what  feelings  Ken 

it  as  I  have.'  On  the  following  day,  when  the  other  Bishops  gave  an  explicit 
denial,  Compton  contented  himself  with  saying,  '  I  gave  you  my  answer 
yesterday.' "  It  may  he  noted  that  Evelyn  thought  it  his  duty  to  write  to 
Sancrofton  Oct.  10th,  warning  him  that  these  invitations  to  interviews  with  the 
King  were  hut  a  trap  cunningly  devised  in  order  that  they  might  seem  to  be 
identified  with  his  policy,  and  urgently  counselling  him  to  avoid  them.  He 
specially  urges  that  the  Bishops  should  always  use  the  word  "  Protestant  "  or 
"  Reformed"  before  the  ambiguous  formula  of  "  the  Church  of  England  as  by 
law  established."  Watson,  of  St.  David's,  whom  Bin  net  describes  as  "one  of 
the  worst  men  I  ever  know  in  holy  orders,"  took  the  oaths  to  William  without 
hesitation,  was  formally  charged  with  simony  in  1099,  and  deprived,  after  five 
years  of  quibbling  and  chicane,  in  1705,  when  Bull  succeeded  him  (p.  152). 

1  On  November  17th  James  had  set  out  from  London  to  take  the  command  of 
his  army.  He  got  as  far  as  Salisbury,  but  on  hearing  of  the  growing  strength 
of  William's  forces,  and  alarmed  by  the  defection  of  his  own  adherents,  Corn- 
bury,  Prince  George  of  Denmark,  Churchill,  Ormond,  and  others,  precipitately 
returned  to  London  on  the  26th. 


A.D.  1688.]  KEXS   VIEWS   OX  THE  CRISIS.  21 

was  likely  to  look  on  the  impending  crisis.  Politically,  I 
believe,  lie  had  a  respect  for  the  part  which  William  had 
taken  in  resisting  the  aggressive  ambition  of  Louis  XIV., 
especially,  as  he  afterwards  declared  (if  the  letter  to  Tenison 
be  authentic),  for  the  heroism  with  which  he  had  rejected  the 
bribes  of  wealth  and  honour  with  which  the  French  King  had, 
at  one  time,  tempted  him.  The  Prince  had  deliberately  dis- 
claimed all  ambitious  projects  for  himself  in  his  present  expe- 
dition. He  had  simply  come,  on  the  invitation  of  men  whom 
he  believed  to  express  the  wishes  of  the  English  people,  to 
maintain  the  Protestant  religion  and  the  liberties  of  England. 
He  was  content  to  press  for  a  free  Parliament,  and  to  leave 
the  future  absolutely  in  its  hands.  Ken,  as  his  after  conduct 
showed,  would  have  acquiesced  in  the  decision  of  such  a  Par- 
liament, giving  the  Prince  supreme  administrative  power.  As 
a  man,  I  imagine,  he  could  scarcely  have  felt  much  affection  for 
him.  He  knew  that  he  was  as  unfaithful  to  his  wife  as  James 
was  to  Mary  Beatrice.  He  knew  that  he  had  treated  that  wife, 
as  James  had  not  treated  his,  with  boorish  rudeness,  had 
sneered  at  her  religion  and  insulted  her  chaplains.  If  he  had 
broken  her  in  to  a  complete  submission  to  his  will,  and  that 
submission  was  united  with  affection,  it  was,  in  great  part,  due 
to  Ken's  own  teaching,  when  he  had  impressed  on  her  the  wis- 
dom of  patience,  and  had  taught  her  that,  subject  to  the  supreme 
authority  of  conscience,  passive  obedience  and  non-resistance 
were  as  much  the  duty  of  a  wife  to  her  husband  as  of  subjects 
to  their  king.  The  morals  of  the  Court  of  Hague  were  not  one 
whit  better  than  those  of  the  Court  of  Whitehall  under 
Charles  II.  There  also  was  the  reign  of  harlots,  and,  in  the 
homely  language  of  Dr.  Covell,  the  chaplain  who  succeeded 
Ken,  "  pimps  and  panders"  were  the  only  people  who  won  the 
Prince's  favour.  William  had  frowned  on  Ken,  had  almost 
dismissed  him,  because  he  had  prevailed  on  Zulestein  to  make 
to  the  English  lady  whom  he  had  wronged  the  reparation  which 
James,  under  like  circumstances,  had  made  to  Clarendon's 
daughter.  His  religion,  too,  was  of  the  type  most  alien  to 
Ken's  mind.  His  Calvinism  was  not  like  that  of  Morley,  whom 
Ken  had  loved ;  nor  like  that  of  the  Huguenots,  whom  he 
honoured  and  helped  ;  nor  like  that  of  Leighton  and  Bunyan, 
vol.  ii.  c 


22  TRIAL  OF  THE  SEVEN  BISHOPS,      [chap,  xyiii. 

one  which  tends  to  closer  communion  with  God  and  greater 
holiness  of  life,  nor  even  that  of  the  decrees  of  Dort,  repellent 
as  that  form  would  have  been  to  Ken's  more  Catholic  belief. 
William's  faith  in  the  dogma  had  more  affinity  with  the  belief 
of  the  Bonapartes  in  their  star,  and  may  have  seemed  to  Ken 
simply  that  kind  of  fatalism  which  narcotizes  conscience. 
""  What  do  you  think  of  predestination  now,  Doctor  ?"  was 
the  question  which  he  put  to  Burnet  when  he  landed  in  Tor- 
bay.1  If  that  question  ever  came  to  Ken's  knowledge  I 
imagine  it  would  have  reminded  him  of  the  title  of  the  treatise 
by  which  Sancroft  had  won  his  early  fame  as  a  controversialist, 
and  that  he  would  have  said,  when  his  eyes  had  been  opened 
to  William's  schemes,  "  So  then  here,  at  last,  is  the  living  Fur 
Pradestinatus."2 

As  it  was  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Sancroft  on  November  24th, 
with  which  I  close  this  chapter  : — 

LETTER  XXIV. 
To  Archbishop  Sancroft. 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"May  it  please  your  Grace, 
"  Before  I  could  return  any  answer  to  the  letter  with  which  your 
Grace  was  pleased  to  favour  me,  I  received  intelligence  that  the 
Dutch  were  just  coming  to  Wells,  upon  which  I  immediately  lefft 
the  town,  and,  in  obedience  to  his  Majesty's  generall  commands, 
took  all  my  coach  horses  with  me,  and  as  many  of  my  saddle  horses 
as  I  well  could,  and  took  shelter  in  a  private  village  in  Wiltshire, 
intending,  if  his  Ma:  had  come  into  my  country,  to  have  waited  on 
him,  and  to  have  paid  him  my  duty.  But  this  morning  wee  are  told 
his  Ma:  is  gone  back  to  London,  so  that  I  onely  wait  till  the  Dutch 
have  passed  my  diocesse,  and  then  resolve  to  returne  thither  againe, 
that  being  my  proper  station.  I  would  not  have  lefft  the  diocesse 
in  this  juncture,  but  that  the  Dutch  had  seas'd  horses  within  ten 
miles  of  Wells  before  I  went,  and  your  Grace  knowes,  that  I,  having 

1  Macaulay's  explanation  that  William's  question  was  a  gentle  hint  to  Burnet's 
hustling  meddlesomeness,  of  the  Xe  sutor  ultra  crepidam  kind,  seems  to  me  strained 
and  artificial. 

2  Sancroft' 3  book  was  a  somewhat  severe  exposure  of  the  Antinomian  side  of 
Calvinism.     It  whs  published  in  1661. 


a.d.  1688.]  LETTER  TO  BANCROFT.  23 

been  a  servant  to  the  Princess,  and  well  acquainted  with  many  of 
the  Dutch,  I  could  not  have  staid  without  giving  some  occasions  of 
suspicion,  which  I  thought  it  most  advisable  to  avoid ;  resolving  by 
God's  grace  to  continue  in  a  firm  loyalty  to  the  King,  whome  Gfod 
direct  and  preserve  in  this  time  of  danger ;  and  I  beseech  your  Grace 
to  lay  my  most  humble  duty  at  his  Majesty's  feet,  and  to  acquaint 
him  with  the  reason  of  my  retiring,  that  I  may  not  be  misunder- 
stood. The  person  your  Grace  mentions  wrote  to  me  to  the  same 
purpose,  and  I  spake  with  the  Archdeacon,  who  says  he  demands 
nothing  but  his  due,  so  that  the  law  must  decide  the  controversy. 
God  of  his  infinite  mercy  deliver  us  from  the  calamitys  which  now 
threaten  us,  and  from  the  sinnes  which  have  occasioned  them. 
"  My  very  good  Lord, 
"  Your  Graces  very  affect:  Servant  and  Br, 

"THO.  BATH  &  WELLS. 
"Nov.  2itk  (1688)." 

[The  letter  has  no  date  of  place,  but  the  "  private  village  "  was  probably  Poul- 
shot,  near  Devizes,  where  Ken's  nephew,  Izaak  Walton,  was  rector.  I  do  not 
find  any  evidence  in  our  city  records  or  elsewhere  that  the  Dutch  actually  came 
nearer  Wells  than  Wincanton.  As  Bound,  prints  the  letter,  we  read  that  the 
Dutch  had  "seas'd  houses,"  but  the  context  obviously  requires  "  horses."  James 
had  apparently  issued  general  orders  to  all  his  adherents  to  keep  horses  and 
war  provisions  generally  out  of  the  hands  of  William's  army.  He  had  been 
at  Andover,  which  was  within  twenty  miles  of  Poulshot.  Burnet,  in  his 
account  of  the  expedition  (0.  T.,  B.  iv.,  1685),  specially  notes  that  "  being  at  such 
a  distance  from  London,  we  reckoned  that  we  could  provide  ourselves  with 
horses."  A  letter  in  Ellis,  2nd  Ser.,  iv.  156,  reports  that  William  had  seized  all 
the  horses  in  Bridgewater  and  the  neighbourhood.  (Anderdon,  p.  474.)  Bentinck 
and  Zulestein  were  probably  in  Ken's  mind  as  among  the  Dutch  to  whom  he 
was  known.  The  last  sentence  but  one  refers  apparently  to  some  diocesan 
business  which  I  have  been  unable  to  trace.] 


c2 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

THE    REVOLUTION   OF    1688. 

"  Read,  who  the  Church  would  cleanse,  and  mark 
How  stern  the  warning  runs  ; 
There  are  two  ways  to  aid  her  ark, — 
As  patrons,  and  as  sons." 

J.  H.  Newman. 

Within  a  few  days  from  the  date  of  that  last  letter,  Ken  pro- 
bably read  a  document  which  must  at  once  have  astonished  and 
horrified  him.  A  proclamation  was  circulated  throughout  the 
kingdom,  purporting  to  be  issued  by  William  at  Sherborne 
Castle  on  November  28th.  It  was  signed  in  his  usual  manner, 
and  countersigned  by  his  secretary,  C.  Huygens.  It  gave  an 
entirely  new  character  to  the  Prince's  expedition.  It  began,  as 
the  first  manifesto  published  on  his  landing  had  done,  with 
declaring  his  intention  to  support  the  religion  and  liberties  of 
England,  but  soon  it  passed  into  a  very  different  strain.  The 
Prince  expressed  his  desire  to  accomplish  his  purpose  "  without 
the  effusion  of  any  blood,  except  of  those  execrable  criminals 
who  have  justly  forfeited  their  lives  for  betraying  the  Religion, 
and  subverting  the  Laws,  of  their  native  country. "  This 
obviously  doomed  all  James's  counsellors  to  the  scaffold.  But 
this  was  not  all.  "  All  Papists  found  in  open  arms,  or  with 
arms  in  their  hands  or  about  their  persons,  or  in  amr  office 
or  employment,  civil  or  militar}',  upon  any  pretence  whatever, 
contrary  to  the  known  Laws  of  the  Land,  shall  be  treated  by 
us  and  by  our  Forces,  not  as  Souldiers  and  Gentlemen,  but 
as  Robbers,  Freebooters,  and  Banditti;  they  shall  be  incap- 
able of  quarter,  and  intirely  given  up  to  the  Discretion  of  our 
Soldiers." 

It  is  not  too  much  to  say  that  had  these  orders  been  acted 


a.d.  1688—89.]       THE  SHERBORNE  PROCLAMATION.        25 

on  they  would  have  issued  in  a  general  massacre  of  Roman 
Catholics  throughout  the  kingdom.  London  would  have  be- 
come an  Aceldama.  The  stain  of  blood  would  have  cleaved  to 
William's  fame,  as  the  slaughter  of  Drcgheda  had  cleaved  to 
Cromwell's. 

Ken  may,  perhaps,  have  remembered  the  proclamation  to 
which,  in  its  "no  quarter"  severity,  this  bore  a  suspicious 
resemblance,  and  which  Ferguson  had  drawn  up,  and  Mon- 
mouth had  signed,  as  he  told  James,  without  reading.  He 
may  have  doubted,  as  others  doubted  then,  the  authenticity  of 
the  document.1     It  would,  at  all  events,  have  been  a  relief  to 

1  The  history  of  the  Sherborne  proclamation  is  still  an  unsolved  problem.  It 
appeared  in  the  Collection  of  Papers  relating  to  the  Present  Juncture  of  Affairs  in 
England,  1688,  in  company  with  other  documents,  everyone  of  which  is  received 
as  authentic.  Macaulay  says  that  some  suspected  Ferguson,  the  'Plotter,' 
and  some  Johnson,  the  author  of  Julian  the  Apostate,  of  being  the  writer. 
After  the  lapse  of  twenty-seven  years  the  credit  of  it  was  claimed  by  Hugh 
Speke,  a  kind  of  political  Barry  Lyndon,  who  boasted  that  he  was  the  author  of 
well-nigh  every  act  of  political  scoundrelism  that  had  stained  the  history  of  the 
Revolution.  The  book  bears  the  title  of  A  Secret  History  of  the  Happy  Revolu- 
tion, by  the  Principal  Transactor  in  it.  It  was  published  in  1718,  dedicated  to 
George  I.,  and  presented  to  him  by  the  Earl  of  Berkeley.  Speke,  whose  father 
had  been  fined,  and  whose  brother  had  been  condemned  to  death,  by  Jeffreys,  after 
the  Monmouth  rebellion,  says  that  he  drew  up  the  proclamation  as  he  had  drawn 
a  previous  Advice  to  the  Army,  on  the  same  lines  ;  that  "  it  was  dispersed  over 
most  parts  of  the  kingdom,  and  believed  to  be  genuine  ;"  that  he  himself  gave 
it  to  William  at  Sherborne  Castle  (where  William  halted  for  two  nights,  Somers 
Tracts,  ix.  280),  that  "the  Prince  seemed  somewhat  surprised  at  first  and  openly 
declared  he  knew  nothing  of  it,"  but  when  "he  had  read  and  considered  it,  his 
Highness  and  all  that  were  about  him,  seemed  not  at  all  displeased  with  the  thing  ; 
and  they  were  all  sensible,  in  a  very  little  time,  that  it  did  his  Highness's  interest 
a  great  deal  of  service."  Of  this  passage  Macaulay  takes  no  notice,  and  does  not 
even  state  that  William  stopped  at  Sherborne.  Speke' s  character  makes  it,  per- 
haps, unsafe  to  rely  on  any  statement  of  his,  but  I  do  not  find  that  William  ever 
made  his  disclaimer  as  public  as  the  proclamation  had  been.  The  Prince  of 
Orange  was  never  an  Orangeman,  but  he  might  have  been  content,  in  that  in- 
scrutable silence  of  his,  to  let  the  passions,  which  were  afterwards  the  evil  inheri- 
tance of  the  Orangemen  of  Ireland,  do  their  work.  I  remember  how  he  pensioned 
Titus  Oates  as  a  man  wrhom  he  delighted  to  honour.  Ferguson,  who  had  drawn 
up  Monmouth's  declaration,  and  was  suspected  of  complicity  with  the  Sher- 
borne proclamation,  received,  in  the  first  days  of  William's  reign,  a  lucrative 
sinecure  place  in  the  Excise.  Speke  says  (p.  Go)  that  after  William's  acces- 
sion he  "  kept  up  a  continual  correspondence  with  King  James  by  his  knowledge 
and  direction,  and  for  these  and  other  secret  services  received  from  him  several 
sums  of  money."  Letters  in  the  State  Papers  for  1689  and  1704  show  that  he 
was  always  pressing  these  services  upon  the  government,  and  claiming  compen- 


2fi  REVOLUTION  OF  1688.  [chap.  xix. 

him  to  hear  as  the  weeks  went  on  that  it  was  not  acted  on. 
James  played  unconsciously  into  William's  hands.  Ken  would 
hear  how  he  had  returned  to  London  ;  how,  on  his  arrival  on 
November  27,  he  heard  that  his  daughter  Anne  had  fled  from 
Whitehall  with  Lady  Churchill  and  the  Bishop  of  London  and 
Lord  Dorset ;  how,  in  his  despair,  he  signed  writs  for  a  Parlia- 
ment, which  was  to  meet  on  January  13 ;  how  he  published  an 
amnesty,  and  removed  Sir  Edward  Hales  from  his  post  as 
Lieutenant  of  the  Tower;  how,  on  December  6,  he  sent 
Halifax  and  Nottingham  and  Godolphin  as  commissioners  to 
treat  with  William;  how,  on  December  9,  he  sent  qff  his 
Queen  and  her  infant  child  to  France  under  the  protection  of 
the  Chevalier  de  Lauzun ;  how  his  negotiations,  after  all,  were 
only  meant  as  a  blind  to  put  the  Prince  off  his  guard  ;  howr  on 
December  11  he  had  fled,  burning  the  writs  for  the  new  Par- 
liament before  he  left,  and  flinging  the  great  seal  into  the 
Thames ;  how  he  had  been  detected  and  arrested  at  Faversham  ; 
how  he  had  been  brought  back  again  to  London  amid  popular 
exclamations  which  led  him  and  others  to  believe  that  the  people 
were  still  with  him,  and  had  resumed  his  old  life  at  Whitehall 1 
on  the  16th;  how  in  the  interval  the  two  archbishops,  five 
bishops  (Ken  not  one  of  them),  and  twenty- two  peers  had 
formed  themselves  into  a  kind  of  provisional  government  at 
Guildhall,  and  had  earnestly  entreated  William  to  come  with 
all  speed,  and  avert  the  anarchy  with  which  London  and  the 


Nation  for  them.  I  fear  we  must  own  that  William's  Calvinism  did  not  involve 
the  "clean  hand"  and  the  "pure  heart,"  without  which  the  hero  statesman  is 
hut  as  a  Machiavelli  or  a  Tiberius.  It  is  perhaps  worth  noting  (1)  that  a  tradition 
in  the  Digby  family,  then,  as  now,  the  owners  of  Sherborne  Castle,  runs  to  the 
effect  that  a  printing  press  was  set  up  in  the  green  drawing-room,  and  that  a 
large  crack  in  the  hearth-stone  remains  to  testify  the  fact ;  and  (2)  that  Spoke 
boasts  (p.  43)  of  being  the  contriver  of  the  "Irish  scare,"  by  sending  in  all 
directions  letters  reporting  that  the  Irish  papists  were  going  to  rise  all  over 
England  and  Scotland,  and  massacre  the  Protestants.  The  object  in  this,  as 
partly,  perhaps,  in  the  Sherborne  proclamation,  was  two-fold:  (1)  to  inflame  the 
passions  of  the  Protestants^  and  (2)  to  drive  the  Papists,  and  James  and  his 
adherents  generally,  who  found  themselves  likely  to  be  the  victims  of  those 
passions,  to  a  hasty  flight.  Speke'8  chief  object  was,  he  says,  to  get  James  out  of 
England,  and  in  that  he  succeeded.  If  I  mistake  not,  we  shall  tiaee  his  handi- 
work again  in  a  memorable  incident  of  Ken's  Life  (p.  85). 

1   Ev(  lyn  w,t-  ]u<  s<  nt  at  the  supper  that  evening.  -Diary,  December  17th. 


a.d.  1688—89.]  WILLIAM  AT  ST.  JAMES'S.  27 

whole  country  were  threatened  ;x  how  James  had  fled  again  on 
December  18,2  and  all  his  evil  counsellors,  Petre  and  the  rest, 
had  scuttled  off  in  hot  haste,  with  bag  and  baggage,  in  all 
directions  ;  how  Jeffreys3  had  been  taken  disguised  as  a  sailor, 
and  was  now  in  the  Tower ;  and  finally,  how  William  was 
lodged  at  St.  James's. 

1  On  December  11,  the  mob  destroyed  Roman  Catholic  chapels,  the  King's 
printing-house,  and  even  attacked  the  houses  of  foreign  ambassadors,  notably 
Barillon.  On  the  night  of  the  12th  there  came  the  terrible  "Irish  Scare,"  of 
which  also  Speke  claimed  to  be  the  contriver. 

2  It  is  a  curious  fact  that  James  at  one  lime  thought,  in  those  days  of  confusion, 
of  taking  refuge  under  the  wing  of  Bancroft  at  Lambeth,  or  Mews  at  Winches- 
ter.— Reresby,  p.  434. 

3  Jeffreys  is  one  of  the  few  characters  in  history  for  whom  no  one  has  a  word 
to  say.  Every  historian,  great  or  small,  thinks  it  a  duly  to  cast  a  stone  at  him. 
I  have  no  desire  to  rehabihtate  hia  reputation,  but  I  cannot  refrain  from  giving 
here  what  was  new  to  me  and  may  be  new  to  others, the  story  of  his  closing  days. 
He  was,  as  I  have  said,  in  the  Tower.  None  of  his  old  boon  companions,  none  of 
those  who  owed  their  fortunes  to  his  patronage,  came  near  him.  He  had,  however, 
one  visitor,  Robert  Frampton,  Bishop  of  Gloucester,  one  of  Ken's  dearest  friends, 
who  had  only  escaped  through  the  accidents  of  travel  irom  being  one  of  the  Bishops 
whom  James  sent  to  the  Tower,  who  came  to  see  him.  He  found  him  sick, 
disconsolate,  weeping  bitterly,  with  the  sorrow  which  seemed  to  the  Bishop  to  be 
the  "  sorrow  of  the  worid  that  worketh  death."  He  spoke  to  him  as  a  minister  of 
Christ  at  such  a  time  ought  to  speak  ;  roused  his  conscience  to  repentance  ;  told 
him  to  '•  weep  on  and  spare  not."  "  Those  tears  of  his,  if  they  were  the  tears  of 
a  penitent,  would  be  more  precious  than  diamonds."  The  Ex-Chancellor  was, 
at  all  events,  not  callous.  He  thanked  Frampton  for  his  fatherly  advice,  recog- 
nised the  goodnfss  of  God  in  sending  him,  whom  he  could  least  have  expected 
to  see,  when  all  others  had  deserted  him,  asked  his  prayers,  and  entreated  that 
he  would  give  him  the  comfort  of  Holy  Communion.  This  the  Bishop,  believing 
in  his  repentance,  did  when  he  next  came  to  see  him.  Jeffreys  accordingly  re- 
ceived it,  with  his  wife  and  children, and  "in  a  few  days  died  in  peace  of  mind." 
(Evans,  Frampton,  p.  197)  Frampton  had  been  for  many  years  in  the  East,  as 
chaplain  of  the  Company  of  Merchants  at  Aleppo,  and  knew  Arabic  well.  I  ask 
myself  whether  he  could  have  known  the  Moslem  tradition  of  the  Lord  Jesus 
and  the  dead  dog  (Trench,  Poems  from  Eastern  Sources,  p.  104).  Macaulay  (iii., 
402)  reports  like  acts  on  the  part  of  Dean  Sharp  of  Norwich,  and  Dr.  John  Scott, 
author  of  the  Christian  Life,  but  apparently  with  less  success  than  Frampton 
hoped  he  had  attained.  I  will  venture  to  add  a  sentence  from  a  speech  of 
Jeffreys',  sitting  as  judge  in  a  case  of  high  treason,  which  shows  that  he  was,  in 
one  point  at  least,  in  advance  of  his  contemporaries :  "  I  think  it  a  hard  case 
that  a  man  should  have  counsel  to  defend  him  for  a  twopenny  trespass,  and 
his  witnesses  examined  upon  oath ;  but,  if  he  steal,  commit  murder  or  felony, 
ay,  high  treason,  where  life,  estate,  honour  and  all  are  concerned,  he  shall 
neither  have  counsel  nor  his  witnesses  examined  upon  oath."  {State  Trials, 
x.  267,  in  Lingard  x.  95.)  It  is  well  sometimes  for  the  historian  to  turn  from 
Philip  drunk  to  Philip  sober,  and  to  remember  that  even  a  "dead  dog"  may 
have  a  certain  "  whiteness  of  teeth"  beyond  his  fellows. 


28  KEVOLUTIOX  OF  1688.  [ciiAr.  xix. 

On  that  very  day  Sancroft  issued  a  circular  letter  to  the 
Bishops  requesting  them  to  come  up,  "with  all  convenient 
haste,"  to  London  and  consult  with  him  on  "  the  perplext  state 
of  affairs."     To  this  Ken  returned  the  following  answer : — 

LETTER  XXV. 
To  Archbishop  Bancroft. 
"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 
' '  My  very  good  Lord, 
"  I  received  your  Grace's  letter,  which  came  to  my  hands  late  on 
Thursday  night,  so  that  had  I  had  no  obligation  on  me  to  ordain  next 
JSunday,  yett  it  was  impossible  for  me  to  have  reached  the  towne 
before  Christmas,  but  as  soone  as  the  weather  will  permitt,  I  intend, 
God  willing,  to  wait  on  you.     God  of  His  infinite  goodnesse,  send 
downe  a  double  portion  of  His  Spirit,  to  rest  on  your  selfe,  and  on 
my  reverend  Brethren,  to  direct,  and  support  you  in  this  great  con- 
j  uncture. 

"  My  good  Lord, 
"  Your  Grace's  very  obedient  Servant, 

"THO.  BATH  AND  WELLS. 

"  Dee.  22,  1688." 

When  his  Ordination  and  the  Christmas  services  were  over 
Ken  accordingly  wTent  up  to  London,  and  was  at  Lambeth  on 
January  10th,  1689.  A  letter  from  Francis  Turner,  dated 
January  11th,  shows  that  he  had  drawn  up  a  memorial,  as  the 
basis  of  the  deliberations  of  the  Bishops,  which  is  probably 
identical  with  a  paper  in  Turner's  hand  among  Sancroft's  MSS. 
in  the  Bodleian  Library  : — 

"  Previous  Considerations  of  what  method  is  left  for  the  Bishops  to  use,  in 
representing  to  the  Prince  of  Orange  their  sense  concerning  the  King 
and  kingdom^. 

The  earlier  part  of  the  paper  deals  with  the  question  whether 
the  Bishops  should  unite  in  addressing  the  Prince,  and  decides 
against  it.  "  It  would  be  premature,  before  some  of  us  have 
seen  his  face,  or  endeavoured  to  know  what  he  intends  to  do." 
1 1  prefers  the  plan  of  publishing  three  Propositions,  "  as  if  they 
were  directed  against  the  bold  wild  discourse  and  apparent 
designee   of   our   commonwealth-men.    but    without    the   least 


O' 


A.D.  1688—89.]      THE  BISHOPS  IN  CONSULTATION.  29 

reflection  on  the  Prince  or  his  purposes."    The  Propositions  are 
as  follows :  — 

1 1  First — Against  deposing  the  King. 

' '  Secondly — Against  electing  any  other  King. 

"Thirdly — Against  breaking  anyone  link  in  the  royall  chaine ;  i.e. 
any  way  intercepting  the  right  succession  to  the  imperial  crown. 

"  These  Propositions  should,  in  my  judgment,  bee  drawne  and 
taken  from  the  very  words  either  of  our  39  Articles,  or  our  Liturgy, 
or  our  Rubricks,  or  our  Canons,  or  our  Homilys,  or  our  Acts  of  Par- 
liament and  fundamental  laws  of  the  land,  or  from  our  Oaths  and  Tests 
(which  indeed  are  part  of  our  law). 

"  And  this  paper  of  Propositions,  with  a  short  preface  before  it, 
or  something  after  it,  declaring  our  obligations  to  maintaine  these 
doctrines,  need  be  directed  to  no  body,  though  intended,  as  for  our 
owne  vindication,  so  for  every  body's  satisfaction  one  day,  and  for 
the  Prince's  presently,  and  most  particularly.  This  paper  should  be 
delivered  by  one  of  us  to  Monsieur  Benting,  or  some  chief  e  Minister, 
to  be  handed  by  him  to  his  Highness,  with  as  little  noise  and  notice 
as  may  bee,  and  if  such  a  representation  dos  not  putt  a  stopp  (as  'tis 
to  be  fear'd  it  will  not),  then  it  will  be  time  enough,  and  high  time  it 
will  bee,  for  the  Lords  Spiritual!,  and  those  Temporall  that  will  act  con- 
joyntly  with  us,  to  oppose  the  commonwealth-men  openly  at  the  Con- 
vention." 

Ken  was  also  of  opinion,  as  Turner's  letter  shows,  that  the 
Bishops  should  not  present  themselves  at  William's  court.  As 
Sancroft  frankly  told  William,  in  the  letter  which  he  wrote 
excusing  his  absence,  while  he  and  his  brethren  were  grateful 
for  "his  heroick  undertaking  upon  the  reasons  exprest  in  your 
gratious  Declaration,  and  for  the  Benefitts  that  wee  enjoy  and 
hope  to  receive  by  your  means, "  there  were  some  things 
"  which  have  bin  done  since  your  Highnesse  came  to  Windsor" 
with  which  we  are  "  not  so  far  satisfy 'd  "  as  to  "  approve  of 
them  or  seem  to  do  so."  *  In  the  meantime  William  pursued 
the  course  of  inscrutable  silence  which  might  entitle  him  also 
to  the  name  of  William  the  Taciturn.  On  December  4th,  Ben- 
tinck  had  told  Clarendon  at  Salisbury  that  to  say  that  the 
Prince  aspired  to  the  Crown  was  "  the  most  wicked  insinuation 
that  could  be  invented."  On  January  5th,  Burnet  had  told 
Lloyd  of  St.  Asaph  that  "  he  would  not  take  the  title  of  King, 
1  Tanner  MSS.,  xxviii.,  p.  310  ;  in  Anderdon,  p.  490. 


30  REVOLUTION  OF  1688.  [chap.  xix. 

though  it  should  be  offered  him."  Events,  however,  were 
hastening  on.  "William  had  complied  with  the  request  of 
Sancroft's  short  provisional  Government  by  summoning  a  Con- 
vention, which  was  to  include  the  whole  House  of  Lords  and 
all  the  surviving  members  of  the  last  House  of  Commons  elected 
under  Charles  II.  The  following  extract  from  Evelyn's  Diary 
(Jan.  15,  1689)  will  show  with  what  views  Ken  and  the  other 
Bishops  were  prepared  to  meet  the  grave  questions  which  the 
Convention  had  to  settle  : — l 

"  I  visited  the  Archbishop  on  the  15th,  where  I  found  the  Bishops 
of  St.  Asaph  (Lloyd),  Ely  (Turner),  Bath  and  Wells  (Ken),  Peter- 
borough (White),  and  Chichester  (Lake) ;  the  Earls  of  Ailesbury 
and  Clarendon,  Sir  George  Mackenzie,  Lord  Advocate  of  Scotland  ; 
and  then  came  in  a  Scotch  bishop,  &c.  After  prayers,  and  dinner, 
divers  serious  matters  were  discoursed  concerning  the  present  state 
of  the  public ;  and  sorry  I  was  to  find  [from  them]  there  was  as  yet 
no  accord  in  the  judgments  of  those  of  the  Lords  and  Commons  who 
were  to  convene :  some  would  have  the  Princess  [of  Orange]  made 
Queen  without  any  more  dispute  ;  others  were  for  a  Pegency :  there 
was  a  Tory  party  (then  so  call'd)  who  were  for  inviting  His  Majesty 
again  upon  conditions ;  and  there  were  Eepublicarians,  who  would 
make  the  P.  of  Orange  like  a  Stadtholder.  The  Pomanists  were 
busy  among  these  several  parties,  to  bring  them  into  confusion  ; 
most  for  ambition,  or  other  interest,  few  for  conscience  and 
moderate  resolutions.  I  found  nothing  of  all  this  in  this  assembly 
of  Bishops,  who  were  pleas' d  to  admit  me  into  their  discourses  ; 
they  were  all  for  a  Pegency,  thereby  to  salve  their  oaths,  and  so  all 
public  matters  to  proceed  in  his  Mjty'8  name,  by  that  to  facilitate  the 
calling  of  a  Parliament,  according  to  the  laws  in  being.  Such  was 
the  result  of  this  meeting." 

It  is  eas}-  to  point  out,  as  Macaulay  has  done,  the  inconsis- 
tencies and  inconveniences  to  which  this  theory  of  a  Regency 
would  have  led,  that  it  relied  on  the  fiction  that  the  King  was 
insane,  that  it  might  have  led  to  the  yet  further  anomaly  of 
a  perpetuated  Regency  in  England,  governing  in  the  name  of  a 
succession  of  kings  in  France,  who  were  kept  out  of  their 
inheritance  on  the  same  legal  fiction  that  they  were  insane,  the 
only  proof  of  their  insanity  being  that  they  preferred  being 

1   Evelyn's  "Diary  for  December  30th  notes  the  significant  fact  thai  the  prayera 

for  the  Prince  ot  Wales  were  no  longer  used  in  Church. 


a.d.  168S— 89.]         POLICY  OF  THE  BISHOPS.  31 

Bornan  Catholics  to  joining  the  Anglican  Communion.  It  is 
not  difficult,  however,  to  see  the  attractions  it  may  have  had 
for  Sancroft  and  the  others,  laymen  as  well  as  Bishops,  who 
acted  with  him.  As  Evelyn  says,  "it  salved  their  oaths," 
and,  with  the  natural  tendency  of  the  clerical  mind,  when  it 
deals  with  legal  questions,  they  became  super-subtle  in  their 
legalism.  It  maintained  the  theory  of  hereditary  right.  It 
met  the  immediate  necessity  of  providing  an  executive  govern- 
ment, acting  in  conjunction  with  Parliament.  It  left  an 
opening  for  favourable  contingencies,  which  were,  at  least,  pos- 
sible. James  might  be  re-converted  to  the  Church  of  England. 
There  had  been  instances  of  such  re-conversion  before  (Chil- 
lingworth  was  a  memorable  example),  as  there  have  been  in 
our  own  time.  The  language  of  the  Bishops  whom  James  had 
consulted  in  October,  of  Ken  himself,  if  he  was  the  author  of 
the  Royal  Sufferer,  shows  that  they  clung  for  some  years  after- 
wards, hoping  against  hope,  to  that  possibility.1  The  young 
Prince  of  Wales  might  return  to  the  Church  of  his  fathers. 
Or  he  might  die,  and  then  the  Crown  would  revert,  in  succes- 
sion, to  James's  daughters,  from  neither  of  whom  was  any 
danger  to  be  apprehended  on  the  score  of  religion.  On  these 
grounds  it  may  well  have  seemed  to  the  Bishops,  and  to  men, 
like  Evelyn,  more  or  less  of  a  clerical  mind,  that  this  plan 
would  work  better  than  recalling  James,  with  or  without  con- 
ditions, or  declaring  the  Crown  forfeited,  or  falling  back  on 
the  notion  of  a  Republic,  of  which  their  experience  of  the 
Long  Parliament  and  of  Cromwell  had  sufficiently  sickened  the 
great  body  of  the  English  people. 

On  January  22nd,  1689,  the  Convention  met,  and  the  great 
battle  began.  Sancroft,  whose  age  and  infirmities  seem  to  have 
led  him,  with  the  one  exception  of  the  provisional  Government 
at  Guildhall,  to  shrink  from  publicity,  adopted  a  policy  of  absten- 
tion, and  never  once  appeared  in  the  House  of  Lords.     Ken 

1  "  Your  Royal  Father  was  a  Protestant,  and  liv'd  and  dy'd  in  and  for  that 
Profession,  and  I  could  heartily  wish  that  your  Majesty  was  so  too :  For  then 
we  might  quickly  hope  to  see  an  end  of  our  present  miseries  in  a  shoit  time  " 
(p.  1).  "  If ,  through  the  Divine  Blessing,  they  (the  arguments  against  Rome) 
should  he  made  efficacious  to  cause  your  Majesty  to  reiurn  to  and  embrace  the 
Religion,  professed  even  unto  Death  by  your  Royal  Father,  it  would  he  the  Joy 
and  Rejoicing  of  all  your  people  "  (p.  4.) 


32  11KV0IXTI0N  OF  1688.  [ciiap.  xix. 

voted  in  every  division  for  a  Regency,  and  his  friend  Turner 
was  conspicuous  as  a  speaker,  on  the  same  side,  both  in  the 
debates  of  the  Lords  and  in  their  conferences  with  the  Com- 
mons. The  record  of  Ken's  votes  will  sufficiently  indicate  the 
line  which  he  took  in  the  great  questions  which  were  at  issue. 
The  first  act  of  the  Convention  was  to  order  a  public  thanks- 
giving for  the  "  great  deliverance  from  Popery  and  arbitrary 
power,"  of  which  the  Prince  of  Orange  had  been  the  "  gracious 
instrument ;  "  and  he,  with  ten  other  Bishops,  five  of  whom 
were  afterwards  Non- jurors,  accepted  the  task  of  drawing  up 
the  form  of  prayer  to  be  used  on  that  occasion.1  On  the  same 
day  Ken  acquiesced  in  the  unanimous  address  to  the  Prince, 
confirming  to  him  the  administration  of  affairs.  On  the  28th 
the  Commons,  after  a  vain  attempt  on  the  part  of  some  of  the 
peers  to  forestall  their  action  by  meeting  on  the  25th,  passed 
their  memorable  resolution,  that  the  King,  "  having  endea- 
voured to  subvert  the  constitution  of  the  kingdom,  by  break- 
ing the  original  contract  between  King  and  people,  and  by  the 
advice  of  Jesuits  and  other  wicked  persons,  having  violated 
the  fundamental  laws,  and  having  withdrawn  himself  out  of 
the  kingdom,  had  abdicated  the  government,  and  that  the 
throne  had  thereby  become  vacant."  Macaulay  says,  with 
some  severity,  that  "  perhaps,  there  never  was  a  sentence 
written  by  man  which  could  bear  minute  and  severe  criticism 
less  than  this."  It  assumed,  to  start  with,  a  theory — that  of 
the    "  original   contract  " — which  was  historically   untenable, 

1  The  Bishops  (I  indicate  the  future  Non-jurors  by  italics),  were  Compton, 
Sprat,  Turner,  Lloyd  (of  Norwich),  Lake,  Frampton,  Km,  White,  Harlow,  and 
Trelawny.  It  was  a  curious  illustration  of  the  chances  and  changes  of  the  time 
that  some  of  them  (Ken  being  one)  had  taken  part  in  drawing  up  the  prayers 
that  -J ami  s  directed  to  be  used  at  the  time  of  William's  so-called  invasion.  In 
this  rase,  as  before,  the  prayers  were  drawn  up  with  a  singular  caution  and  com- 
pFehensiveness,  avoiding  the  burning  questions  of  the  time,  and  expressing  tho 
feelings  in  which  all,  or  nearly  all,  could  concur.  Of  the  Thanksgiving  form, 
Macaulay  says  that  it  was  '•  perfectly  free  from  the  adulation  and  from  tho 
malignity  by  which  such  compositions  won;  in  that  age  too  often  deformed,  and 

Sustains,   better,  perhaps,  than    any   occasional   service    which    has    been    framed 

during  two  centuries,  a  comparison  with  that  great  model  of  chaste,  lofty,  and 
pathetic  eloquence,  the  Book  of  Common  Prayer"  (chap.  x.).  It  and  tho 
prayer  which  was  ordered  to  be  used  daily  for  the  Prince  recognised  him  as  the 
divinely  sent  '•  Defender  of  our  Laws  and  Religion,"  a  "mighty  deliverer" 
from  tin   "  intolerable  yok<  ofth(  tiomiah  Chur<  h." 


A.D.  1688—89.]  KEN'S  ACTION  IN  THE  CONVENTION     33 

and  had  never  been  recognised  except  by  the  judges  who 
condemned  Charles  I.  It  was  less  consistent  than  they  had  been, 
in  treating  the  violation  of  fundamental  law  and  desertion,  not 
as  leading  to  forfeiture,  but  as  an  act  of  abdication,  at  the 
very  moment  when  James  was  asserting  his  rights  to  the  full. 
It  violated  the  two  principles  of  English  law,  that  "  the  King 
can  do  no  wrong,"  and  that  "  the  King  never  dies,"  and  by 
affirming  that  the  throne  was  vacant,  set  aside  the  claims  alike 
of  the  infant  Prince  of  Wales  and  of  James's  two  daughters, 
and  substituted  an  elective  monarchy  (the  words  "  vacant 
throne  "  implied  that  it  was  a  throne  that  was  to  be  thus  filled 
up)  resting  on  a  Parliamentary  vote,  alike  for  the  prescriptions 
of  English  law  and  the  doctrine  of  Divine  Right.  With  the 
exception  of  that  word  "  throne,"  it  affirmed  all  that  the  most 
zealous  Republican  could  contend  for.  All  that  can  be  said 
for  it  is,  that  it  was  a  compromise,  that  it  was  made  to  catch 
votes  in  many  different  directions,  that  it  caught  them,  and 
was  thus  successful.  We  may  be  well  content,  as  I  am  for  one, 
with  the  outcome  of  the  whole,  but  not  the  less  can  I  sympa- 
thise with  Ken  and  others,  as  they  scrutinised  the  phrases  that 
involved  the  upturning  of  all  that  they  had  before  contended 
for.  On  the  2yth,  Ken  joined  in  the  unanimous  vote  for  the 
declaration,  "that  it  was  found  by  experience  to  be  incon- 
sistent with  the  safety  and  welfare  of  the  Protestant  religion  to 
be  governed  by  a  Popish  Prince  " — (we  note  the  change  from 
the  time  when  the  bishops  and  clergy  had  been  prominent  in 
opposing  the  Exclusion  Bill  of  1678), — the  Lords  insisting  on 
discussing  that  question  before  the  resolution  of  the  Commons, 
but  voted  in  the  minority,  51  against  54,  as  might  be  expected, 
for  a  Regency.1  Men  like  Evelyn  noted  that  on  the  following- 
day,  January  30th,  the  anniversary  of  Charles  I.'s  martyrdom, 
the  public  offices  and  pulpit  prayers,  the  collects  and  litany  for 
the  King  and  Queen  were  curtailed  and  mutilated — it  does  not 
appear  by  what  authority — to  suit  the  altered  conditions  of  the 
time.2     The  tone  of  the  sermons  on  that  day  must  also,  one 

1  Ken  and  Turner  were  the  only  two  Bishops  who  voted  on  that  side.  (Evelyn, 
January  29th,  1688.)    Sancroft,  as  has  been  said,  never  attended  the  Convention. 

2  Sharp,  Dean  of   Norwich,  the  Eector  of   St.  Giles' -in-the- Fields,   for  not 
suspending  whom  Compton  had  been  himself  suspended,  had  the  courage  to  read 


34  REVOLUTION  OF  1688.  [chap.  xix. 

imagines,  have  been  somewhat  different  from  that  with  which 
congregations  had  been  familiar  in  former  years. 

On  the  31st  the  Lords  discussed  the  resolution  of  the 
Commons,  and  Ken,  as  might  be  expected,  voted  against  the 
declaration  that  the  throne  was  "  vacant."  In  this  instance  he 
was  in  a  majority  of  fifty-five  to  fort}r-one.  William,  in  the 
meantime,  had  allowed  Bentinck  to  say  to  a  meeting  of  peers 
"  that  he  would  not  like  to  be  his  wife's  gentleman  usher,"  and 
Mary  had  written  a  letter  to  Danby,  confirming  a  statement 
which  Burnet  thought  himself  justified  in  making,  that  if  ever 
she  came  to  the  throne,  she  wished  to  surrender  all  her  power 
into  her  husband's  hands  ;  and  so  the  Regency  proposal  was 
quashed,  and  James  had  addressed  a  letter  to  the  Convention, 
as  though  he  was  still  master  of  the  situation,  promising  a 
general  pardon,  with  a  few  unnamed  exceptions.  On  February 
4th  Ken  voted  with  the  majority  who  adhered  to  their  objection 
to  the  resolution  of  the  Commons.  The  Commons  asked  for  a 
conference,  which  was  fixed  for  February  6th.  In  the  mean- 
time William  called  together  Halifax,  Danby,  and  Shrewsbury, 
and  other  political  leaders,  and  at  last  broke  the  silence  which 
had  till  then  been  so  impenetrable.  He  more  than  confirmed 
what  Bentinck  had  hinted.  He  would  not  be  Regent.  He 
would  not  even  be  a  King  Consort.  He  would  not  "  submit  to 
be  tied  to  the  apron-strings  even  of  the  best  of  wives."  He 
seemed  to  leave  it  doubtful,  to  Burnet's  indignation,  whether 
he  would  allow  her  to  be  more  than  a  Queen  Consort.  "The 
Convention  were  free  to  take  their  own  course.  He  was  free  to 
take  his." 

There  was,  after  this,  no  alternative  between  accepting 
William's  implied  demands,  swallowing  the  bitter  pill  with 
whatever  wryness  of  face,  or  the  uttermost  chaos  and  confusion. 
The  conference  was  held,  the  debates  were  long.  When  the 
Lords  returned  from  the  Painted  Chamber  to  their  own  House 
it  was  soon  clear  that  the  balance  of  parties  was  shifted.     Only 

the  whole  service  before  the  House  of  Commons,  at  St.  Margaret's,  Westminster, 
and  preached  a  sermon  in  the  old  tone.  He  narrowly  escaped — on  the  technical 
ground  that  he  was  hound  to  ignore  the  resolution  which  the  Commons  had 
passed  tho  previous  day,  and  of  which  there  had  been  no  official  publication — the 
censure  of  the  House. 


a.d.  1688—89]     KEN'S  VOTES  IN  THE  CONVENTION.      35 

three  peers  voted  against  the  proposition  that  the  King  had 
abdicated.  The  motion  "  that  the  throne  was  vacant  "  was 
carried  by  sixty-two  to  forty-seven,  Ken  being  in  the  minority. 
The  resolution  "  that  William  and  Mary  should  be  declared 
King  and  Queen  "  was  carried  without  a  division,  but  thirty- 
seven  peers,  including  twelve  bishops,  of  whom  Ken  was  one, 
entered  their  protest  against  it.  Of  these  only  five  ultimately 
refused  to  take  the  oaths.  On  February  9th,  10th,  11th,  and 
12th,  he  voted  consistently  against  the  measures  which  followed 
as  natural  corollaries  from  the  decision  already  taken ;  among 
others  against  the  new  oaths,  destined  to  have  so  fatal  an  in- 
fluence on  his  own  life,  and  on  that  of  many  of  his  dearest  friends, 
which  were  to  transfer  the  allegiance,  alike  of  clergy  and 
laymen,  to  the  new  sovereigns.  On  the  12th  he  left  the  House 
of  Lords  never  to  enter  it  again.1  At  some  stage  in  the 
progress  of  the  Convention  he  had  supported  a  bill,  drawn  by 
Nottingham,  for  Toleration  and  Comprehension  in  matters  of 
doctrine. 

On  the  evening  of  that  12th  of  February  Whitehall  witnessed 
a  scene  which,  if  I  mistake  not,  must  have  brought  a  keener 
pain  to  Ken's  heart,  when  he  heard  of  it,  than  even  the  result 
of  the  Convention.  Mary  arrived  at  the  Palace,  and  instead 
of  appearing  impressed  with  the  solemnity  of  her  position,  as 
others  were,  acted  with  a  strange  and  unbecoming  levity,  came 
"  laughing  and  jolly,  as  to  a  wedding,"  rose  early  the  next 
morning,  and  "  in  her  undress,  as  was  reported, "  ran  from 
room  to  room,  looking  at  the  furniture,  turning  up  the  quilts 
of  the  beds  with  a  childish  exultation,  sitting  down  within  a 
night  or  two  to  play  at  basset,  as  her  step-mother  used  to  do. 2 
Even  Burnet  was  shocked  into  remonstrating  with  her,  in  his 
character  of  spiritual  director.  The  explanation  which  she 
gave,  and  which  served  afterwards  as  the  apologia  of  her 
champions,  was  that  William,   fearful   of  the  inference  that 


1  Evelyn  records  (March  29th)  that  "  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  foure 
other  Bishops  refusing  to  come  to  Parliament,  it  was  deliberated  whether  they 
should  incur  Praemunire  ;  but  it  was  thought  fit  to  let  this  fall,  and  be  connived 
at,  for  feare  of  the  people,  to  whom  those  Prelates  were  very  deare,  for  the  oppo- 
sition they  had  given  to  Popery." 

2  Evelyn  (Feb.  13th,  1689)  ;  Strickland,  Queens,  xi.  p.  5. 


36 


nEVOLUTIOX  OF  1688. 


[cnAr.  xix. 


might  be  drawn  from  any  apprarance  of  sadness,  had  told  her 
that  she  must  look  cheerful,  and  that  she,  accustomed  to  im- 
plicit obedience,  had  simply  over-acted  her  part.  The  break- 
ing-in  process  had  succeeded.  Never  had  Petruchio  a  more 
obedient  Katherine. 

"With  a  sad  and  sorrowful  heart  Ken  returned  to  Wells  to 
wait  in  patience  the  course  of  events  which  he  could  no  longer 
control,  in  which  he  could  no  longer  take  even  a  dissentient  part. 
It  lies  in  the  nature  of  the  case  that  neither  he  nor  Sancroft, 
nor  the  other  Bishops  who  thought  with  them,  attended  the 
Court  of  the  new  King  and  Queen,  in  the  Banqueting  Room  at 
"Whitehall,  in  which  they  received,  on  February  l<3th,  from 
both  Houses  of  the  Convention,  the  offer  of  the  crown. 

Note. — The  Memoirs  of  Mary,  recently  published  by  Dr.  R.  Dobner  (1886), 
give  the  results  of  her  self-scrutiny  during  the  eventful  years  1688 — 93.  They 
contain  a  frank  and  touching  confession,  in  full  accordance  with  what  she  told 
Burnet.  "  And  here  I  was  guilty  of  a  great  sin.  I  let  myself  go  on  too  much, 
and  the  devil  immediately  took  bis  advantage.  Tbe  world  filled  ray  mind,  and 
left  but  little  room  for  good  thoughts.  The  next  day  after  I  came  we  were  pro- 
claimed, and  the  government  put  wholly  in  the  Prince's  hands.  This  pleased  me 
extremely,  but  many  would  not  believe  it  ;  so  that  I  was  fain  to  force  myself  to 
more  mirth  than  became  me  at  that  time."  She  adds  that  she  "  had  been  only 
for  a  regency  "  (p.  11.) 


>      ■        , 


°Ti 


MEDAL    TO    COMMEMORATE    ACQUITTAL    OP    SEVEN    BISHOPS. 


CHAPTER   XX. 

"  I  step,  I  mount  where  He  has  led  ; 
Then  count  my  haltings  o'er  ; 
I  know  them  ;  yet,  though  self  I  dread, 
I  love  His  precept  more." 

J.  H.  Newman. 

HESITATION FINAL    DECISION DEPARTURE    FROM    WELLS. 

It  is  not  without  a  sense  of  relief  that  I  turn  from  the  main 
stream  of  English  history,  in  which  Ken  had  been  reluctantly 
compelled  to  bear  a  part,  to  a  narrative  of  more  limited  scope. 
I  gladly  leave  the  actors  in  that  history — Shrewsbury  and 
Danby,  and  Churchill  and  Nottingham,  with  their  rivalries 
and  intrigues,  the  Scotch,  Irish,  and  foreign  policy  of  William, 
the  Act  of  Union,  the  Battle  of  the  Boyne,  the  massacre  of 
Glencoe — to  be  with  Ken  in  his  retirement.  I  have  had,  in 
justice  to  him,  to  tell,  as  far  as  he  was  connected  with  it,  a 
twice-told  tale,  in  which  I  expose  myself  to  comparison  with 
the  great  masters  of  historical  narrative.  I  now  enter  on  a 
personal  history,  within  narrower  limits,  in  which,  whatever 
may  be  my  defects,  in  substance  or  in  style,  I  shall  no  longer 
incur  the  risk  of  that  comparison. 

The  two  letters  that  follow,  written  within  a  few  weeks  of 
Ken's  withdrawal  from  the  scene  of  action,  will  sufficiently 
indicate  the  feelings  with  which  he  looked  forward  to  the 
impending  future. 

LETTER  XXVI. 

To  Viscount  Weymouth. 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 
"  My  very  good  Lord, 
"  Your  Lordship  was  so  well  employ'd  in  a  Labour  of  Love  to 
ye  Publiek,  y*  I  could  not  regrate  your  absence  when  I  came  to 

VOL.    II.  D 


38  HESITATION— FINAL  DECISION.  [chap.  xx. 

Longleat.  The  trueth  is,  I  fully  intended  to  have  wayted  on  you 
before,  but  my  Cousin  Walton  being  with  me  &  beinge  to  returne 
on  Saturday,  ye  desire  I  had  to  accompany  him  so  much  on  his  way 
determin'd  me  to  y4  day.  I  will  take  what  care  I  can  in  the  choice 
of  Convocation  Men.  I  thought  the  two  last  had  been  very  steddy, 
but  the  current  of  preferment  running  at  present  ye  other  way,  t'is 
hard  in  so  giddy  an  age  as  this,  to  choose  those  who  will  row 
against  the  Streame,  or  those  who,  though  they  goe  well  resolved 
from  us,  shall  not  have  their  braines  turned  by  ye  aire  of  ye  Towne. 
If  ye  Parlament  thinke  fitt  to  give  us  more  time,  'tis  all  ye  kindnesse 
they  can  doe  us,  &  that  will  be  a  little  respite,  but  not  finally  prevent 
yl  mine.  God's  Holy  will  be  done.  I  intend,  God  willing,  when 
the  weather  grows  more  temperate,  to  try  my  fortune  once  more  ; 
&  I  shall  not  thinke  my  iourney  lost,  as  long  as  I  find  ye  good  Lady 
there,  &  ye  young  Lady,  &  Mr.  Thinne,  to  whom  I  beseech  your 
Lordship  to  present  my  most  Humble  Service  ;  God  of  His  Infinite 
Goodnesse  multiply  His  blessings  on  you  all. 

''Your  Lordship's  very  humble  &  affectionate  Servant, 

"THO.  BATH  &  WELLS. 

"March  3rd  (168f)." 

[The  "labour  of  love"  is,  I  take  it,  Lord  Weymouth's  attendance  in  the 
Convention  Parliament,  and  his  efforts  to  moderate  the  rigour  of  the  measures 
contemplated  against  those  who  declined  to  take  the  oath  to  the  new  sovereign. 
It  is  only  fair  to  Burnet  to  note  that  he  took  a  prominent  part  in  the  debates  in 
the  House  of  Lords  in  urging,  as  he  himself  says,  "with  vehemence,"  that  the 
deprived  Bishops  should  be  excused  from  taking  the  oath,  unless  tendered  by 
the  King  in  Council.  He  also  proposed  and  carried  a  clause  in  the  Act  of 
Parliament  (1  William  and  Mar)r,  c.  viii.  sec.  17),  authorizing  the  King  to 
allow  to  twelve  of  the  Non-juring  clergy  an  allowance  out  of  their  benefices,  not 
exceeding  one-third,  during  His  Majesty's  pleasure.  It  does  not  appear  that 
the  authority  was  ever  acted  on,  but  Ken  was  probably  one  of  the  twelve  in 
whose  favour  it  was  proposed.  {Proceedings  of  Parliament  upon  the  Bill  to  prevent 
Occasional  Conformity,  1710.)  "My  Cousin  Walton"  is  Ken's  nephew,  Izaak 
Walton,  jun.,  then  Canon  of  Salisbury,  who  seems  to  have  been  with  him  at 
Wells.  Convocation  had  been  summoned  to  meet  on  November  17th,  and  Ken 
was  clearly  anxious  as  to  the  line  it  might  take  on  Church  affairs.  The  proctors 
actually  chosen  were  Dr.  Busby  for  the  Chapter  (see  i.  202)  and  William 
<  llement  and  Giles  Pooley  for  the  diocese.  Of  the  two  latter  I  have  not  as  yet 
lxcri  able  to  learn  anything.  The  prizes  of  the  Church,  as,  e.g.,  a  little  Later  in 
the  case  of  Sherlock,  were  already  beginning  to  exercise  an  attractive  influence 
on  those  who  seemed  to  Ken  to  be  men  of  mixed  motives  and  unstable  cha- 
racters. The  "more  time"  refers  probably  to  the  interval,  ultimately  fixed 
as  a  six  months'  grace,  from  suspension  on  August  1st,  1089,  to  deprivation  on 
February  1st',  I  690,  which  was  to  be  given  to  the  clergy,  in  which  to  make  up  their 
minds  as  to  the  great  question  of  taking  the  oaths.  He  obviously  already  turns 
to  I.'mgleat  as  a  place  where  he  is  sure  to  find,  if  not  perfect  agreement,  at  all 


a.d.  1689-91.]         «  WHOLLY  IN  THE  LARK:'  39 

events,  a  sympathising  friendship.  The  "  young  lady  "  and  the  "  Mr.  Thinne  " 
are  the  two  children  of  Lord  Weymouth,  to  whom,  in  1685,  he  had  sent  copies 
of  his  Manual  of  Divine  Love.  The  form  of  the  oaths  was,  on  the  whole,  less 
stringent  than  that  which  it  replaced.  The  promissory  oath  was  simply  "I,  A. 
B.,  do  sincerely  promise  and  swear  that  I  will  be  faithful  and  bear  true  alle- 
giance to  their  Majesties  King  "William  and  Queen  Mary."  It  was  followed  by 
that  rejecting  the  "  damnable  doctrine  and  position  .  .  .  ."with  which  we 
are  familiar.  The  scruples  of  Ken  and  his  brother  non-jurors  obviously  turned 
entirely  on  the  first  of  the  two.] 

LETTER  XXVII. 
To  Viscount  Weymouth. 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 
"  My  very  good  Lord. 
"It  lias  been  a  great  disappointment  to  me  y*  I  could  not  wait 
on  your  Lordship  all  this  while.  The  trueth  is,  I  had  done  it,  but 
jb  Mr.  Davis  assur'd  me  you  would  not  be  at  home  till  ye  end  of  this 
weeke.  On  Thursday  last  I  intended  to  have  done  it,  but  was  f  eare- 
f  ull  to  loose  my  labour  &  so  putt  it  off  to  this  day,  wch  prov'd  so  bad 
I  could  not  stir,  and  iust  now,  Mr.  Davis  sends  me  word  yl  you  goe 
towards  London  tomorrow,  so  y*  I  now  despaire  of  seeing  you  be- 
fore you  goe.  If  your  Lordship  has  leasure  to  enlighten  me  in  a 
line  or  two,  who  am  wholly  in  the  dark,  &  know  nothing,  &  to  give 
me  what  advice  you  think  fitt  for  one  who  is  certainly  design' d  for 
ruine,  you  will  doe  a  great  act  of  Charity,  &  as  soon  as  ever  I  have 
perused  your  Instructions  I  promise  to  burne  them.  God  of  His 
Infinite  Goodnesse  multiply  His  blessings  on  your  selfe,  your  Lady 
and  your  family. 

"  Your  Lordship's  most  humble  &  affectionate  Servant, 

"THO.  BATH  &  WELLS. 

"March  loth  (168*)." 

[The  projected  visit  to  Longleat  did  not  come  off.  There  is  something  pathetic 
in  Ken's  sense  of  being  "  wholly  in  the  dark."  A  few  months  before  the  eyes  of 
England  had  been  fixed  on  him.  He  was  the  observed  of  all  observers.  James 
and  Sancroft  and  Clarendon  were  inviting  him  to  share  their  counsels.  A  few 
weeks  before  he  had  been  in  the  "fierce  fight"  of  the  Convention,  knowing 
everything,  and  taking  part  in  the  counsels  of  one  of  the  great  parties  of  the 
State.  Already  there  presses  on  him  the  sense  that  he  is  as  a  man  "  designed  for 
ruine  "  by  the  vindictive  policy  of  the  Whigs,  who  were  now  dominant  in  the 
House  of  Commons.  That  text  of  his,  Et  tu  quceris  tibi  grandia  ?  Xoli  qucerere, 
(i.  139),  had  proved  but  too  prophetic.  All  that  he  could  now  hope  for  was  that, 
as  with  him  to  whom  the  words  were  spoken,  his  "  life  should  be  given  him  for 
a  prey."  The  promise  to  burn  his  correspondent's  letters  is  not  without  signifi- 
cance as  to  the  temper  of  men's  minds  in  those  dangerous  days.] 

d2 


40  HESITATION— FINAL  DECISION.  [chap  xx. 

During  those  anxious  months  the  question,  which  must 
obviously  have  been  uppermost  in  Ken's  mind,  was  that  which 
was  to  determine  the  whole  future  of  his  life.  Could  he  take 
the  new  oaths  or  not  ?  It  was,  I  imagine,  not  an  easy  question. 
He  had  never,  as  he  himself  says,  "  flown  so  high  "  as  others 
had  done,  into  the  speculative  regions  of  Filmer's  theory 
of  divine  hereditary  right.  He  seldom  "  meddled,"  in  his 
sermons  or  otherwise,  as  he  tells  Burnet  (p.  48),  "  with  the 
passive  obedience"  which  had  been  "preached  up"  by  Tillot- 
son,  Burnet  himself,  and  others,  who  were  now  foremost  among 
the  worshippers  of  the  rising  sun.  He  so  far  accepted  the 
theory  of  an  implied  "  original  contract "  between  king  and 
people  as  to  maintain  that  there  might  be  an  Act,  such,  e.g.,  as 
James's  rumoured  transfer  of  Ireland  to  Louis  XIV.,1  which, 
like  the  sin  of  unfaithfulness  in  marriage,  would  justify  a  divorce 
a  vinculo  between  the  king  and  the  nation.  He  had  voted  for  the 
proposition  that  no  Roman  Catholic  could  safely  hold  the  reins 
of  government  in  England,  and  so  had  accepted  the  principle  of 
the  Exclusion  Bill,  and  secured,  as  it  might  well  seem,  the  right 
relations,  as  far  as  that  point  was  concerned,  between  Church  and 
State.  He  was  prepared,  as  his  subsequent  conduct  shows,  to  pay 
obedience  to  a  king  de  facto,  and,  both  on  this  and  the  preceding 
ground,  he  lived  in  quiet  obedience  to  the  law,  and  held  aloof 
from  all  conspiracies  for  James's  restoration.  He  dreaded 
above  all  the  perpetuation  of  the  schism  in  the  Church,  which  was 
sure  to  follow  on  the  secession  of  the  non-juring  bishops  and 
clergy.  It  was  known  among  the  other  non-jurors  that  he 
was  in  doubt.  Turner  wrote  to  Sancroft  on  Ascension  Hay, 
1689,  to  say  that  he  feared  that  "  this  very  good  man  is  warp- 
ing from  us  and  the  true  interest  of  the  Church,  towards  a 
compliance  with  the  new  government."  He  apprehends  that 
"  your  parson  of  Lambeth  has  superfined  upon  our  brother  of 
Bath  and  Wells."  Fitzwilliam  wrote  to  Lady  Rachel  Russell 
that  he  "knew him  to  be  fluctuating,"  that  "  the  consideration  of 
the  peace  of  the  Church  "  might  induce  him  to  comply.  Years 
afterwards,  in  1696,  Lady  Rachel  wrote,2  though  in  this 
she,  like  Burnet,  was  mistaken,  that  she  knew  he  had  advised 
others  to  take  the  oaths,  and  had  rejoiced  that  they  could  take 

1   Macaulay,  chap.  viii.  ■  Letters,  98,  14-4. 


a.d.  1689— 91.]     DODWELL,  THE  LAY  DICTATOR.  41 

them,  though  he  shrank  from  doing  so  himself.  Burnet  had 
been  told  by  Dr.  Whitby  that  he  had  seen  a  paper,  written 
shortly  after  Ken's  withdrawal  from  London,  which  he  had  pre- 
pared, persuading  the  clergy  to  take  the  oaths,  and  by  Ken's 
chaplain,  Dr.  Eyre,  that  "  he  came  with  him  to  London,  where 
at  first  he  owned  that  he  was  resolved  to  go  to  the  House  of 
Lords  and  take  the  oaths,  but  that  he  was  prevailed  on  to  change 
his  mind  on  the  first  day  after  he  arrived  in  town."  1  The  author 
of  the  Life  of  Kettlewell  laments  that  Turner,  dear  as  he  was 
to  Ken,  had  never  been  able  to  "draw  him  up  to  the  same 
height  as  himself  in  the  matter  of  the  oaths." 

A  correspondence  with  Henry  Dodwell,  who  now,  as  through- 
out his  life,  assumed  what  Frampton  called  the  position  of  the 
great  "  lay  dictator  "  of  the  Church,  reminding  bishops  of  their 
duty,  and  upbraiding  them  with  their  weakness  and  wicked- 
ness when  they  did  not  follow  his  advice,  shows  at  once  the 
imputations  to  which  Ken  was  exposed  and  his  sensitiveness 
under  them. 

Dodwell  had  written,  as  we  gather  from  Ken's  answer,  a 
strong  letter  of  remonstrance  based  upon  the  reports  he  had 
heard  of  his  wavering  and  uncertain  counsels.  To  this  Ken 
replied  as  follows  :  — 

LETTER  XX  VIII. 
To  Mr.  Henry  Dodwell. 
"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"  Sir, — I  was  surprised  to  receive  a  letter  from  you,  having  not 
had  yr  favour  for  many  yeares,  but  ye  letter  itself e  did  much  more 
surprise  me.  You  are  pleased  to  accuse  me  of  fluctuating,  &  by  yl 
meanes,  of  being  accessory  to  very  many  &  great  sinnes  in  others,  of 
scandall  &  perjury  &  ye  like,  and  in  a  very  few  lines  you  inculcate 
ye  prevalence  of  flesh  &  blood  on  me,  four  severall  times  one  after 
another.  I  conceive  that  common  kindnesse  &  equity  should  have 
inclined  you  to  have  sent  to  me  to  know  whether  ye  reports  you 
heard  of  me  were  true,  before  you  laid  so  great  a  load  on  me.  If 
there  had  been  ground  for  them,  &  I  had  been  falling,  you  should 
have  endeavoured  to  restore  me  wth  ye  spirit  of  meeknesse.  If  I  had 
actually  fallen,  I  do  not  apprehend  I  should  have  deserved  such 
1  Burnet,  0.  T.  Book  v.,  1689. 


42  HESITATION— FINAL  DECISION.  [chap,  xx. 

odious  imputations.  If  I  did,  I  must  have  condemned  a  great  many 
wise  &  good  &  conscientious  men  who  have  allready  complyd,  wch  I 
dare  not  doe.  So  yi  upon  the  whole,  though  I  perswaded  my  self e 
your  letter  was  well  intended,  yett  it  was  so  worded,  y*  it  rather 
causelessly  grieved  than  convinced  me.  God  of  his  iustice  &  good- 
nesse  give  us  grace,  in  this  and  all  other  di fficulty s,  to  keepe  a  con- 
science void  of  offence. 

"  Good  Sr, 
"  Your  very  affectionate  Friend, 

"THO.  BATH  &  WELLS. 

u  May  Uth,  1689." 

[The  chief  points  in  the  letter  are — (1)  the  tone  of  plaintive  protest  which  runs 
through  it.  Ken  will  not  retaliate.  He  will  believe  that  Dodwell's  letter  was 
"well  intended,"  even  though  it  had  conveyed  "odious  imputations"  against 
him.  (2)  There  is  the  fullest  recognition  that  the  question  of  the  oaths  was 
not  such  plain  sailing  as  it  seemed  to  those  who  rushed,  with  a  rough-and-ready 
haste,  to  extreme  conclusions.  He,  for  his  part,  was  not  prepared  to  condemn 
the  "  many  wise  and  good  and  conscientious  men  "  who  had  already  complied.] 

Dodwell  answered  in  a  letter,  too  long  to  be  reproduced  in  full,  in  much  the 
same  spirit  as  before.  He  wonders  that  Ken  should  have  been  "  surprised  "  by 
his  former  letter.  Was  he  not  bound  to  watch  over  the  interests  of  the  Church, 
and  to  warn  his  friend  of  the  "sin  and  scandals"  to  which  his  example 
might  lead  ?  And  after  all  his  strong  language  had  only  been  conditional.  He 
had  only  spoken  on  the  hypothesis  of  Ken's  compliance  as  to  the  oaths,  and  he 
had  not  actually  gone  beyond  a  remonstrance  with  him  on  his  doubts  and 
fluctuations.  As  for  the  plea  that  good  men  had  complied,  if  taking  the  oath 
was  a  crime,  the  number  of  criminals  could  make  no  difference.  It  could  never 
be  otherwise  than  wrong  to  "  follow  a  multitude  to  do  evil."  He  exhorts  Ken 
finally  to  follow  the  examples  of  Cyprian  and  Athanasius  and  Hosius.  Probably 
Ken  felt  now,  as  later  on,  that  even  the  multitudo  peccantium  was  a  plea  for 
charity  (p.  193). 

To  this  letter  Ken  returned  the  following  answer  : — 


LETTER  XXIX. 
To  Mr.  Henry  Dodwell. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

11  Sr, — Your  letter  followed  me  intoye  country,  in  wch  you  expresse 
so  reall  a  kindnesse  &  hearty  concerne  for  me,  y1  I  think  my  selfe 
bound  to  returne  you  my  hearty  acknowledgments  for  them,  &  I 
doe  withall  beg  your  pardon  for  my  last,  wch  I  had  much  rather 
doe  than  endeavour  to  justify  it.  The  very  trueth  is,  when  your 
letter  came  to  my  hands  I  was  sick,  &  my  indisposition  was  ye  more 


a.d.  1689—91.]  KEN  AND  HOOPER.  43 

inflamed  by  finding  my  selfe  so  vehemently  assaulted  &  suspected 
by  boeth  sides,  &  my  distemper  governed  my  style.  I  had  given 
you  a  full  &  free  account  of  my  selfe  before  this  time  ;  but  I  could 
meet  with  no  private  hand  to  conveye  it  to  you,  &  I  thought  it  not 
fitt  to  write  by  ye  post.  In  short,  I  am  now  &  allwayes  was  of  your 
opinion  in  ye  maine,  &  so  I  am  like  to  continue,  unlesse  things 
change  to  y*  degree  y*  I  may  lawfully  change  allso ;  onely  in  one 
thing  I  cannot  goe  so  far  as  you  seeme  to  doe,  in  condemning  those 
who  are  of  another  perswasion,  because  I  thinke  there  are  more 
degrees  of  excusability  in  what  they  have  done  than  perhapps  you 
will  admit.  God  of  his  infinite  goodnesse  blesse  &  prosper  all  your 
labours  of  love  for  His  Church. 

"Good  Sr, 
"  Your  truely  affectionate  Friend, 

"T.  BATH  &  AVELLS. 

"June  12th,  1689." 

[The  meek,  apologetic  tone  of  the  letter  is  eminently  characteristic.  It  was 
in  Ken's  natural  man  to  flash,  under  the  double  pressure  of  bodily  infirmities 
and  unjust  imputations  from  "  both  sides,"  into  a  white  heat  of  indignation,  but 
this  was,  in  all  cases  that  we  can  trace,  followed,  after  no  long  interval,  by 
repentance  and  confusion  of  face  and  confession  of  his  fault  (p.  149).  Most  of 
those  who  have  studied  the  spiritual  life  will  feel,  I  think,  that  this  implies  a 
measure  of  saintliness  higher  even  than  that  of  a  more  uniform,  because  more 
natural,  equanimity.  We  note,  however,  that,  even  now,  he  will  not  go  so 
far  as  his  correspondent.  "  Things  may  change  "  so  far  that  he  himself  may 
"fully  change''  with  them.  James  might  so  act — he  is  probably  thinking  once 
again  of  Ireland  (pp.  10,  49) — as  to  justify  the  renunciation  of  all  allegiance  to 
him.  Meanwhile  he  will  not  condemn  those  who  are  of  another  persuasion, 
and  recognises,  in  the  temper  of  a  true  charity,  that  there  are  (it  was  a  favourite 
phrase  of  his)  different  "  degrees  of  excusability"  (pp.  93,  110).] 

How  painful  this  fluctuation  was,  how  nearly  the  scales  hung 
balanced  equally,  was  shown  in  the  fact  that  he  went  up,  pro- 
bably, as  Turner's  letter  shows,  before  Ascension  Day,  1689, 
to  consult  Hooper,  who  had  taken  the  oaths  : 

"  On  parting  one  night  to  go  to  bed,  the  Bishop  seemed  so  well 
satisfied  with  the  arguments  Dr.  Hooper  urged  to  him,  that  he  was 
inclined  to  take  the  oaths/'  But  the  next  morning  he  used  these 
expressions  to  him: — "I  question  not  but  that  you  and  several 
others  have  taken  the  oaths  with  as  good  a  conscience  as  myself 
shall  refuse  them  ;  and  sometimes  you  have  almost  persuaded  me  to 
comply  by  the  arguments  you  have  used ;  but  I  beg  you  to  urge 
them  no  further ;  for  should  I  be  persuaded  to  comply,  and  after 
see  reason  to  repent,  you  would  make  me  the  most  miserable  man 


II  HESITATION— FINAL  DECISION.  [chap.  xx. 

in  the  world."  "Upon  which  the  Doctor  said  he  would  never 
mention  the  subject  any  more  to  hirn,  for  God  forbid  he  should 
take  them.*' ' 

As  we  know,  he  adhered  finally  to  that  resolve.     As  far  as  I 
can  judge  the  workings  of  his  mind,  I  take  it  that  there  were 
three  dominant  elements  in  his  decision.     (1)  He  saw  in  the 
oath  of  allegiance  a  personal  promise  to  James.     It  had  been 
given  unconditionally  and  in  accordance  with  the  laws  of  Eng- 
land, and,  the  extremest  case,  as  stated  above,  excepted,  he  was 
unable  to  read  into  it  ex  post  facto  limitations.     He  clung  to  the 
theory  of  a  regency,  and  could  not  honestly  say  that  James  had 
abdicated,  and  therefore,  though  he  might  hold  that  it  would 
be    wrong   to    entrust   him   personally   with    the    exercise   of 
kingly  power,  and  would  obey  a  de  facto  ruler,  yet  he  could 
not  recognise    another   king.     (2)  He  could   not   admit   that 
Parliament  had  the  dispensing  power,  against  which  he  had 
protested  when  it  had  been  claimed  by  James.     As  he  would 
not  be  accessory  to  James's  violations  of  the  law,  so  neither 
could   he  make   himself  accessory   to   the    deprivation  of  his 
brother  bishops    and  the  clergy   by    a   purely  secular   autho- 
rity.    That  would  seem  to  him  simple  undiluted  Erastianism. 
(3)   He  shrank  with,   it  may  be,   a  morbid  sensitiveness  from 
even  appearing  to   be  one  of  those  who  changed  their   voice 
according  to  the  time,  and  abandoned  all  they  had  been  preach- 
ing for  years,  for  the  sake  of  gaining  or  retaining  high  places 
in  the  Church.     He  could  not  bear  to  think  that  men  should 
speak  of  him  as  they  already  spoke  of  Tillotson  and  Burnet, 
as  they  afterwards  spoke  of  Sherlock,  when,  following  the  line 
of  action  suggested  by  Overall's  Convocation  Book,  he  took  the 
oaths,  and  passed  from  the  Mastership  of  the  Temple  to  the 
Deanery  of  St.  Paul's.     The  temper  of  his  mind  inclined  in 
quite  the  opposite  direction.     If  he  was  in  doubt  it  was  safer, 
in  quite    another   sense   than   that   in   which  others   counted 
"  safety,"  to  take  the  losing  and  not  the  winning  side.     The 
via   cruris,  the  path  of  suffering  and   sacrifice,  brought   with 
it  fewer  temptations  than  one  of  prosperity  and  ease.'2     And  for 

1  ProwBe  MS.  and  Hawkins,  p.  30. 

2  In    1879,  as  Canon  Jackson  informs  mo,  an  old  playing  card,  the  deuce  of 
spades,  I'll  Out  of  a  volume  in  Ken's  library  at  Lougleat,  Priorato's  History  of  the 


V 


a.d.  1689—91.]  IMPERFECT  SYMPATHIES.  45 

him  the  sacrifice  was  great.  He  had  to  part  not  only  from  the 
state  and  income  of  his  episcopate — that  for  him  would  have  been 
but  a  small  thing — but  from  the  flock  which  he  loved,  dear  to 
him  as  his  own  soul.  He  at  last  made  his  choice,  and  could 
only  say,  as  he  had  said  to  James  on  that  memorable  8th  of 
June,  1688,  "  God's  will  be  done." 

But  the  very  struggles  through  which  he  had  himself  passed 
gave  a  very  different  character  to  his  position  from  that  of  most 
of  the  other  Non-jurors.  One  of  the  trials  of  the  years  that  fol- 
lowed was,  indeed,  that  he  found  himself  in  imperfect  sympathy 
with  those  with  whom  he  was  classed,  with  whom  he  was  com- 
pelled to  class  himself.  He  shrank  from  their  bitterness  and 
hardness,  from  their  scurrilous  libels  on  men  better  than  them- 
selves, from  the  anathemas  which  they  dealt  out  to  those  from 
whom  they  had  separated,  from  the  restless  conspiracies  of 
some  of  them,  from  the  tendency  of  others  to  take  up  a  position 
like  that  of  the  Donatists  and  Montanists  of  old,  as  though 
they,  and  they  only,  represented  the  true  Church  of  Christ  in 
England,  and  all  others  were  renegades  and  apostates.  He 
foresaw,  more  clearly  than  they  did,  all  the  evils  of  a  perpetuated 
schism.  If  among  them  there  were  men  like  Kettlewell,  Fitz- 
william,  Nelson,  of  whom  the  world  was  not  worthy,  whose 
holiness  of  life  had  probably  contributed,  in  no  small  measure, 
to  influence  his  decision,  there  were,  on  the  other  side,  men  of 
equal  holiness,  of  equal  wisdom,  of  equal  loyalty  to  the  prin- 
ciples of  the  Church  of  England.  He  could  not  and  would  not 
blame  them.  He  continued  to  count  Hooper  his  dearest  friend, 
and  he  was  content  to  find  a  home  under  Lord  Weymouth's  pro- 


Wars  of  Europe,  translated  by  Henry  Cary,  Earl  of  Monmouth,  in  1648.  On  the 
card,  which  he  had  apparently  used  as  a  hook-marker,  were  two  sentences  in  Ken's 
writing.  The  first  of  these  was,  "  It  is  better  to  hazard  one's  self  in  war  yn  to 
be  sure  to  lose  all  in  peace."  There  is  no  date,  but  the  maxim  may,  I  think, 
throw  light  on  Ken's  motives  in  his  final  decision.  He  preferred  the  "hazard " 
of  the  conflict  which  lay  before  him  to  the  certain  "loss"  of  forfeiting  what  to 
him  was  "all,"  his  self-respect,  his  conscious  integrity,  by  the  ignominious 
"  peace"  of  surrendering  his  convictions  for  the  sake  of  place  and  power,  The 
other  sentence  does  not  connect  itself  with  this  or  any  .other  special  period  in 
Ken's  life,  but  I  may  as  well  quote  it  here  :  "  Ye  sun  in  a  direct  way  enlightens 
ye  object,  but  confounds  the  organ."  Could  this  have  been  suggested  by  the 
prayer  of  Ajax,  "  iv  Se  <pda  icai  oitoaov,"  and  applied  to  spiritual  intuitions  ? 


46  HESITATIOX—FIXAL  DECISIOX.  [chat.  xx. 

tcction  at  Longleat,  though  both  of  them  had  taken  the  oaths 
which  he  felt  that  he  could  not  take.  During  the  interval  that  yet 
remained  for  the  exercise  of  his  episcopal  functions,  he  pre- 
sented to  livings  in  his  gift  clergy  none  of  whom  were  after- 
wards Non-jurors.  With  that  desire  for  time  which  was  ex- 
pressed in  Letter  XXVI.,  he  waited  during  the  months  from 
February  to  July  without  publicly  announcing  a  decision.1  He 
waited,  it  may  be,  in  the  hope  that  a  way  not  yet  in  view  might 
be  opened  for  him  out  of  his  perplexities.  At  last,  on  August  1, 
1689,  the  limit  fixed  by  the  Act  of  Parliament  came,  and  not 
having  taken  the  oaths,  he  was  ipso  facto  suspended  from  the 
exercise  of  his  office,  but  had  yet  six  months'  grace  before  the 
suspension  passed  into  deprivation.  He  adopted  a  course  for 
the  administration  of  his  diocese  during  the  interval,  which, 
though  it  had  the  precedent  of  SancrofVs  commission  to  three 
Bishops  to  consecrate  Burnet,  was  perhaps  scarcely  logical,  and 
which,  at  all  events,  exposed  him  to  the  taunts  of  inconsistency 
on  the  right  hand  and  on  the  left.  Burnet  appears  to  have 
received  a  kind  of  roving  commission,  or  permission,  from  the 
Crown  to  act  as  Commissary  for  some  at  least  of  the  suspended 
Bishops.  We  know,  for  certain,  that  he  acted  in  that  character 
for  Frampton.  The  following  letter  to  Ken  implies,  with 
hardly  the  shadow  of  a  doubt,  that  he  was  acting  in  a  like 
capacity  for  the  diocese  of  Bath  and  Wells.  Its  importance 
leads  me  to  depart  from  my  usual  rule  of  giving  none  but 
Ken's  letters  in  extenso  : — 

To  the  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells. 

"My  Lord, 
"The  gentleman  who  is  presented  to  a  living  in  your  lordship's 
diocese  came  to  me  to  receive  institution,  but  I  have  declined  the 
doing  of  it,  and  so  have  sent  him  over  to  your  lordship  that  you,  being 

1  The  letter  from  Turner,  quoted  above  (p.  43),  contains  another  significant 
passage  :  "  I  receiv'd  an  honest  letter  from  him,  and  a  friendly  one,  wherein  hee 
arguf'3  wrong,  to  my  understanding,  hut  promises  and  protests  hee  will  keep  him- 
self disengaged  till  he  debates  things  over  again  with  us,  and  that  hee  was 
coming  up  for  that  purpose.  My  Lord  Bishop  of  Norwich  has  seen  such  another 
letter  from  him  to  my  Lord  of  Gloucester."  Frampton,  it  will  be  seen,  was 
more  in  sympathy  with  Ken  than  any  other  of  the  Non-juring  Bishops. 


a.d.  1689—91.]  BURNET 8  INDICTMENT.  47 

satisfy' d  with  relation  to  him,  may  order  your  Chancellor  to  do  it. 
I  was  willing  to  lay  hold  on  this  occasion  to  let  your  lordship  know 
that  I  intend  to  make  no  other  use  of  the  commission  that  was  sent 
me  than  to  obey  any  orders  that  you  may  send  me  in  such  things  as 
my  hand  and  seal  may  be  necessary.  I  am  extremely  concerned  to  see 
your  lordship  so  unhappily  possess' d  with  that  which  is  likely  to  prove 
so  fatal  to  the  Church,  if  we  are  deprived  of  one  that  has  served  in 
it  with  so  much  honour  as  you  have  done,  especially  at  such  a  time 
when  there  are  fair  hopes  of  the  reforming  of  several  abuses.  I  am 
the  more  amazed  to  find  your  lordship  so  positive ;  because  some 
have  told  myself  that  you  had  advised  them  to  take  that  which  you 
refuse  yourself,  and  others  have  told  me  that  they  read  a  pastoral 
letter  which  you  had  prepared  for  your  diocese,  and  were  resolved 
to  print  it  when  you  went  to  London.  Your  lordship,  it  seems, 
changed  your  mind  there,  which  gave  great  advantages  to  those 
who  were  so  severe  as  to  say  that  there  was  somewhat  else  than 
conscience  at  the  bottom.  I  take  the  liberty  to  write  this  freely  to 
your  lordship,  for  I  do  not  deny  that  I  am  in  some  pain  till  I  know 
whether  it  is  true  or  not.  I  pray  God  prevent  a  new  breach  in  a 
church  which  has  suffered  so  severely  under  the  old  one. 
"  My  lord,  Your  lordship's  most  faithful 
servant  and  brother, 

"Gi.  SAEUM. 

"Sarum,  October  1st"  (1689). 

[The  first  sentences  refer  obviously  to  some  one  who  had  been  sent  by  Ken  to 
Burnet  to  be  instituted  under  his  commission  from  the  Crown.  The  latter 
takes  the  opportunity  of  twitting  Ken  with  his  inconsistency.  The  rumours  to 
which  he  refers  are  those  already  mentioned  (it  was  even  said  that  Ken  had 
signed  the  invitation  to  the  Prince  of  Orange),  and  the  more  positive  statements 
came,  Burnet  says,  from  Ken's  own  chaplain,  Dr.  Eyre  (p.  41).  We  shall  by- 
and-by  see  Ken's  explanation  of  them.  The  hint  at  "  somewhat  else  than 
conscience"  as  "at  the  bottom"  of  the  supposed  change,  strikes  one  as  un- 
generous, but  it  may  be  pleaded  in  extenuation  that  the  air  was  full  of 
rumours  of  conspiracies,  in  which  some  of  the  Non-juring  Bishops,  notably 
Turner  of  Ely,  were,  then  or  later,  believed  to  be  implicated.  Those  who  did 
not  understand  him  might  think  that  Ken  also  was,  after  all,  playing  a  waiting 
game,  taking  his  chance  of  the  return  of  the  King  to  whom  he  was  now 
said  still  to  profess  his  allegiance,  perhaps  joining  with  others  in  treasonable 
practices  to  bring  about  that  return.] 

To  this  letter  Ken  returned  an  immediate  answer,  written 
obviously  in  much  heat  of  spirit : 


48  IIESITATIOX—FIXAL  DECISION.  [chap.  xx. 

LETTER  XXX. 

To  Gilbert  Burnet,  Bishop  of  Salisbury. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 
"My  Lord, 
' '  I  am  obliged  to  your  lordship,  for  the  continued  concern  you 
express  for  me  ;  and  for  the  kind  freedom  you  are  pleased  to  take 
with  me ;  and  though  I  have  already  in  public  fully  declared  my 
mind  to  my  diocese  concerning  the  oath,  to  prevent  my  being  mis- 
understood ;  yet  since  you  seem  to  expect  it  of  me,  I  will  give  such 
an  account,  which,  if  it  does  not  satisfy  your  Lordship,  will  at  least 
satisfy  myself.  I  dare  assure  you,  I  never  advised  any  one  to  take 
the  oath  ;  though  some,  who  came  to  talk  insidiously  with  me,  may 
have  raised  such  a  report ;  so  far  have  I  been  from  it,  that  I  never 
would  administer  it  to  any  one  person  whom  I  was  to  collate.  And 
therefore,  before  the  Act  took  place,  I  gave  a  particular  commission 
to  my  Chancellor,  who  himself  did  not  scruple  it ;  so  that  he  was 
authorized,  not  only  to  institute,  but  also  to  collate  in  my  stead.  If 
any  came  to  discourse  with  me  about  taking  the  oath,  I  usually 
told  them,  I  durst  not  take  it  myself.  I  told  them  my  reasons,  if 
they  urged  me  to  it,  and  were  of  my  own  diocese  :  and  then  remitted 
them  to  their  study  and  prayers,  for  farther  directions.  It  is  true, 
having  been  scandalized  at  many  persons  of  our  own  coat,  who  for 
several  years  together  preached  up  passive  obedience  to  a  much 
greater  height  than  ever  I  did,  it  being  a  subject  with  which  I  very 
rarely  meddled,  and  on  a  sudden,  without  the  least  acknowledg- 
ment of  their  past  error,  preached  and  acted  the  quite  contrary,  I 
did  prepare  a  pastoral  letter,  which,  if  I  had  seen  reason  to  alter  my 
judgment,  I  thought  to  have  published  ;  at  least  that  part  of  it  on 
which  I  laid  the  greatest  stress,  to  justify  my  conduct  to  my  flock  : 
and  before  I  went  to  London,  I  told  some  of  my  friends,  that  if  that 
proved  true,  which  was  affirmed  to  us  with  all  imaginable  assurance 
(and  which  I  think  more  proper  for  discourse  than  a  letter)  it 
would  be  an  inducement  to  me  to  comply.  But  when  I  came  to 
town,  I  found  it  was  false  ;  and  without  being  influenced  by  any 
one,  or  making  any  words  of  it,  I  burnt  my  paper,  and  adhered  to 
my  former  opinion.  If  this  is  to  be  called  change  of  mind,  and  a 
change  so  criminal,  that  people  who  are  very  discerning,  and  know 
my  own  heart  better  than  myself,  have  pronounced  sentence  upon 
me  that  there  is  something  else  than  conscience  at  the  bottom,  I  am 
much  afraid,  that  some  of  those  who  censure  me,  may  be  charge- 
able with  more  notorious  changes  than  that ;  whether  more  consci- 


a.d.  1689—91.]         APOLOGIA  PRO   VITA  SUA.  49 

entious  or  no,  God  only  is  the  Judge.  If  your  Lordship  gives  credit 
to  the  many  misrepresentations  which  are  made  of  me,  and  which, 
I,  being  so  used  to,  can  easily  disregard,  you  may  naturally  enough 
be  in  pain  for  me  :  for  to  see  one  of  your  brethren  throwing  himself 
headlong  into  a  wilful  deprivation,  not  only  of  honour  and  of  income, 
but  of  a  good  conscience  also,  are  particulars,  out  of  which  may  be 
framed  an  idea  very  deplorable.  But  though  I  do  daily  in  many 
things  betray  great  infirmity,  I  thank  God,  I  cannot  accuse  myself 
of  any  insincerity :  so  that  deprivation  will  not  reach  my  conscience, 
and  I  am  in  no  pain  at  all  for  myself.  I  perceive,  that,  after  we 
have  been  sufficiently  ridiculed,  the  last  mortal  stab  designed  to  be 
given  us,  is,  to  expose  us  to  the  world  for  men  of  no  conscience  : 
and  if  God  is  pleased  to  permit  it,  His  most  holy  will  be  done  ; 
though  what  that  particular  passion  of  corrupt  nature  is,  which  lies 
at  the  bottom,  and  which  we  gratify,  in  losing  all  we  have,  will  be 
hard  to  determine.  God  grant  such  reproaches  as  these  may  not 
revert  on  the  authors !  I  heartily  join  with  your  Lordship  in  your 
desire  for  the  peace  of  this  Church ;  and  I  shall  conceive  great  hopes 
that  God  will  have  compassion  on  her,  if  I  see  that  she  compassion- 
ates and  supports  her  sister  of  Scotland.  I  beseech  God  to  make 
you  an.  instrument  to  promote  that  peace,  and  that  charity  ;  I  myself 
can  only  contribute  to  both  by  my  prayers,  and  by  my  depreca- 
tions, against  schism,  and  against  sacrilege. 

"  My  lord,  Your  Lordship's  very  faithful 
servant  and  brother, 

"  THO.  BATH  &  WELLS. 

"October  bth  (1689)." 

[The  declaration  of  "his  mind  in  public"  to  his  diocese  refers,  I  imagine,  to 
some  sermon  or  circular  letter  of  which  we  have  no  extant  record.  He  had 
"never  advised  any  one  to  take  the  oath,"  but  he  clearly  thought  that  it  was 
more  or  less  an  open  question,  on  which  conscientious  men  might  legitimately 
differ,  and  so  issued  a  commission  to  his  Chancellor,  authorising  him  to 
administer  the  oath  which  he  could  not  administer  himself.  Macaulay  (Ch.  xii.) 
follows  Burnet  (O.  T.  Book  v.,  1689)  in  charging  him  and  Sancroft  with  inconsis- 
tency. I  only  find  the  charity  of  one  who  could  at  once  be  severe  with  himself, 
and  tolerant  of  a  different  opinion  in  others.  The  reference  to  his  being  "  scandal- 
ized "  at  the  tergiversation  of  those  who  had  "preached  up  passive  obedience" 
to  an  extent  to  which  he  had  never  preached  it,  is,  I  can  scarcely  doubt,  an 
allusion  to  Tillotson  and  others,  Burnet  himself  included,  who  changed  their 
voice  according  to  the  time.  Ken  could  not  forget  the  language  they  had  used 
to  Lord  Russell.  The  hint  that  he  was  prepared  to  take  the  oath  "  if  that 
proved  true,"  which  was  afterwards  found  to  be  false,  refers  to  the  report  that 
James  had  formally  ceded  Ireland  to  Louis  XIV.1     Ken  admits  that  he  had 


1  See  Macaulay  (Chap,  viii.)  for  James's  probable  intentions  on  this  head. 


50  HESITATION— FINAL  DECISION.         [chap.  xx. 

prepared  a  pastoral  letter  to  his  clergy,  telling  them  that  this  at  all  events 
would  have  heen  a  violation  of  the  original  contract,  that  would  have  justified 
the  transfer  of  his  allegiance.  With  a  keen  irony,  which  reminds  one  a  little 
of  Cardinal  Newman,  he  admits  that  it  would  be  an  "  idea  very  deplorable  " 
that  a  man  should  '* throw  himself  headlong  into  a  wilful  deprivation,  not  only 
of  honour  and  of  income,  but  of  a  good  conscience."  It  u  will  be  hard  indeed 
to  determine  what  particular  passion  of  corrupt  nature  "  lies  at  the  bottom  of 
such  a  choice  as  that.  The  allusion  to  the  Church  of  Scotland  refers  to  the  out- 
bursts of  mob  violence  in  "rabbling  "  the  Bishops  and  their  clergy,  destroying 
their  surplices  and  their  prayer-books,  pulling  down  their  manses,  and  turning 
them  with  their  wives  and  families  adrift.  These  outrages  were  but  too  sure 
prognostics  of  the  overthrow  of  Episcopacy  and  the  establishment  of  Presby- 
terianism.  Could  not  Burnet  do  something  to  check  the  one  evil  and  to 
arrest  the  other  ? — (Macaulay,  Ch.  xiii.) 

Like  Sancroft  and  the  other  Bishops  who  were  in  the  same 
position,  Ken  not  only  waited,  as  we  have  seen,  till  the  expira- 
tion of  the  six  months'  grace,  but  even  stayed  at  Wells  for 
more  than  a  year  after  February  1,  1690,  as  Sancroft  stayed  at 
Lambeth  till  his  successor  was  appointed,  and  there  was  the  risk 
of  a  forcible  expulsion.1  Before  that  1st  of  February,  efforts 
were  made  to  avert  the  threatening  danger.  In  November,  1689, 
a  member  of  the  Lower  House  of  Convocation  moved  that 
"  something  might  be  done  to  enable  the  suspended  Bishops  " 
(they  were  not  yet  deprived)  "  to  qualify  them  to  sit  in  Convo- 
cation ;  "  but  it  came,  as  might  have  been  expected,  to  nothing. 
It  was  before  February  1st  that  the  clergy  of  Bath  and  Wells, 
who  had  taken  the  oaths,  drew  up  a  petition  to  the  King  on 
behalf  of  the  "prelates  under  censure/ '  Anderdon  (p.  552)  gives 
the  petition  in  extcnso.  It  is  doubtful  whether  it  was  ever  pre- 
sented.2 The  petitioners  "passionately  entreat"  that  "the 
Church  might  not  be  wholly  deprived  of  them,"  nor  "they 
wholly  excluded  from  the  comforts  of  that  great  deliverance  " 
which  they  owed  to  William.  They  hope,  to  adopt  a  briefer 
phrase  than  they  used,  that  some  modus  vivendi  might  even 
yet  be  found.  When  Ken  and  Frampton  went  to  London,  in 
January,  1690,  to  visit  Turner  at  Ely  House  and  consult  with 

'   Probably  during  this  period  he  continued  to  preach,  confirm,  and  exercise 

other  episcopal  functions,  as  in  the  passage  quoted  by  Anderdon  (p.  605,  ><.)from 
the  Lansdowne  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum,  987. 

A  form  of  the  Petition,  with  a  blank  left  for  the  name  of  the  Diocese,  is 
Pound  in  tlit-  Additional  MSS.  of  the  British  Museum  L 3,2096  (403),  as  if  it  had 
been  prepared  for  general  use. 


a.d.  1689—91.]  KIDDER'S  APPOIXTHEXT.  51 

Clarendon,1  it  was,  probably,  with  a  view  to   see  if  any  such 
arrangement  were  feasible. 

No  such  modus  vivendi  was,  however,  possible.  The  patience 
of  the  Government  was  at  last  exhausted  ;  public  feeling  had 
been  excited  during  the  spring  and  summer  of  1690,  as  we 
shall  see  in  the  next  chapter,  by  real  or  pretended  plots,  in 
which  some  of  them  were,  and  others  were  supposed  to  be, 
implicated  ;  and  after  waiting  for  more  than  a  year,  on  or  about 
April  loth,  1691  (Evelyn  notes  the  fact  on  the  19th),  the  Non- 
juring  Bishops  were  formally  deprived,  and  steps  taken  for  the 
appointment  of  their  successors.2  Tillotson  was  made  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  Patrick  was  translated  to  Chichester, 
Fowler  went  to  Gloucester,  Bath  and  Wells  was  offered  to 
Beveridge.  The  choice  seems  to  indicate  a  desire  on  Mary's 
part  to  send  a  man  who  would,  in  all  the  great  questions  of 
Church  doctrine  and  ritual,  be  in  sympathy  with  Ken.  He, 
however,  though  he  had  no  scruple  as  to  the  oath,  was  troubled 
in  mind  at  the  thought  of  taking  a  bishopric  in  the  life- 
time of  a  deprived  predecessor,  and  went  to  Sancroft  for 
advice  (Evelyn,  May  7th,  1691).  The  Archbishop  advised 
him  strongly  to  "  say  Nolo,  and  say  it  from  the  heart/'  but 
hardly  seems  to  have  thought  that  Beveridge  would  have  acted, 
as  he  did,  on  his  counsel.3  On  Beveridge's  refusal,  after  three 
weeks'  deliberation,  it  was  offered  to  Richard  Kidder,  then 
Rector  of  St.  Paul's,  Covent  Garden,  and  he  accepted  it.4 


1  Clarendon  ii.  p.  227. 

2  William  was  in  Holland,  and  the  conges  d'elire,  &c,  were  signed  by  Mary 
and  sealed  with  her  private  seal  (Wells,  Chapter  Acts). 

5  It  is  a  curious  illustration  of  the  current  belief  that  Beveridge  had  accepted, 
that  bis  name  actually  appears  as  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  in  an  almanack 
published  in  the  spring  of  1691.  So  a  French  news-letter,  dated  May  29, 
1691,  reports  that  Beveridge,  after  accepting,  had  changed  his  mind,  because 
Ken  was  reported  to  be  about  to  take  proceedings  in  the  Court  of  King's  Bench 
against  his  deprivation,  and  that  he  had  called  his  clergy  together  to  support 
him  in  that  course.  The  writer,  in  his  next  letter,  June  5  (May  26),  1691, 
reports  that  the  affair  of  the  Bishops  was  not  yet  finished,  and  that  this  was 
mainly  owing  to  the  action  of  Dr.  Ken,  who,  not  content  with  stirring  up  the 
clergy,  was  also  stirring  up  the  Bishops.  It  was  even  probable  that  Tillotson' s 
consecration,  fixed  for  Whit  Sunday,  might  have  to  be  postponed.  (Hist.  MSS., 
Comm.  Hep.  vii.,  197-8). 

4  See  Appendix  to  this  Chapter  for  Kidder's  life. 


52  HESITATION— FIXAL  DECISION.  [chap.  xx. 

What  Ken  thought  of  his  successor  is  seen  in  the  following 
letter : — 

LETTER  XXXI. 
To  Mrs.  Grigge. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"  Good  Mrs.  Grigge, 

"  I  hope  you  received  mine  by  ye  post,  in  answer  to  your  last :  one 
of  my  neighbours  brings  this,  &  I  have  sent  you  ye  poore  woman's 
paper  ;  I  told  you  it  was  for  a  gentile-woman  of  my  acquaintance. 
She  fancied  it  was  for  some  great  Lady,  &  brought  it  me  in  ye  style 
I  now  send  you,  with  wch  you  might  despence,  unlesse  you  desire  to 
have  it  in  another,  wch,  when  I  goe  next  to  Winchester,  I  can  easily 
have  done. 

"If  you  heare  any  thing  from  my  friend,  direct  your  letter  not 
to  me,  but  to  Mr.  Isaac  Walton,  Eectour  of  Polshallt ;  to  be  left  at 
ye  poste  house  in  ye  Devizes,  for  to  his  house  I  am  now,  God  willing, 
going,  for  some  time,  partly  for  my  health,  partly  to  avoid  yfc  odium 
under  wch  I  lye,  &  cheif ely  from  my  Brethren  ;  God  f oregive  them  for 
it,  &  having  done  all  I  can  think  proper  for  me  to  doe,  to  assert  my 
Character,  ye  doing  of  wch  has  created  me  many  enemies,  as  I  ex- 
pected it  should. 

"  My  Br  of  G.  is  I  heare  out  of  harmes  way,  in  Wales  at  ye  pre- 
sent, but  I  have  received  nothing  from  him. 

"My  best  respects  to  my  good  mother,  &  to  deare  Miss,  who,  I 
doubt  not,  but  behaves  hereselfe  with  all  y*  Decency,  &  piety,  & 
humility,  as  becomes  ye  daughter  not  onely  of  a  Bishop,  but  of  a 
Bishop  in  affliction. 

"  Dr  Kidder  is  now  said  to  be  my  Successour  or  rather  supplant er. 
He  is  a  person  of  whom  I  have  no  knowledge.  God  of  his  Infinite 
goodnesse  Multiply  his  blessings  on  your  selfe,  &  on  my  good 
friends  with  you,  &  enable  us  to  doe,  &  to  suffer  His  most  Holy 
Will. 

11  Your  very  affectionate  friend 

"  THOS.  BATH  &  WELLS. 
-June  1th,  1691." 

[The  fact  of  Ken's  writing  thus  familiarly  to  a  Mrs.  Grigge,  who  does  not 
appear  in  the  main  narrative  of  his  life,  has  perplexed  his  biographers.  Ander- 
don  (p.  GO-0)  conjectures  that  it  was  a  pseudonym  for  Bishop  Lloyd,  adopted  to 
erade  the  opening  of  the  letter  by  the  Post  Office.  It  is  clear  that  the  Non- 
juring  Bishopfl  knew  that  their  correspondence  was  thus  tampered  with,  and  so 
Ken  directs  nearly  all  his  letters  for  the  deprived  Bishop  of  Norwich,  to  "  Mrs. 


a.d.  1689— -91.]  MRS.   GRIGGK  53 

Hannah  Lloyd."  In  this  very  letter  he  requests  that  a  letter  for  him  may  be 
directed  to  Mr.  Izaak  Walton,  and  in  another  instance  (p.  124)  to  Mr.  Jones, 
at  Walton's  house  in  Sarum  Close.  Commonly,  perhaps,  Ken's  correspondence 
was  protected  by  his  residence  at  Longleat.  Miss  Strickland  {Seven  Bishops, 
p.  190)  gives  a  letter  from  Mrs.  Grigge,  or  Grigg,  and  says  that  she  was  a  rela- 
tion of  Francis  Turner's,  staying  at  the  Palace  at  Ely.  Fox  Bourne's  Life  of 
Locke  shows  her  to  have  been  one  of  two  sisters  with  whom  Locke  corres- 
ponded on  terms  of  fraternal  affection.  Her  husband,  the  Rev.  Thomas  Grigg, 
of  Trinity  College,  Oxford,  was  Chaplain  to  Bishop  Henchman,  of  London, 
and  Rector  of  St.  Andrew  Undershaft.  He  died  in  1670.  Locke  speaks  of 
him  as  vir  optimus.  In  1680  we  find  Locke  writing  to  her  as  travelling  with  a 
youth  of  good  family  in  France.  In  1689  he  writes  to  her  as  "Dear  Sister," 
and  after  that,  she  was  in  the  family  of  Bishop  Patrick,  of  Ely.  It  is  probable 
enough  that  she  may  have  been  governess  to  Francis  Turner's  daughter. 
Turner  mentions  her  in  the  "Ascension  Day"  (1689)  letter,  already  quoted 
(p.  40),  as  having  received  a  letter  from  Ken.  She  herself  had  been  left,  in  her 
widowhood,  with  one  daughter,  who  by  this  time  must  have  been  over  twenty. 
The  internal  evidence  of  the  letter  is  in  favour  of  its  being  written  to  some 
one  closely  connected  with  Turner.  The  ex-Bishop  of  Ely  was  in  hiding,  and 
it  was  probably  of  him  that  Ken  wished  to  hear  news  when  he  asked  after 
"my  friends."  The  "  odium,"  under  which  he  lay,  was  the  report  that  he  was 
going  after  all,  to  take  the  oaths.  The  "brethren"  who  had  spread  that 
report  were  probably  Dodwell  and  Hickes.  The  "  brother  of  G."  is  Robert 
Frampton,  Bishop  of  Gloucester,  who  also  refused  to  take  the  oaths,  and  was 
suspected,  like  other  Bishops,  of  being  connected  with  the  conspiracy  of  1690.1 
The  "good  mother"  is,  on  this  hypothesis,  Turner's  mother,  who  kept  house 
for  him  at  Ely  after  his  wife's  death,  and  the  "  dear  Miss,"  his  daughter, 
then  nine  years  old.  The  manner  in  which  Ken  speaks  of  his  successor,  though 
it  does  not  express  more  than  personal  non-acquaintance,  implies,  I  think, 
something  beyond  this.  He  did  not  know  him,  and  did  not  wish  to  know.  From 
first  to  last  the  tone  in  which  Ken  mentions  him  (he  does  not  often  do  so)  is  that 
of  a  thoroughly  antipathetic  nature.  What  is  said  of  Kidder  in  the  note  to 
this  chapter  will  show,  if  I  mistake  not,  that  there  were  reasonable  grounds 
for  the  antipathy.  Anderdon  gives  only  a  part  of  the  letter.  It  is  found  in 
full  in  the  British  Museum  {Add.  MSS.,  32.095,  f .  387).  I  am  indebted  to  Mr. 
R.  C.  Browne  for  a  more  accurate  transcript  than  that  given  by  Round.] 


Kidder's  consecration,  and  that  of  three  other  of  the  new 
Bishops,  took  place  at  Bow  Church,  on  August  30th,  1691. 
The  manner  in  which  Ken  acted  on  hearing  of  this  decisive 
step  may  be  best  given  in  his  own  words,  in  a  letter  written 
by  himself  some  years  afterwards  : — 


1  A  letter  of  Frampton's  to  Lloyd,  of  Norwich  (February,  169-g-),  sends  a 
message  of  respects  to  our  good  brother  of  Ely,  our  other  brother  of  Bath  and 
Wells,  and  "  Madam  Philomela,"  Turner's  daughter,  the  "  little  Miss  "  of  Ken  s 
letter. 

VOL.    II.  E 


5 1  HESITATION— FINAL  DECISION  [chap.  xx. 

LETTER  XXXII. 

To  the  Rev.  Mr.  Harbin. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 
"  Good  Mr.  Harbin, 
"  I  well  remember  yl  you  told  me,  you  were  to  pay  some  debts  for 
your  mother,  but  ye  sume  of  £300  I  am  confident  yl  you  did  not 
mention,  &  I  am  unwilling  to  putt  you  to  any  streights.  You  tell  mo 
yl  Mr  Pitts  censures  ye  deprived  Bishopps,  for  not  asserting  their 
Eights,  in  a  publick  manner,  at  their  Deprivation.  If  he  putts  me 
among  ye  Number,  he  does  me  wrong,  for  I,  at  ye  time,  in  my 
Cathedrall,  wch  was  ye  proper  place,  from  my  Pastrall  Chaire,  pub- 
licldy  asserted  my  Canonicall  Bight,  professing  yl  I  esteemd  my 
selfe  ye  Canonicall  Pastour  {Bishop  ?)  of  ye  Diocese,  &  y*  I  would  be 
ready  on  all  occasions  to  performe  my  Pastorall  duty :  this  I  did, 
when  all  were  devoted  to  ye  Revolution.  I  watched  for  some  ex- 
pressions, wch  they  might  informe  of  particularly;  it  was  then 
urged  y*  I  said  I  was  ye  Lawfull  Pastour,  Insomuch  y*  I  was  faine 
to  appeal  to  some  lesse  byassd,  whether  my  word  was  not 
Canonicall,  wch  I  usd,  as  most  proper,  &  as  a  word  y'  ye  Law  was 
a  stranger  to,  &  I  professed,  y*  not  being  able  to  make  y4  Declara- 
tion to  ye  whole  Diocese,  I  made  it  virtually  to  all,  by  making  it  in 
ye  Mother  Church  {Market  Square  ?).  What  others  of  my  Brethren 
did  I  knowe  not ;  but  I  acted  as  Uniformly  as  I  could.  Pray  lett 
good  Mr  Jenkins  know  this,  and  lett  Mr  Pitts  know  it,  if  you 
chance  to  meet  him.  Probably,  I  may  have  y°  copy  of  my  Decla- 
ration, among  my  papers  at  Longleat.  I  beseech  [pray  to)  God  to 
restore  my  good  Lord,  I  shall  be  extreamely  Glad  to  hear  yt  He 
goes  abroad,  God  keepe  us  in  His  Holy  fear. 

"Your  very  affec.  friend  &  Br 

"T.  B.  &  W. 

"Dec.  Wt  (I709r)" 

[Harbin,  to  whom  Ken  writes,  was  then  Chaplain  to  Lord  Weymouth.  He 
was  of  Cambridge,  had  been  Chaplain  to  Francis  Turner,  and  was  a  Non-juror. 
Curiously  enough  he  had  been,  in  early  youth,  Kidder's  private  pupil.  Ken 
was,  of  course,  much  associated  with  him  in  his  retirement  at  Longleat,  and  al- 
ways speaks  of  him  with  strong  personal  affection  (see  p.  108).  The  letter  was 
probably  written  in  1709,  in  answer  to  a  pamphlet  that  had  appeared,  "The 
Character  of  a  Primitive  Bishop,  in  a  Letter  to  a  Non-juror,"  in  which  the 
writer  argued  that  the  acquiescence  of  the  deprived  Bishops  in  the  appointment 
of  their  successors,  and  their  retirement  from  all  Episcopal  duties  in  their  several 
dioceses,  virtually  amounted  to  a  oession,  and  thai  those  successors  were  accord- 


a.d.  1689-91.]      PROTEST  IN  THE  CATHEDRAL.  55 

ingly  not  intruders.  Possibly,  however,  it  may  have  been  in  reply  to  Burnet 
himself,  who  in  1696  had  published  a  Vindication  of  Archbishop  TiUotson,  and  if 
so,  it  was  written  at  an  earlier  date. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  ascertain  who  Mr.  Pitts  was  ;  probably  a  Non -juror  who 
felt  the  force  of  the  ' '  implied  cession ' '  argument.  Ken  says  that  in  his  case 
there  had  not  been  the  shadow  of  foundation  for  such  an  argument.  He 
had  protested ;  he  was  ready  to  perform  his  pastoral  duties.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  it  is  probable  that,  like  Frampton,  he,  from  time  to  time,  confirmed  the 
children  of  Non-juring-  families,  catechised  or  preached  in  churches,  and 
officiated,  as  he  did  {e.g.,  on  Kettlewell's  death),  at  funerals,  and  other  occa- 
sional services.  Some  instances  of  this  will  meet  us  further  on.  The  Govern- 
ment, either,  as  I  think  probable,  under  Mary's  influence,  who  said  that 
''Though  Ken  and  Frampton  wished  to  be  martyrs  she  would  do  her  best  to 
disappoint  them,"  or  because  it  was  known  that  both  these  prelates  held  aloof 
from  all  political  conspiracies,  connived  in  their  instance  at  a  greater  freedom 
than  was  allowed  to  others.  (Evans,  pp.  190,  204.)  More  than  a  year, 
as  we  have  seen,  had  been  allowed  to  intervene  between  the  time  when  they 
were  legally  deprived  and  their  actual  expulsion.  The  distinction  between 
"  canonical  "  and  "  legal  "  Bishops  seems  to  me  eminently  characteristic  of  one 
who  had  been  trained  in  the  school  of  Sanderson.  He  would  not  deny  the 
validity  of  Kidder's  acts  in  the  sight  of  the  law  of  the  State  ;  he  was  bound  to 
maintain  that  they  were  not  in  accordance  with  the  law  of  the  Church.  The  point 
had  clearly  been  raised,  and  he  relies  on  the  accuracy  of  his  memory  as  to  having 
said  "canonical."  Mr.  Jenkins  is  to  me  as  little  known  as  Mr.  Pitts  (but 
see  p.  186).  The  "  good  Lord  "  is  clearly  Lord  Weymouth.  No  copy  of  Ken's 
Declaration  is,  as  far  as  I  know,  extant.  Round  and  Anderdon  make  Ken 
say  that  he  read  it  also  in  the  "Market  Place"  of  Wells,  but  I  am  assured 
by  Mr.  R.  C.  Browne,  who  has  kindly  transcribed  the  original  for  me,  that 
"  Mother  Church  "  is  the  true  reading.  It  would  hardly  have  been  in  accord- 
ance with  Ken's  character  to  appeal  to  the  demos.  On  the  other  hand,  Turner 
is  reported  to  have  read  his  protest  in  the  Market  Place  of  Ely.  (Strickland, 
Bishops,  p.  199.)     The  words  in  italics  represent  Round's  readings.] 

It  seems  probable  that  that  memorable  day  on  which  Ken  read 
his  protest  from  his  throne  in  the  Cathedral  was  his  last  appear- 
ance in  the  Church  which  he  loved  so  dearly,  until,  many  years 
afterwards,  he,  perhaps,  appeared  there  in  another  character  and 
with  very  different  feelings  (p.  195).  It  was  followed  soon  after- 
wards, we  must  believe,  by  his  departure  from  his  palace.  There 
must  have  been  partings,  of  which  we  have  no  record,  from  the 
Cathedral  clergy,  with  whom,  though  they  did  not  follow  his 
example,  he  had  always  been  on  the  friendliest  terms ;  from 
the  poor,  who  had  been  his  Sunday  guests ;  from  the  boys, 
whom  he  had  catechised  and  confirmed,  and  to  whom  he  had 
administered  their  first  Communion.  And  now  all  was  over. 
Those  six  happy  years — happy  as  far  as  his  work  in  his  diocese 
was  concerned — had  come  to  an  end,  and  he  left  his  home,  not 

e2 


56  HESITATION— FINAL  DECISION.  [chap.  xx. 

knowing  what  the  future  had  in  store  for  him,  full  of  anxious 
forebodings  for  himself,  for  his  flock,  for  the  Church  at  large. 
Like  Turner,  when  he  left  Ely,  he  might  have  quoted  Milton, 
and  said  that  he  "  took,  not  through  Eden,  his  solitary 
way,"  and  had  "the  world  before  him,  where  to  choose."  l 

And  so  the  die  was  cast,  and  Ken  entered  by  his  own  choice 
on  the  life  which,  though  he  never  left  his  native  land,  was  for 
him  practically  the  life  of  an  exile.  And  in  his  case,  as  in  that 
of  other  exiles,  it  is  difficult,  in  the  years  that  followed,  to  track 
his  wranderings,  just  as,  to  speak  from  my  own  recent  experience, 
it  is  difficult  to  track  the  wanderings  of  Dante  in  his  exile. 
In  each  case,  we  know  there  was  a  home  open  for  the  fugitive. 
What  Can  Grande's  palace  at  Yerona  was  for  the  one,  Lord 
Weymouth's  stately  mansion  at  Longleat  was  for  the  other. 
Other  houses  were  also  open  to  him,  chiefly,  of  course,  though 
not  exclusively,  among  the  Non-jurors.2  Poulshot,  where  Izaak 
Walton,  junior,  was  Rector ;  the  houses  of  Mrs.  Thynne,  at 
Leweston,  near  Sherborne  ;  of  Colonel  Phillips,  between  Long- 
leat and  Bath ;  of  the  Misses  Kemeys,  of  Naish  House,  near 
Portishead,  Bristol ;  that  of  Mr.  Cherry,  of  Shottesbrook  ;  of 
Thomas  Cheyney,  his  former  chaplain,  the  Head  Master  of 
Winchester  College  from  1700 ;  of  Archdeacon  Sandys ;  occa- 
sional visits,  too,  under  the  constraint  of  illness,  to  Bath  and 
the  Hot  Wells  at  Clifton.  At  all  these  we  meet  with  him  from 
time  to  time  ;  but  dates  are  so  uncertain  for  the  most  part  that 
I  abandon,  at  this  stage,  the  attempt  to  record  his  wanderings 
from  place  to  place  in  strict  chronological  order,  and  think  it 
better  to  treat  first,  in  as  clear  an  order  as  I  can,  of  the  life 
which  was  more  or  less  public,  and  in  which  he  was  associated 
in  various  ways,  if  not  with  the  main  stream  of  the  nation's 
life,  yet,  at  all  events,  with  that  side-current  of  Church  history 
in  which  we  follow  the  windings  of  the  Non-juror  movement, 
and  to  reserve  the  treatment  of  the  more  private  episodes  of 
his  fortunes  for  a  distinct  chapter. 

Anyhow,  we  have  to  remember  that  the  life  of  the  exile  was 
one  of  poverty.      He  had  had  to  borrow  from  Morley's  nephew 
the  large  sum  which  was  required  to  meet  the  expenses  of  enter- 
ing on  his  episcopate.     His  income  of  £850  scarcely  sufficed 
1  Strickland,  BUhopty  p  208.  -  Anderdon,  p.  027. 


a.d.  1689—91.]     WANDERIXGS  AXD  PRIVATIONS. 


57 


for  more  than  his  ordinary  ^r 

expenses  and  lavish  chari- 
ties.   When  the  chances  of  Loxgleat. 
tenure  threw  the  large  sum 

of  £4,000  into  his  hands  on  the  renewal  of  a  lease,  he  treated 
it,  as  we  have  seen,  as  strictly  a  deodand,  and  gave  the  greater 
part  of  it  to  the  fund  for  the  relief  of  the  Huguenots.  What 
he  actually  started  with,  as  a  fund  for  the  chances  of  the  future, 
was  £700,  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  his  effects  at  the  Palace 
at  Wells,  his  library  excepted.1  It  was,  perhaps,  with  some 
insight  into  his  friend's  character,  as  likely  before  long  to  get 
rid  of  his  £700,  as  he  used,  in  old  Oxford  days,  to  empty  his 
pocket  of  small  cash  when  he  went  out  for  a  walk  (i.  52),  that 
Lord  Weymouth  proposed  to  change  the  capital  in  hand  into  a 
life  annuity  of  £80,  payable  quarterly.2      He  always,  he  himself 

1  I  mention,  only  to  reject,  the  two  statements  which  have  here  and  there 
found  credence :  (1)  That  Mary  allowed  him  to  retain  his  prebend  in  Wells 
Cathedral,  and  (2)  that  Bishop  Kidder  allowed  him  one-third  of  the  income  of  the 
see.  (Granger,  Noble's  Continuation,  p.  101.)  There  is  not  the  shadow  of 
evidence  that  he  ever  held  a  prebend,  and  Kidder  was  as  little  likely  to  offer,  as 
Ken  to  receive,  such  a  pension. 

2  I  have  seen,  through  the  kindness  of  Canon  J.  E.  Jackson,  one  of  Ken's 
receipts,  now  at  Longleat,  given  in  due  business  form,  for  these  payments. 


58  HKsiTA  TION— FINAL  DECISION.         [ohap.  xx. 

pays  it,  refused  money  which  was  offered  for  his  own  use  (p.  122) ; 
and  though  there  were  legacies  left  him,  as  e.g.  by  his  friends 
]>r.  Fitz william  and  the  Misses  Kemeys,1  I  question  whether 
he  allowed  himself  to  think  of  these  as  bestowed  for  any  other 
purpose  than  that  of  enabling  him  to  give  help  to  others  who 
needed  it,  or  seemed  to  him  to  need  it,  more  than  he  did. 
I  cannot  doubt  that  he  often  felt  the  pinch  of  poverty.  He 
could  not  afford  a  journey  to  London  (p.  437).  We  get  casual 
glimpses  of  a  "  sorry  nag  n  and  of  a  threadbare  cassock.  The 
large  hospitality  of  Longleat  was,  of  course,  always  open  to 
him  ;  and  he  received  it  with  a  deep  and  sincere  thankfulness, 
and  with  the  warmest  admiration  for  his  patron's  character. 
Even  here,  however,  there  were  drawbacks  which  he  sometimes 
felt  keenly. 

Lord  Weymouth,  though  the  protector  of  !N"on-jurors,  was 
not  one  himself.  The  de  facto  rulers  were  prayed  for  in  his 
chapel,  if  not  at  first,  yet  after  Anne's  succession,  and  Ken, 
though  like  Kettlewell  and  Nelson  and  Dodwell,  he  held  that 
private  persons  might  attend  the  services  of  the  church  where 
such  prayers  were  said,  with  a  mental  reservation,  or  with  some 
manifestation  that  they  were  not  joining  in  them,  rather  than 
deprive  themselves  of  the  means  of  grace,  felt  that  he  as  a 
public  person  could  not  so  join  (p.  121). 2  The  presence  of  such 
prayers  in  the  Communion  Service  must  have  hindered  his 
joining  in  that  act  of  Christian  fellowship,  and  I  incline  to 
think  that  the  small  paten  and  chalice  which  he  left  to  the 
church  at  Frome  must  have  been  chiefly  used  by  him  in 
administering  that  ordinance  to  the  two  or  three  who  were 
like-minded  with  himself.     It  was  obviously  a  relief  to  him  at 

1  Dr.  Fitzwilliam  left  Ken  the  interest  of  £500  for  life,  with  a  reversion  to 
Magdalen  College,  Oxford.  Miss  Kemeys  left  £200,  suggesting  its  application 
to  charitable  uses  (p.  169). 

8  The  same  reason  would  obviously  keep  Ken  from  Lord  Weymouth's  parish 
church  of  Horningham.  Frampton  used  to  preach  and  read  the  service  in  his 
church  at  Standish,  omitting  the  names  of  "William  and  Mary.  Unhappily  the 
Frayer  Book  was  not  as  elastic  as  the  later  Jacobite  formulary — 

11  God  bless  the  King,  God  bless  the  faith's  defender, 

"  i  ;.,d  bless— no  harm  in  blessing — the  Pretend*  c  ; 

"  Who  that  Pretender  is,  and  who  that  King, 

••  Qod  bless  us  all,  is  quite  another  thing." 


a.d.  1689—91.]  LONGLEAT.  59 

times  to  leave  Longleat  to  join  the  "  ladies  at  Naish,"  Mr. 
Cherry  at  Shottesbrook,  or  other  Non-juring  families,  even 
though  he  missed  not  only  the  magnificence  of  Longleat,  but, 
what  he  prized  more,  the  rich  stores  of  his  own  library  and 
his  patron's. 

Note. — Ken's  feelings  on  leaving  Wells  are  perhaps  represented  by  a  Latin 
inscription  written  by  him  in  a  copy  of  Diogenes  Laerdus  in  the  Longleat 
Library :  — 

"  Si  invenero  gratiam  in  oculis  Domini,  reducet  me.  Si  antem  dixerit  mihi,  '  Non 
placet ;  '  prcesto  stem.     Faciat  quod  bonum  est  coram  se. 

"  Thomas  Ken." 

This  inscription  is,  however,  undated,  and  the  form  of  the  signature  points  to 
a  date  before  his  appointment  to  his  bishopric  or  after  his  resignation.  The 
words  may  possibly  have  been  written  when  Ken  was  leaving  Winchester  for 
the  Hajme  or  Tangier. 


1/ 


[Note  on  Longleat. — Sir  John  Thynne  purchased,  in  1540,  the  dissolved 
Piiory  of  Longleat.  In  1547  he  began  building  a  stately  mansion  on  its  site, 
and,  ai-cording  to  an  uncertain  tradition,  employed  a  John  of  Padua,  who  had 
acted  as  "  Deviser  of  the  King's  Buildings  to  Henry  VIII.,"  as  his  architect. 
This  house  was,  however,  destroyed  by  fire  in  1568,  and  Sir  John  set  to  work  on 
the  construction  of  another,  probably  on  the  same  lines  but  on  a  yet  grander 
scale.  (Canon  J.  E.  Jackson,  John  of  Padua,  1886).  Thomas  Thynne— "Tom 
of  Ten  Thousand  " — planted  the  stately  avenue  which  leads  from  Frome,  and 
under  him  and  Lord  Weymouth  it  became,  as  Macauky  calls  it,  "the  most 
magnificent  country-house  in  England."  The  gardens  were  laid  out  in  the  style 
of  Versailles.  Ken's  apartments  were  in  the  upper  part  of  the  house,  in  what  is 
now  the  old  library,  which  includes  about  1,000  volumes,  left  by  Ken  to  Lord 
Weymouth  (p.  206).  Lord  Weymouth  was  himself  a  great  collector  of  books, 
largely  of  theological  works.  A  point  in  the  grounds,  on  the  way  to  the  parish 
church  of  Horningham,  is  known,  from  the  beauty  of  its  view,  as  the  Gate  of 
Heaven.  Ken,  as  a  Non-juror,  was  not  likely  to  attend  the  parochial  services, 
but  during  William's  reign  Lord  Weymouth  seems  to  have  had  services  in  his 
chapel  without  the  "  characteristick  "  prayers  (p.  124).] 


60  NOTE  TO  CHAPTER  XX.  [chap.  xx. 


NOTE  TO   CHAPTER  XX. 


Bishop  Kidder. 

It  does  not  fall  within  the  plan  of  this  work  to  give  a  full  bio- 
graphy of  Ken's  successor.  Some  account  of  Kidder's  antecedents 
may,  however,  find  a  fitting  place  here,  if  only  to  explain  the  tone 
of  dislike,  amounting  almost  to  antipathy,  with  which  Ken  uni- 
formly speaks  of  him,  and  of  which  the  mere  fact  that  he  had 
accepted  the  bishopric  is  no  adequate  explanation.  To  him  he  was 
as  a  "  Latitudinarian  traditor"  (p.  133),  an  "  hireling"  (p.  143); 
one  who  "  instead  of  keeping  the  flock  within  the  fold  encouraged 
them  to  stray"  (p.  148);  even  "a  stranger  ravaging  the  flock" 
(pp.  132,  141).  Even  after  Kidder's  death  he  was  constrained  to 
write — 

"  Forc'd  from  my  flock,  I  daily  saw  with  tears 
A  stranger's  ravage,  two  sabbatick  years." 

(Poems,  i.,  Dedication .) 

We  have  to  see  how  far  Kidder's  previous  career,  and  his  ad- 
ministration of  the  diocese,  justified  this  language. 

As  I  review  that  career,  I  own  that  Kidder  seems  to  me  almost 
a  representative  instance  of  the  class  of  men  of  whom  I  have  spoken 
in  chapter  ii.,  who  pass  with  a  fair  reputation,  and  with  no  con- 
scious baseness,  through  many  changes  of  political  regime,  and  who 
are  found  "  ever  strong  upon  the  stronger  side,"  always  looked  upon 
as  "  safe"  men  for  preferment  to  high  places  in  Church  or  State. 
Born  in  1633,  he  was  educated  at  Emmanuel  College,  Cambridge, 
was  elected  Fellow  under  the  Commonwealth,  and  in  1658  was  or- 
dained deacon  and  priest  on  the  same  day  by  Bishop  Brownrigg,  of 
Exeter,  at  St.  Edmundsbury.  In  1659  he  was  appointed  Vicar  of 
Stanground,  Huntingdonshire,  in  the  gift  of  his  college,  but,  as  he 
states  in  the  Autobiography  printed  in  Cassan's  Lives  of  the  Bishops  of 
Bath  and  Wells  (p.  113),  never  took  either  the  "  Covenant"  or  the 
"  Engagement "  oaths  of  the  Commonwealth  period.1  It  lies,  in  the 
nature  of  the  case,  however,  that  he  must  have  used  the  services  of 
the  Westminster  Directory,  and  not  those  of  the  Prayer  Book.     In 

1  The  more  scurrilous  Non-jurors  used  to  taunt  him  with  having  swallowed 
every  oath  that  came  in  his  way  (llarl.  MiscelL,  v.  pp.  263— 70  ;  in  Auderdon, 
p.  603)  ;  but  the  Bishop's  word  must  be  allowed  to  outweigh  their  assertions. 


a.d.  1633—83.]  LIFE  OF  KIDDER.  61 

1662  he  was  deprived  under  the  Act  of  Uniformity,  because  he  would 
not  subscribe  to  the  Prayer  Book,  as  restored  by  it,  till  he  had  read 
and  considered  it,  but  he  still  went  to  the  Church's  prayers,  and 
did  not  set  up  a  Meeting  House.  For  two  years  he  continued  with- 
out preferment,  officiating  in  churches  in  London  and  the  country 
from  time  to  time.  At  the  end  of  this  period  he  was  ready  to  sub- 
scribe, and  held  in  succession  the  livings  of  Payne  Parva,  near 
Braintree,  Essex  (1664),  St.  Helen's,  St.  Martin's  Outwich,  London 
(1674),  and  the  Preachership  of  the  Rolls  Chapel.  In  the  position 
which  he  thus  gained  he  soon  acquired  a  reputation  as  a  popular 
preacher,  and  Lady  Warwick  speaks  of  his  sermons  in  her  Diary 
in  almost  the  same  terms  as  of  Ken's  (i.  88).  He  must  have  been 
looked  on  as  having  strong  sympathies  with  the  High  Church  party, 
for  Robert  Nelson  recommended  him  to  Tillotson,  then  Dean  of 
St.  Paul's,  for  the  living  of  Barnes,  and  Sancroft,  who,  as  Dean  of 
St.  Paul's,  had  given  him  St.  Helen's,  offered  him  in  1688  that  of 
Sundridge.  More  startling  still,  we  find  Cartwright,  James's 
Bishop  of  Chester,  the  basest  of  his  tools,  the  man  whom  he  sent 
to  do  his  dirtiest  work  at  Oxford  in  the  Magdalen  Commission, 
the  boon  companion  of  Tyrconnel,  who  held  consultations  with 
Father  Petre  and  Laybourne  (Vicar  Apostolic)  on  Sundays  at  White- 
hall, writing  to  Kidder  in  1686,  soon  after  his  appointment,  and 
inviting  him  and  his  wife  and  daughter  to  dinner  in  1687.1  One 
can  scarcely  resist  the  conclusion  that  he  had  his  eye  on  Kidder,  as  a 
man  who,  like  others,  "  had  his  price."  When  the  Revolution  came 
he  was  again  found  on  the  winning  side.  He  was  a  good  preacher 
and  a  fair  scholar,  and  his  appointment  by  William  and  Mary  to  the 
Deanery  of  Peterborough  was  one  thoroughly  respectable.  His 
own  account2  of  the  way  in  which  he  was  led  to  accept  Ken's 
bishopric  is  eminently  characteristic.  He  "  waited  on  their  Majesties 
as  chaplain"  in  the  spring  of  1691.  Tillotson  proposed  that  he 
should  take  Peterborough,  vacant  by  White's  deprivation.  He 
"  refused  it  absolutely,  and  gave  his  reasons."  He  heard  of  Beve- 
ridge's  refusal  of  Bath  and  Wells,  and  hoped  that  the  "  reasons" 
he  had  given  would  prevent  his  being  tempted  with  any  like  offer. 
He  went  back  to  Norwich,  where  he  held  a  prebend,  and  wrote  to 
a  friend  that  he  '  •  would  not  be  so  stiff  as  absolutely  to  refuse  a 
Bishopric,  excepting  that  of  Bath  and  Wells,  which  I  was  not 
willing  to  take."  His  friend  gave  Tillotson  the  first  half  of  the 
message  (for  it  was  clearly  meant  to  be  a  message)  and  suppressed 

1  Diary,  pp.  9,  13,  67. 

2  Autobiography ,  in  Cassan.,  Bishops  of  Bath  and  Wells,  ii.,  pp.  142 — 144. 


62  NOTE  TO  CHAPTER  XX.  [chap.  xx. 

the  second.  Kidder  know,  indeed,  very  well  that  lie  "  should  be 
able  to  do  less  good  if  he  came  into  a  Bishopric  void  by  depriva- 
tion," but  he  began  to  recognise  that  those  who  had  succeeded  the 
deprived  prelates  were  "  men  of  whom  the  world  was  not  worthy." 

But,  alas !  messengers  "  more  and  more  honourable  than  before" 
came  "with  the  rewards  of  divination  in  their  hands"  (we  seem  almost 
to  be  reading  a  chapter  in  the  autobiography  of  Balaam) ;  and  when 
he  was  at  his  deanery,  a  letter  came  from  Tillotson,  who  told  him 
that  the  Queen  had  nominated  him  for  Bath  and  Wells,  and  that 
the  Earl  (probably  Nottingham),  through  whose  influence  he  had 
been  made  Dean,  had  said  that  he  must  not  refuse  it.  He  was  in 
much  consternation — "  had  seldom  known  anything  like  it  " — (that 
"seldom"  seems  to  me  to  imply  half-suppressed  reminiscences  of 
similar  conflicts)  —and  he  was  in  sore  perplexity.  If  he  accepted, 
there  would  be  "  trouble  and  envy."  If  he  refused,  why,  he  would 
only  be  attacked,  as  Beveridgo  had  been,  by  Stillingfleet  and  other 
pamphleteers:  and  so  he  accepted,  "not,"  of  course,  as  he  after- 
wards wrote,  "  against  his  conscience,"  but  "if  the  thing  were  to 
do  again,  he  would  not  do  it."  He  had  "often  repented  of  his 
accepting  it,  and  looked  on  it  as  a  great  infelicity." 

The  record  of  trouble  and  vexation  that  follows  shows  that  his 
worst  anticipations  were  fulfilled.  He  found  himself  unloved.  The 
Dean  and  Chapter  opposed  him  because  he  admitted  Nonconformist 
ministers — as  they  thought  without  adequate  caution — to  holy 
orders,  and  would  not  attend  his  ordinations.  A  disreputable 
physician  in  Wells,  of  the  name  of  Morrice,  gave  him  infinite 
domestic  worry  by  engaging  the  affections  of  one  of  his  daughters. 
In  one  instance,  however,  there  was  something  like  a  worthy  "  fruit 
of  repentance."  He  was  told  in  169? — here  again  we  note  what 
men  expected  of  him — that  he  must  go  up  to  the  House  of  Lords 
and  vote  for  the  bill  for  Sir  John  Fenwick's  attainder.  He  said 
that  he  must  wait  to  know  the  merits  of  the  case.  The  answer 
was,  "Don't  you  know  whose  bread  you  eat?"  and  at  last  the 
better  nature  of  the  man  broke  out,  and  he  replied,  "  I  eat  no  man's 
bread  but  poor  Doctor  Ken's."  On  this  occasion  he  adhered  to  his 
resolve,  and  voted,  to  show  his  principles,  against  the  bill. 

At  last  the  well-known  end  came,  aid  on  the  night  of  the  great 
gale  of  November  26th,  1703,  Kidder  and  his  wife  were  killed 
by  the  fall  of  a  stack  of  chimneys  through  the  roof  into  their  bed- 
room. That  catastrophe  will  meet  us  at  a  later  stage,  but  I  will 
notice  here  two  Local  traditions  connected  with  it :  (1)  It  was  bo- 
Ueved  (SO  Defoe  writes  in  his  account  of  the  Storm)  that  the  Bishop 
had   said  shortly   before  his  death,  in  a  burst    of  passion,  that  he 


a.d.  1633  -1703.]  KIDDER'S  EPITAPH.  G3 

would  rather  "  the  roof  of  his  house  should  fall  on  him  "  than  that 
he  should  do  so  and  so.1  (2)  It  was  reported  that,  not  long  before, 
when  one  of  the  guests  at  a  dinner  at  the  Palace  remained  standing 
for  want  of  a  seat,  the  Bishop  ordered  a  chair  to  be  brought  for 
him.  The  guest  looked  at  it  and  shuddered.  "  I  can't  sit  on  that. 
It's  all  covered  with  blood."  On  that  chair,  it  was  believed  in 
Wells,  the  corpse  of  the  Bishop  was  subsequently  carried  out  of  his 
bedroom  after  his  death.2 

On  the  other  hand,  it  may  be  noted,  that  he  enjoyed  a  consider- 
able reputation  as  a  Hebrew  scholar ;  that  he  defended  Christianity 
against  the  Jews,  and  the  Pentateuch  against  free -thinking  critics  ; 
that  among  the  scholars  of  the  Continent,  Le  Clerc  and  Limborch 
recognised  him  as  one  for  whose  good  opinion  they  were  anxious  ; 
that,  so  far  as  I  know,  there  is  nothing  to  show  that  he  ever 
thought  of  Ken  with  bitterness  or  treated  him  with  disrespect.  The 
tradition  that  he  assigned  him  one-third  of  the  income  of  the  see  is,  I 
fear,  as  I  have  said  elsewhere  (p.  57  ».),  unsupported.  The  epitaph 
on  the  tomb  in  Wells  Cathedral  erected  to  his  memory,  at  a  cost  of 
£300,  under  the  will  of  his  unmarried  daughter,  who  died  in  1728, 
is,  I  think,  singularly  touching,  as  showing  the  reverence  which 
she  felt  for  the  man  who  had  been  ousted  by  her  father.  The  lines 
referring  to  him  are,  I  think,  worth  printing : — 

' '  Decessoris  optimi  hoxoribus  exuti 
hlnc  miseratio,  ixde  desiderium, 
hostes  immerexti  suscitaverunt, 
Mite  diu  exercituros  ixgexium, 
publicisque  damxa  curis  allaturos  | 
moribus  tandem  queis  nulli  saxctiores 
(Rarissima  eelicitate)  CONCESSUM 
Ut  sua  Kexno  ixcolumi  fama, 
Sua  Kiddero  eirmaretur  digxitas  ; 
Ut  PARTIUM  RIX.E  PEXITUS  silerext, 

Kexxusque  Kidderusque, 
Ille  prixcipi,  hic  reipublic^e, 
Oper.e  eideliter  XAVATAE 

MUTUIS  LAVDIBUS  ORXAREXTUR." 

I  should  be  glad  to  trace  the  author  of  the  epitaph,  but  hitherto 
I  have  failed  in  doing  so. 

1  Defoe,  Narrative  of  Storm. 

2  Letter  from  the  late  Rev.  \V.  Dodd  to  E.  H.  P. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

KEN  AND  THE  NON-JURORS  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  MARY. 

"  Keep  Thou  my  feet ;  I  do  not  ask  to  see 
The  distant  scene, — one  step  enough  for  me." 

J.  II.  Newman. 

It  was  soon  to  be  brought  home  to  Ken's  experience  that  the 
lot  of  those  on  the  losing  side  in  a  revolution  brings  with  it 
other  and  sharper  sufferings  than  the  loss  of  income  and  home 
and  rank.  The  beginning  of  those  troubles  indeed  leads  us  to 
go  back  upon  our  steps  to  those  early  months  of  1690,  in 
which  we  have  seen  Ken  and  other  bishops  coming  up  to  Lon- 
don, to  discuss  the  possibility  of  a  modus  Vivendi  with  a  govern- 
ment to  which  they,  and  the  clergy  who  thought  with  them, 
could  not  swear  allegiance.  Might  they  be  permitted,  e.g.f  to 
exercise  such  pastoral  functions  as  did  not  involve  the  utter- 
ance of  prayers  for  William  or  Mary  ?  Might  they  be  allowed 
to  omit  names  in  the  State  prayers  ?  Might  they,  if  this  were 
not  feasible,  have  some  portion  of  the  incomes  of  which  they 
were  deprived  assigned  them  for  a  maintenance  ? 

We  who  read  their  letters  know  what  they  met  to  dis- 
cuss.1 But  to  the  politicians  of  the  time,  these  consultations 
were  the  starting  point  of  incessant  rumours  and  praoternatural 
suspicions.  What  secret  meetings  of  aristocrats  were  to  the 
mob  of  Paris  in  the  French  Revolution,  that  these  gatherings 
at  Lambeth  were  to  the  mob  of  London.  Were  these  Bishops 
hatching  treasonable  plots,  planning  schemes  for  James's  re- 
storation, inviting  the  French  king  to  invade  England  ?  A 
state  of  mind  like  this,  surcharged  with  electricity,  is  apt  to  be 

1  Bancroft's,   Turner's,    Lloyd's,    Ken's,   are   all   extant,  and   we  have  also 
Clarendon's  I>imy. 


AtD.  1689—94.]         THE  NON-JURORS1  LITURGY.  (?)  65 

explosive,  and  soon  there  supervened  on  it  that  which  led  natu- 
rally to  an  explosion.  The  Government  had  ordered  March  12th 
to  be  kept  as  a  fast-day,  with  special  forms  of  prayer  for  William's 
personal  safety  and  for  the  success  of  his  campaign  in  Ireland. 
Suddenly,  scattered  broadcast  over  England,  there  appeared 
another  Form  of  Prayer,  which  might  well  seem  to  be  a  counter- 
demonstration,  an  intercession  for  William's  failure,  and  for 
James's  restoration.  No  one  knew  who  drew  it  up  or  sent  it 
out ;  but  it  was  circulated  widely  and  simultaneously  by 
thousands.1  Whether  it  was  sent  to  the  Non-juring  Bishops 
there  is  no  evidence  to  show.  It  soon  came  to  be  generally 
believed  that  they  were  its  authors.  They  held  their  peace,  as 
far  as  public  action  was  concerned,  and  trusted  to  time  to  let 
the  popular  agitation  calm  itself. 

On  June  30th,  however,  the  day  before  the  battle  of  the 
Boyne,  the  English  and  Dutch  fleets  were  defeated  by  the  French 
under  De  Tourville,  off  Beachy  Head.  The  enemy's  ships  were 
masters  of  the  Channel.  They  might  have  done  as  the  Dutch 
fleet  had  done  in  June,  1667,  and  sailed  into  the  Thames  and 
Medway  to  destroy  the  ships  that  were  anchored  there.  The 
excitement  throughout  England,  especially,  of  course,  in 
London,  was  immense,  and,  as  one  result  there  came  out  a 
pamphlet,  also  of  unknown  authorship,  bearing  the  title,  A 
Modest  Enquiry  into  the  present  Disasters,  and  who  they  are  that 
brought  the  French  fleet  into  the  Channel2  The  pamphlet  was 
sufficiently  venomous,  more  personal,  and  therefore  more 
dangerous,  even  than  the  Sherborne  proclamation.  The  Non- 
juring  Bishops  were  reviled  as  the  "  Lambeth  Club,"  the 
"  Holy  Jacobite  Club,"  the  "  High-flown  Passive-Obedience 
Men,"  the  "  (Ecumenic  Council  of  the  whole  party,"  and  any 
number  of  like  epithets.  Even  the  clergy  who  had  taken  the 
oaths  are  abused  as  "  cheating  the  world  with  ridiculous  and 
foolish  distinctions,  playing  fast  and  loose  with  Almighty  God," 
"  wretches,  great  contrivers  and  managers  of  cabals."  Over  and 
above  the  general  abuse,  some  taunts  are  levelled  specially  at  Ken. 

1  See  Note   at  end  of   Chapter  for  a  discussion  of   the  authorship  of  the 
Jacobite  Liturgy  and  of  the  Modest  Enquiry. 

2  Other  pamphlets  were  published  on  the  same  subject,  notably  one  bearing 
the  title  of  Reflections  upon  a  Form  of  Prayer  lately  set  forth,  §c. 


M  KEN  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  MARY.  [chap.  xxi. 

"  Amongst  the  collectors  for  the  Hohj  Club,  there  must  be  one 
Fellow  that  ate  King  William's  bread,"  one  of  whose  arts  was 
"  to  persuade  silly  old  women  to  tell  down  their  dust  for 
carrying  on  60  pious  a  work,"  i.e.  "  to  work  a  mine  under- 
ground in  order  to  a  general  assault."  Over  and  above  this 
onslaught  there  is  the  specific  charge  that  they,  "  our  high- 
priest  and  the  rest  of  the  gang,  "  had  sent  over  an  address  to 
Louis  XIV.,  the  opening  words  of  which  were  quoted  as  if  the 
writer  had  it  before  him,  "  Great  and  resplendent  Monarch  ! 
The  resplendent  rays  of  your  Majesty's  virtues  have  rendered 
all  the  world  your  adorers."  ....  and  so  on,  in  a  strain  of 
fulsome  adulation.  It  concluded  with  a  suggestion,  in  the 
usual  formula  of  inciting  a  mob  to  acts  of  outrage,  that  "  it 
was  a  wonder  that  the  English  nation,"  under  the  affront  of 
their  defeat  at  sea,  "  had  not  in  their  fury  Be-  Wilted  some  of 
these  men."  "The  crimes  of  the  two  unhappy  brothers  in 
Holland  which  gave  rise  to  this  word,  were  not  fully  so  great 
as  some  of  theirs."  l 

Matters  now  began  to  look  serious.  "  The  Jacobites  all 
over  England  kept  out  of  the  way  and  were  afraid  of  being 
fallen  upon  by  the  rabble."  2  Bishop  Lloyd's  London  house 
in  Old  Street  was  attacked  by  the  mob,  and  he  had  to  take 
sanctuary  with  his  wife  and  child  in  the  Temple  for  personal 
safety.3  A  like  fate  might  have  befallen  Sancroft  at  Lambeth 
any  day,  or  Turner  at  Ely  House.  The  accused  Bishops 
took  council  as  to  issuing  a  disclaimer.  Turner  drew  up  a 
draft  form  and  submitted  it  to  Sancroft,  Lloyd,  and  Ken.  The 
last  suggested  amendments  as  in  the  following  letter — 


LETTER  XXXIII. 
To  Archbishop  Sancroft. 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"May  it  please  your  Grace, 
"  I  have  drawne  up  another  forme,  which  to  me  seemos  more 
proper  tiian  the  other,  it  being  short,  therefore  lesse  liable  to  cavills, 

1  Bee  i.  185.  2  Burnet,  0.  21,  Book  v.,  1G90. 

3  Letter  from  Bibhop  Lloyd  in  Anderdon,  p.  563. 


a.d.  1689-94.]       THE  BISHOPS'  DECLARATION.  67 

and  more  convenient  for  dispersing,   and  I  thinke  as  fnll  as  the 
former;  I  submit  it  to  your  Grace's  judgment,  and  I  send  it  tlius 
early,  that  you  may  have  the  longer  time  to  consider  it. 
"  Your  Grace's  most  obedient  Servant  and  Son, 

Thos.  B.  akd  W. 
"July  17,  1690." 

The  form  of  this  Declaration,  after  much  revising,  was  finally 
settled  as  follows  : — 

"  The  Declaration  of  William,  Lord  Archbishop  of  Canterbury,  and 
of  sever  all  of  his  Suffragans,  whose  names  are  underwritten. 

"  Whereas  in  a  late  pamphlet,  entitled,  *A  Modest  Enquiry  into  the 
Causes  of  the  present  Disasters,  fyc?  we,  whose  names  are  hereunto  sub- 
scribed, are  among  others  represented  as  the  authors  and  abettors  of 
England's  miseries  ;  and  nnder  the  abusive  names  of  the  Lambeth- 
Holy-  Club,  the  Holy -Jacobite-  Club,  and  the  (Ecumenich  Council  of  the  whole 
Party,  are  charged  with  a  Third  Plot,  and  with  the  composing  of  a 
New  Liturgy,  and  nsing  it  in  our  Cabals ;  and  whereas  the  Clergy, 
such  of  them  as  are  styled  malecontents,  are  said  (together  with 
others)  to  have  presented  a  Memorial  to  the  King  of  France,  to  per- 
suade him  to  invade  England  ;  and  are  also  affirmed  to  have  kept  a 
constant  Correspondence  with  M.  de  Croissy  in  order  therennto  : 

' '  We  do  here  solemnly,  as  in  the  presence  of  God,  protest  and 
declare, 

"  1.  That  these  accusations  cast  upon  us  are  all  of  them  malicious 
calumnies,  and  diabolical  inventions  ;  that  we  are  innocent  of  them 
all ;  and  we  defy  the  libeller  (whoever  he  be),  to  produce,  if  he 
can,  any  legal  proof  of  our  guiltiness  therein. 

"2.  That  we  know  not  who  was  the  author  of  the  New  Liturgy,  as 
the  libel  calls  it ;  that  we  had  no  hand  in  it,  either  in  the  Club, 
Cabal,  or  otherwise  ;  nor  was  it  composed,  or  published  by  our 
order,  consent,  or  privity ;  nor  hath  it  been  used  at  any  time  by  us, 
or  any  of  us. 

"  3.  That  neither  we,  nor  any  of  us,  ever  held  any  Correspondence, 
directly  or  indirectly,  with  M.  de  Croissy,  or  with  any  minister  or 
agent  of  France  :  and  if  any  such  Memorial,  as  the  libel  mentions,  was 
ever  really  presented  to  the  French  King,  we  never  knew  anything  of 
it,  nor  anything  relating  thereto.  And  we  do  utterly  renounce  both 
that,  and  all  other  invitations  suggested  to  be  made  by  us,  in  order 
to  any  invasion  of  this  kingdom  by  the  French. 

"  4.  That  we  utterly  deny,  and  disavow  all  Plots  charged  upon 
us,   or  contrived  or  carried  on,  in  our  meetings  at  Lambeth ;  the 


68  KEN  TO  THE  BE  ATE  OF  MARY.  [chap.  xxi. 

intent  thereof  being  to  advise  how,  in  our  present  difficulties,  we 
might  best  keep  consciences  void  of  offence  towards  God  and  toward* 
man. 

"5.  That  we  are  so  far  from  being  the  authors  and  abettors  of 
England's  miseries  (whatever  the  spirit  of  lying  and  calumny  may 
vent  against  us)  that  we  do,  and  shall  to  our  dying  hour,  heartily 
and  incessantly  pray  for  the  peace,  prosperity  and  glory  of  Eng- 
land ;  and  shall  always,  by  God's  grace,  make  it  our  daily  practice 
to  study  to  be  quiet,  to  bear  our  Cross  patiently,  and  to  seek  the  good 
of  our  Native  Country. 

"  Who  the  author  of  this  Libel  is  we  know  not :  but  whoever  he 
is,  we  desire,  as  our  Lord  hath  taught  us,  to  return  him  good  for 
evil :  he  barbarously  endeavours  to  raise  in  the  whole  English 
nation  such  a  fury,  as  may  end  in  Be-  Witting  us  (a  bloody  word, 
but  too  well  understood!).  But  we  recommend  him  to  the  Divine 
mercy,  humbly  beseeching  God  to  forgive  him. 

' '  We  have  all  of  us,  not  long  since,  either  actually,  or  in  full 
preparation  of  mind,1  hazarded  all  we  had  in  the  world  in  opposing 
Popery  and  arbitrary  power  in  England  :  and  we  shall  by  God's 
grace,  with  greater  zeal  again  sacrifice  all  we  have,  and  our  very 
lives  too,  if  God  shall  be  pleased  to  call  us  thereto,  to  prevent 
Popery,  and  the  arbitrary  power  of  France,  from  coming  upon  us, 
and  prevailing  over  us  ;  the  persecution  of  our  Protestant  brethren 
there  being  still  fresh  in  our  memories. 

"It  is  our  great  unhappiness  that  we  have  not  opportunity  to 
publish  full  and  particular  answers  to  those  many  libels,  which  are 
industriously  spread  against  us.  But  we  hope  that  our  country 
will  never  be  moved  to  hate  us  without  a  cause,  but  will  be  so  just 
and  charitable  to  us,  as  to  believe  this  solemn  protestation  of  our 
innocency. 

"Signed;   W.  Cant. 

W.  Norwich. 

"  Printed  in  the  year  1690.  Er.  Ely. 

Tho.  Bath  and  Wells. 
Tho.  Petriburgh. 

"  We  are  well  assured  of  the  concurrence  of  our  absent  Brother,  the 
Bishop  of  Gloucester,  as  soon  as  the  copy  can  be  transmitted  to  him"  2 

1  The  latter  clause  is  added  to  include  Lloyd  and  Frampton,  who  were  not 
actually  of  the  number  of  the  Seven.  The  allusion  to  the  persecution  of  the 
French  Protestants  seems  to  me  to  indicate  Ken's  handiwork. 

2  The  Declaration  is  printed  in  the  Life  of  Ketth  well,  p.  107,  in  D'Oyly's  Life 
of  Saner  oft,  p   269,  and  is  found  in  two  MS.  copies  in  the  Tanner  MSS.,  xxvii., 


a.d.  1689-94.]         SAXCROFTS  RETIRE1IEXT.  69 

Strange  to  say,  neither  before  nor  after  the  Declaration  was 
signed,  could  the  Bishops  obtain  a  license  for  its  publication. 
It  can  scarcely  be  said,  I  think,  that  there  was  anything  in 
the  document  itself  to  justify  such  a  refusal,  and  we  are  com- 
pelled to  see  in  it  part  of  a  plan  by  which  the  Bishops  were  to 
be  held  up  to  public  abhorrence,  and  not  allowed  to  defend 
themselves.  Sancroft  complains  bitterly  that  they  were  treated 
as  when  "  country  people  get  together  to  despatch  a  wolf  or  a 
dog."  As  it  was,  however,  the  Bishops  printed  their  vindica- 
tion without  a  license.  The  sympathy  of  peers  and  members 
of  Parliament  was  enlisted  on  the  side  of  the  accused.1  Their 
assailants  had  overshot  the  mark,  and  there  was  a  reaction  in 
their  favour.  Sancroft  retired  from  Lambeth  just  in  time  to 
avoid  ejection,  and  withdrew,  like  an  ecclesiastical  Cincinnatus, 
to  his  paternal  acres  at  Fresingfield,  finding  himself  happier 
than  he  had  ever  been  at  Lambeth,  except  so  far  as  the  services 
in  the  chapel  there  were  concerned,  seeking  to  live  peaceably 
with  all  men,  and  above  all  to  keep  out  of  plots.  Even  the  Xon- 
juring  pamphlets  which  were  sent  him  from  London,  and  which 
he  read  with  interest,  seemed  to  him  two-edged  weapons.  "While 
he  welcomed  works  of  learning  like  DodwelFs,  the  "  wash-balls'' 
and  "  razors  "  2  (so,  to  evade  the  vigilance  of  the  Post-office,  he 
and  Lloyd  spoke  of  the  pamphlets)  were  hazardous.  Men  might 
cut  their  fingers  with  the  one,  and  might  find  the  other,  to  their 
own  cost — as  a  Pope,  in  one  memorable  instance,  he  says,  had 
found  a  literal  wash-ball — somewhat  too  caustic  and  excoriating. 

Following  much  the  same  line  as  Sancroft,  with  perhaps  more 
of  the  feeling  which  led  Falkland  to  '  ingeminate  peace/  Ken 
returned  to  his  palace  at  Wells,  where  yet  some  months  were 
allowed  him  before  that  final  departure  which  I  have  already 
recorded.  He  and  Frampton,  the  Bishop  who  of  all  the  six  non- 
juring  prelates3  was  most  like-minded  with  him,  seem  indeed  to 

fols.  242  and  245.  Another  appears  in  the  Williams  ITSS.,  in  Lloyd's  hand. 
They  present  slight  variations  in  the  text,  as  if  there  had  heen  much  revision  ; 
hut  it  does  not  seem  worth  while  to  note  them  in  detail. 

1  Kettlewell's  Life,  p.  108. 

2  See  the  correspondence  between  Sancroft  and  Lloyd  in  the  Williams  JfSS. 
passim. 

3  Cartwright,  of  course,  made  a  seventh,  but  as  he  fled  to  St.  Germain's  only  to 
avoid  a  worse  fate,  and  was  almost,  if  not  altogether,  the  object  of  all  men's  scorn , 

VOL.    II.  F 


70  KEN  TO   THE  DEATH  OF  MARY.  [chap.  xxr. 

have  been  treated  by  the  Government,  under  Mary's  influence, 
with  special  leniency.  She  was  reported  to  have  said  that, 
however  much  they  might  wish  to  be  martyrs,  she  would  take 
care  to  disappoint  them.1  And  so  Frampton,  when  the  time  came 
for  leaving  his  palace  at  Gloucester,  and  resigning  the  formal 
charge  of  the  parish  of  Standish,  which  he  had  held  in  com- 
mendam,  was  yet  allowed  to  reside  in  his  rectory,  to  catechise,  and 
preach,  and  visit,  and  to  take  such  part  in  the  Prayer  Book 
service  as  did  not  involve  the  mention  of  William's  name.2  The 
good  old  man,  with  the  exception  of  the  brief  scare  which  will 
soon  have  to  be  recorded,  remained  there  till  his  death. 

Ken  in  like  manner  was  allowed,  as  we  have  seen  in  the 
previous  chapter,  probably  under  like  conditions,  to  remain 
undisturbed  at  Wells  during  the  autumn  and  early  winter 
months  that  followed.  Mary  perhaps  hoped,  in  his  case  and 
Frampton's,  not  understanding  the  men  and  their  motives, 
that  moderation  would  pass  into  compliance.  He  had  for- 
feited his  see  on  February  18th,  1690.  The  bishopric  was  not 
offered  to  Beveridge  till  May,  1691.  The  conge  cVelire  for  Kidder 
was  not  received  by  the  Chapter  at  Wells  till  July  8th. 

In  the  opening  of  1691,  however,  the  calm  was  broken  by 
a  sudden  and  unlooked-for  storm.  The  growing  discontent 
and  disappointment  of  many  who  had  first  accepted  William's 
government  as  legitimated  by  the  vote  of  the  Convention  led 
them  to  combine  with  others  who  had  from  the  first  refused  to 
acknowledge  it.  Towards  the  end  of  December,  1690,  the 
conspirators  met  and  determined  to  open  communications  with 
the  Court  of  St.  Germain's,  of  which  Viscount  Preston  and 
John  Ashton,  who  had  been  Clerk  of  the  Closet  to  Mary  of 
Modena,  with  a  Jesuit  named  Elliot,  were  to  be  the  bearers. 
They  left  London  on  December  31st,  1690.  The  detectives 
and  agent*  j/rorocateurs  of  William,  however  (Speke  pro- 
he  wus  never  counted  worthy  of  belonging-  to  the  Company  of  the  Non-juring 
(  bnfessoife.     He  died  in  Ireland  in  April,  1689. 

1  Msoaulay  attributes  the  saying1  to  William  ;  the  author  of  the  Life  of 
Frampton,  to  Mary.  It  may  rery  probably  have  been  said  by  both,  and  of 
different  persons. 

Onoe  he  chanced  to  find  himself  alone,  and  had  to  take  the  whole  service. 
lie  cnt  the  knot  by  reading  the  prayers  for  the  King  and  Queen,  emitting  their 


a.d.  1G89—  9-1  ]         SUSPICIONS  OF  CONSPIRACY  71 

bably  among  them),  had  had  their  eyes  on  the  plot.  The 
envoys  were  seized  off  Tilbury,  their  papers  captured  and 
examined.  One  of  them  was  from  the  deprived  Bishop  of 
Ely.  It  was  addressed  obviously  to  James  and  his  Queen  under 
the  pseudonym  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Ridding.  It  was  full  of  ex- 
pressions of  devotion  to  their  service,  and  these  not  in  his  own 
name  only,  but  "  I  say  this  on  behalf  of  my  elder  brother,  and 
the  rest  of  my  nearest  relations,  as  well  as  for  myself."  These 
mysterious  words  were  naturally  interpreted  as  referring  to  San- 
croft  and  the  other  non-juring  Bishops.  The  result  was  a  police 
surveillance  over  them  more  rigorous  than  ever.  A  warrant 
was  actually  issued  for  Turner's  apprehension,  which  he  escaped 
by  going  abroad,  "  leaping  the  ditch,"  as  it  was  called,  in  dis- 
guise.1 The  other  Bishops  lived  for  some  months  in  apprehen- 
sion of  a  like  fate.  In  the  meantime  they  had  to  correspond 
with  each  other,  either  by  private  hand,  or,  if  through  the  post, 
under  fictitious  names.2  Sancroft's  letters  to  Lloyd  3  show  the 
anxious  feelings  with  which  he  heard  the  floating  rumours  as 
to  his  friends.  In  an  undated  letter  (probably  in  April  or 
May,  1691)  he  notices  the  charge  against  "  our  brother  of 
Ely." 

"  Shall  we  declare  our  innocence  ?  But  then  nothing  is 
proved  against  him,  and  men  and  angels  will  hardly  be  able 
to  prove  anything  against  us."  On  May  18th,  1691,  of  some- 
one (probably  Turner)  he  says,  "  I  am  sorry  that  our  good 
brother  has  got  so  high  up  the  pinnacle.  It  was  dangerous 
to  fall  from  thence,  could  the  informers  have  tript  up  his 
heels.  'Tis  well  we  hear  nothing  of  our  brother  of  B.  and 
W.  ;  in  this  case  no  news  is  good  news."  On  the  30th,  "  'Tis 
a  wonder  that  the  same  severity  goes  not  on  to  our  poor  brother 
of  B.  and  "W.,  but  I  am  afraid  he  cannot  long  escape  it."  On 
May  26th,  1691,  "  'Tis  a  wonder  nothing  is  yet  done  against  our 
good  brother  of  B.  and  W.,  but  I  am  afraid  that  at  last  Tardita- 
tem  supplied  airocitates  ejusdem  compensabunt"  On  March  2nd, 
1691-2,  he  prays  that  he  himself  may  be  preserved  from  the 

1  For  Turner's  share  in  the  plot  see  Note  at  the  end  of  chapter. 

2  Nearly  all  Ken's  letters  to  the  deprived  Bishop  of  Norwich  were  addressed     if 
to  Mrs.  Hannah  Lloyd;   letters  for  him  were  to  be  addressed  to  Mr.  Jones. 

3  Williams  MSS. 

f2 


72  KZN  TO  TJTF  DEATH  OF  MART.         [chap.  xxi. 

tlireatened  visit,"  and  on  March  30th  rejoices  that  Lloyd 
"  had  avoided  the  snare  set  for  him."  '  On  April  2nd,  1692, 
lie  writes  that  he  has  "  news  about  Fr.  of  Ely  that  makes  me 
tremble."  In  July  he  complains  that  "all  in  affairs  has  been 
dark  to  him."  His  thoughts  have  been  "  taken  up  by  a  bloody 
attempt  on  my  life  and  the  lives  of  other  innocent  persons."  It 
was  sought  to  effect  this  by  "wicked  forgery  and  perjury  ;  " 
but  "  we  have  escaped  out  of  the  snare  of  the  fowler."  He 
thinks  of  Lloyd,  then  in  London,  as  in  "  a  post  full  of  danger, 
dwelling  on  the  hole  of  the  asp."  His  letters  are  to  be 
thrown  into  the  fire  as  soon  as  read.  He  signs  as  "  Tito  " 
or  "  Sempronio."  He  does  not  know  how  to  tell  Frampton 
to  direct  to  him,  unless  it  be  as  "  W.  S.,  labourer."  In  view 
of  the  helplessness  of  those  who  are  the  victims  of  popular 
clamour  he  quotes  the  racy  but  forgotten  proverb,  "  The  chil- 
dren of  Chepe  ring  Bow  bells  as  they  please."  The  rumours 
that  are  set  floating  against  them  he  describes,  with  a  some- 
what startling  emphasis,  as  "  all  of  them  damned  lies."2  Of 
Frampton — to  whom  indeed  the  last  passage  specially  refers — 
he  writes  that  "  our  good  brother  of  Gloucester  is  as  cheerful 
under  persecution  as  the  birds  that  sing  sweetest  in  winter," 
words  singularly  descriptive  of  his  most  loveable  character.3 

Ken  himself,  partly  in  consequence  of  his  own  wisdom  in 
keeping  clear  of  plots,  partly  owing  to  Lord  Weymouth's  protec- 
tion, and  the  Queen's  favourable  disposition,  passed  through  the 
fiery  trial  unscathed,  without  even  the  touch  of  fire  upon  his 
garments.  Of  all  the  elements  of  that  trial  I  fancy  that 
Turner's  conduct  and  its  consequences  were  the  most  painful  to 
him.  What  I  have  stated  in  the  Note  at  the  end  of  this  chap- 
ter is,  I  believe,  a  sufficient  defence  against  the  charge  of  per- 
jury, which  Macaulay  brings  against  Ken's  friend,  but  it  remains 
true  that  he  fell  into  the  trap  that  was  set  for  him,  and  plunged 
into  the  life  of  a  conspirator.  He  became,  as  such  men  tend  in 
the  nature  of  things  to  become,  a  wanderer  and  a  fugitive — 
passing  under  many  names  and  many  disguises.     There  is  no 

1  The  extracts  of  1G92  refer  to  what  is  known  as  Young's  plot. 

2  1  incline  to  think,  however,  that  the  adjective  was  not  so  merely  a  vulgar 
expletive  U  it  is  now,  and  that  it  still  had  something'  of  a  tragic  solemnity  in  it. 

The  quotations  are  all  from  the  Williams  MSS. 


a.d.  1689-94,]     TWO  SECTIONS  OF  NON-JURORS.  73 

trace  of  any  intercourse  between  him  and  Ken  during  this  period. 
He  died  November  2nd,  1700,  and  was  buried  by  the  side  of 
his  wife  at  Therfield,  with  nothing  on  his  tomb  but  Expergiscar. 
Ken,  when  he  writes  of  him  in  1704,  speaks  of  him  as  "  our 
brother  of  Ely,  now  with  God."  This  was,  moreover,  but  an 
example  of  the  opening  of  a  rift,  widening  rapidly  into  a  chasm, 
between  the  two  sections  of  the  Non-juring  party.  On  the  one 
side  were  the  nobler  souls,  with  hearts  enlarged  by  charity, 
and  minds  capable  of  combining  much  practical  wisdom  with 
the  theory — to  us  an  untenable  theory — for  which  they  suffered. 
Among  these  the  most  prominent  were  Ken  himself,  Frampton, 
Kettlewell,  and  Fitzwilliam.  They  still  clung  to  the  principles 
of  passive  obedience,  of  the  binding  force  of  oaths  once  taken, 
of  hereditary  right,  but  they  emphasised  the  passive.  For 
them  it  was  the  "  doctrine  of  the  cross,"1  and  they  were  content 
to  suffer  for  it,  but  they  would  make  no  self-willed  efforts  to 
assert  it.  They  would  wait  till  this  tyranny — so  far  as 
there  was  a  tyranny — was  overpast.  They  would  not  excom- 
municate or  condemn  those  who  took  the  oaths  which  they 
could  not  take.  They  could  correspond,  as  Fitzwilliam  did  with 
Lady  Rachel  Russell,  on  terms  of  a  deep  spiritual  affection, 
with  those  who,  though  like-minded  with  themselves,  did  not 
think  as  they  did  on  these  questions.  They  could  watch  the 
progress  to  place  aud  power  of  those  whom  they  knew  to  be 
sound  in  faith  and  holy  in  life,  as  Ken  watched  Hooper's,  with 
entire  satisfaction.  They  cherished  warm  and  friendly  feelings 
even  for  Dissenters. 

And,  on  the  other  side,  there  were  those  who  were  restless  and 
uneasy,  who  were  drawn  into  plot  after  plot,  were  continually 
in  communication  with  St.  Germain's,  and  believed  that  they 
could  trust  its  occupant  to  come  back  with,  or  even  without,  con- 
ditions.2   For  them  any  communion  with  laity  or  clergy  of  the 

1  The  title  of  Kettlewell's  work — Christianity,  a  Doctrine  of  the  Cross :  or 
Passive  Obedience  under  any  pretended  Invasion  of  Legal  Mights  and  Liberties,  shows 
sufficiently  what  estimate  he  took  of  the  theory  in  question,  and  is  probably 
referred  to  in  the  words  of  Ken's  will,  in  which  he  states  that  he  dies  "in  the 
Communion  of  the  Church  of  England  ....  as  it  adheres  to  the  Doctrine 
of  the  Cross."     See  p.  209. 

2  These  two  sections  of  the  Jacobite  party  were  distinguished  respectively  as 
Compounders  and  Non-compounders. 


71  KEN  TO  T1IK  DEATH  OF  MARY.         [chap.  xxi. 

Established  Church  involved  the  guilt  of  schism,  aud  so  placed  the 
guilty  one  under  a  sentence  of  ipso  facto  excommunication  from 
the  true  Church  of  the  faithful  remnant.  To  attend  any  service 
of  the  furmer  in  which  prayers  were  offered  for  William 
and  Mary  was  a  sin  (so  even  Sancroft  wrote)  that  needed  abso- 
lution at  the  end  of  that  service  as  well  as  at  the  beginning. 
It  were  better  for  a  man  never  to  enter  his  parish  church,  or 
any  church  at  all,  than  to  be  a  sharer  in  that  guilt.  The  men 
of  this  class  were  often,  like  Hickes  and  Wagstaffe  and  Collier 
and  Leslie,  men  of  much  learning  and  considerable  brain-power, 
but  they  were,  for  the  most  part,  also  men  of  the  narrowing,  sec- 
tarian temperament,  who  delighted  in  drawing  hard  and  fast  lines, 
which  excluded  others  from  any  hope  but  that  of  uncovenanted 
mercies.  As  their  after-history  showed,  they  became  every  year 
more  and  more  convinced  that  they  were  the  only  pure  and 
Apostolic  branch  of  the  Universal  Church.  They  split  once  more 
into  two  sections  on  ritual  questions,  and  the  minority,  the  Non- 
jurors of  the  separation,  claimed  to  be  the  true  people  of  God, 
when  Ishmael  rather  than  Israel  might  have  served  as  their 
prototype.  In  proportion  as  they  dwindled  away  in  numbers 
and  influence,  they  devised  new  liturgies,  introduced  new  ritual, 
signed  concordats,  as  representing  the  Church  of  England, 
with  Eastern  Bishops,  and  looked  on  themselves  as  confessors 
in  whom,  and  in  whom  alone,  was  to  be  found  any  hope  for  the 
reunion  of  Christendom.  Booth,  the  last  irregular  Non-juring 
Bishop,  died  in  1805. 1  If  he  inherited  the  convictions  of  his 
predecessors,  we  can  picture  him  to  ourselves,  as  he  drew  near 
the  end  of  his  pilgrimage,  lamenting  that  with  him  there  was 
broken  the  last  link  that  connected  the  Church  of  England  with 
the  Church  of  the  Apostles,  the  last  hope  of  a  restored  union 
with  Eastern  and  Latin  Christianity. 

Others  there  were,  whose  line  of  action  must  have  been  yet 
more  distasteful  to  Ken.  There  were  Non-juring  clergy  who 
practically  renounced  their  orders,  and  went  about,  often  to 
escape  arrest,  in  "blue  coats"  and  other  lay  apparel,2  who 
associated  in  their  plots  with  men  of  ill  repute,  who  brought 

1  Lathbury,  p.  412. 

2  This  was  ofton  the  case  with  liOslie  and  Turner,  and  Ilearne  records  his 
meeting  Ken's  friend,  Harbin,  dressed  as  a  layman.     See  p.  99. 


a.d.  1689—94.]  NON-JURING  LAYMEN.  75 

scandal  on  the  cause  of  which  they  professed  themselves  the 
adherents,  who  crept  into  the  houses  of  the  rich  and  gained 
influence  over  weak-minded  women.  Cibber's  transformation 
of  Moliere's  Tartuffe  into  the  "Dr.  Wolf"  of  his  once  popular 
comedy,  The  Non-juror,  though,  doubtless,  a  libel  and  a  car- 
ricature  on  the  class,  could  scarcely  have  won  the  applause  of 
crowded  theatres,  if  it  had  not  been  felt  that  it  bore,  in  some 
cases,  only  too  close  a  resemblance  to  the  original. 

And  as  the  sections  of  the  clergy  were,  so  were  those  of  the 
laity.  Some  there  were,  of  whom  Robert  Nelson,  of  the  Fasts 
and  Festivals,  and  Mr.  Cherry  of  Shottesbrook,  may  be  taken  as 
types,  who  sympathised  with  Ken  and  Frampton  and  their 
fellows.  Others,  disappointed  plotters,  like  Ferguson  and 
Young,  were  reckless  and  unscrupulous.  Many  of  the  Jacobite 
squires  throughout  the  country  simply  inherited  the  passions  and 
prepossessions  of  their  cavalier  fathers  of  the  Restoration  period 
against  Whigs  and  Dissenters,  hated  "  Dutch  William  "  as  a 
foreigner,  while  he  lived,  and  toasted  the  mole  which  caused 
Sorrel's  fall  as  the  "little  gentleman  in  velvet,"  when  he 
died.1  The  Squire  Western  type,  roystering  and  blustering, 
was,  it  may  be  feared,  too  common  among  them. 

One  of  these  laymen,  however,  stands  apart  by  himself,  and 
calls  for  a  separate  notice.  Henry  Dodwell,  Camden  Professor 
of  Ancient  History  at  Oxford,  a  post  which  he  forfeited  by  not 
taking  the  oaths,  was  the  marvel  and  prodigy  of  his  time.  His 
reading  in  classical  and  patristic  literature  was  immense  and 
omnivorous.  He  came  down  on  men  like  Sancroft,  himself  no 
mean  scholar,  with  an  erudition  that  overwhelmed  them.  His 
pen  was  looked  on  as  that  of  the  chief  apologist  of  the  Non- 
juring  cause ;  and  in  him  we  find  an  almost  representative 
example  of  the  class  of  laymen  for  whom  St.  Peter's  word  of 
al/otrio-episcopos  (1  Pet.  iv.  15),  a  "Bishop  in  another's  diocese," 
a  "  busybody  in  other  men's  matters,"  might  seem  to  have  been 
coined.  More  sacerdotal  than  any  sacerclos,  he  took  on  himself 
the  functions  of  an  Episcopus  Episcoporum,  rebuked  Ken  and 

1  William,  it  will  be  remembered,  died  from  a  fall  from  his  horse,  which 
stumbled  over  a  mole-hill.  The  name  Sorrel  describes  the  colour  of  the  horse  as 
a  hay  or  reddish  brown.  The  horse,  curiously  enough,  had  belonged  to  Sir  John 
Fenwick,  against  whom  an  Act  of  Attainder  was  passed  in  1696. 


KEN  TO  THE  DEATH  OE  MARY. 

Frumpton  when  he  thought  them  "  fluctuating "  and  weak- 
kneed,  pushed  every  dogma  to  its  extremest  logical  conclusion,1 
and  absolutely  revelled  in  the  thought  of  his  own  infallibility. 
For  a  time  the  "  extreme  right "  section  of  the  party  looked 
on  him  as  their  leader.  Frampton  resented  the  assumption  of 
the  "  great  lay  dictator."  Ken,  as  we  have  seen,  answered  his 
expostulations,  at  first  with  some  natural  warmth,  then  with  a 
characteristically  meek  apology.  After  a  time  Dodwell,  too, 
came  round  to  a  better  mind,  and  when  Ken  sought  to  terminate 
the  schism,  was  found  one  of  his  heartiest  supporters. 

For  the  present  the  influence  of  the  more  vehement  spirits 
told  on  the  somewhat  enfeebled  mind  of  Sancroft,  and,  short  of 
what  he  calls  the  aspera  consilia  of  plots,  he  was  guided  by  their 
counsels.  The  result  appeared  in  two  measures,  which  boded  ill 
for  the  Church's  peace.  On  February  9th,  169 J,  the  Archbishop 
issued  a  commission  to  Lloyd,  the  deprived  Bishop  of  Norwich, 
appointing  him  Vicar-General  of  the  province  of  Canterbury. 
He  commits  to  him  "  my  pontificall  power,  whatever  it  is,  in 
the  Lord,"  and  "  approves  and  confirms  "  by  anticipation  what- 
ever his  Vicar-General  may  do.  As  with  a  quasi-Vaulme  heat,  he 
substitutes  for  the  formal  signature,  "  Behold  !  I,  William,  have 
writt  it  with  mine  own  hand ;  I'll  stand  to  it  and  confirm  it." 
Against  this  Ken  protested,  but,  as  we  see  by  the  correspondence 
between  Lloyd  and  Sancroft,  in  vain.  The  former  writes,  on 
May  9th,  1691,  that  he  has  been  able  "to  silence  the  phanci- 
full  objections  of  my  brother,  and  his  half-witted  Chancellor," 
and  tells  him  that  he  will  find  in  his  enclosure  (apparently  a 
letter  from  Ken)  "  an  account  of  the  singular  methods  which 
my  good  Brother  lately  pursued  at  Wells."  2     Sancroft  says  in 

1  Macaulay  (chap,  xiv.)  lavishes  his  scorn  on  one  of  DodwelTs  speculations, 
which  led  him  to  deny  the  natural  immortality  of  the  soul,  and  to  confine  the 
gift  of  eternal  life  to  those  who  derive  it  from  Christ  through  the  ordinances 
He  appointed.  He  apparently  did  not  know  that  the  same  doctrine  had  Leon 
maintained  by  Locke  King  (ii.  145-7),  and  that  under  the  name  of  "  Conditional 
Immortality,"  or  "  Life  in  Christ,"  it  has  commanded  the  assent  of  many 
>  mm.  iit  theologians.  I  do  Dot  hold  that  doctrine,  but  I  cannot  dismiss  it,  as  he 
does,  as  a  mere  eccentricity.     For  Ken's  view  see  p.  128. 

-  This  refers,  probably,  to  the  Commission  which  Ken  issued  to  his  Chancel- 
lor, I  npowering  him  to  administer  the  oaths  which  he  could  not  take  or  administer 
himself,  on  the  institution  of  presentees  to  livings  in  his  diocese.  (See  Curr>s- 
pondenee  with  Burnet,  p.  4G.) 


A.D.  1689— 94.]    SUFFRAGAN  BISHOPS  CONSECRATED.  77 

reply,  "  I  am  glad  if  our  good  Brother  is  satisfied  concerning 
his  former  objection  against  my  Commission  ;  but  I  do  not  find 
it  in  his  letter.  For  his  new  and  singular  method  it  is  brave 
enough,  but  whether  the  case  makes  it  necessary,  or  the  event 
will  shew  it  to  be  prudent,  I  must  think  further  before  I 
pronounce."  * 

A  little  later  on,  and  Sancroft  was  prevailed  on  to  sanction, 
though  he  did  not  live  to  take  a  personal  part  in  it,  a  yet 
stronger  measure.  Taking,  with  all  the  Non-juring  Bishops, 
except  Ken  and  Frampton,  the  view  that  the  whole  of  the 
Established  Church  was  in  a  state  of  schism,  through  its  acqui- 
escence in  the  intrusion  of  new  Bishops  into  the  sees  of  those 
who  had  been  deprived,  he  determined  on  the  consecration  of 
two  suffragan  Bishops,  nominally  acting  in  the  diocese  of 
Norwich,  who  should  continue  the  apostolical  succession  in  what 
they  held  to  be  the  only  true,  though  suffering,  branch  of  the 
Church  Catholic  in  England.  It  seemed  to  them  that  they  needed 
for  this  the  sanction  of  the  Prince  on  whom  they  still  looked 
as  the  legitimate  King  of  England,  and  so  Hickes  was  sent  over 
to  St.  Germain's  with  a  list  of  the  Non-juring  clergy,  from 
which  James  was  to  select  two.  He,  after  his  manner,  guided  by 
Melfort,  who  had  been  his  minister  in  Scotland,  and  was  him- 
self a  convert  to  Borne,  consulted  the  French  Bishops  and  the 
Pope,  and  they  very  naturally  approved  a  measure  which  was 
certain  to  weaken  the  position  of  the  Church  of  England.  James 
left  the  choice  to  Sancroft  and  Lloyd.  The  former  named 
Hickes  for  Thetford,  the  latter  "Wagstaffe  for  Ipswich,  as  their 
respective  sees.  They  were  consecrated  (Sancroft  having  died 
on  November  24th,  1693)  by  Lloyd,  Turner,  and  White  on 
February  24th,  169f.  The  consecration  was  clandestine.  They 
never  claimed  any  authority  or  acted  pastorally  within  their 
nominal  dioceses.  It  was,  indeed,  specially  provided  that  they 
should  forbear  to  act  till  after  Lloyd's  death,  which  did  not 
happen  for  fourteen  years.  They  were  obviously  consecrated 
for  the  sole  purpose  of  perpetuating  the  Non-juring  succession. 

Ken  and  Frampton   stood   entirely  aloof  from  this  action. 
The  former  remonstrated  earnestly  at  the  time,  as  we  shall  see 
in  letters  belonging  to  a  later  period  of  his  life.     He  objected 
1  Lloyd  and  Sancroft  correspondence  in  Williams  MSS. 


78  KEN  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  JURY.  [chap.  xxi. 

to  the  clandestine  character  of  the  act.  He  objected  yet  more 
strongly  to  the  act  itself,  as  tending  to  aggravate  evils  which 
it  was  the  duty  of  all  men,  as  far  as  they  had  the  power,  to 
minimise,  and  to  perpetuate  the  evil  of  a  causeless  schism — cause- 
less as  soon  as  the  first  uncanonical  intruders  into  the  sees  of 
the  deprived  Bishops  had  died  out — to  future  generations.  I 
have  thought  it  desirable  to  trace  Ken's  relations  to  the  party 
with  which  he  was,  regretfully  and  reluctantly,  associated,  in 
as  continuous  a  narrative  as  possible,  uninterrupted  by  letters 
which  are  not  directly  concerned  with  it.  The  consecration  of 
the  new  Bishops  seems  a  fit  halting-point  as  the  close  of  one 
stage  of  those  relations  and  the  opening  of  another.  Of  the 
letters  which  belong  to  the  period  included  in  this  chapter  I 
can  find  only  the  following  : — 

LETTER  XXXIV. 
For  Mistress  Lloyd  at  Hodsden. 
"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 
"  My  good  Lord, 
"  Your  Lordship    did  much  cheer  me,  when   you  told  me   that 
our  affaires  went  on  well.     I  was  in  great  hopes  of  seeing  you  this 
morning,  but  you  had  other  avocations :  let  me  know  when  you  can 
come,  and  I  will  be  sure  to  attend  you,  or  when  I  shall  come  to  you. 
If  anything  more  occurs,  an  intimation  is  enough,  and  will  not  take 
up  too  much  of  your  time.     D.  W.  should,  I  think,  be  acquainted 
with  our  concernes,   who  is  able  to  advise  very  well.     My  best 
respects  to  your  good  lady.     God  of  his  infinite  mercy  fitt  us  for  all 
the  trialls  He  designes  us  to  undergoe. 

' '  Your  most  affect,  friend  and  Br, 

"T.  B.  &  W. 
"Nop.  18th,  1691." 

11  My  Br  has  sent  you  a  letter,  which  I  keep  till  we  meet." 

[The  letter  is  clearly  intended  for  the  deprived  Bishop  of  Norwich  ;  "  Mrs. 
Lloyd  ' '  being  safer  for  the  Post-office.  Nearly  all  Ken's  letters  to  the  Bishop  arc 
so  addressed.  It  refers  probably,  in  the  phrase,  "  our  affairs,"  to  the  gradual 
calming  down  of  the  scare  created  by  the  Jacobite  Liturgy  and  the  Modest  Enquiry. 
I  am  unable  to  identify  D.W.  Dean  of  Worcester  or  Dr.  WagstafEe  suggest 
themselves,  but  Ken  was  not,  likely,  at  this  period,  to  attach  much  weight  to  their 
counsels.  The  P.S.,  I  am  inclined  to  think,  refers  to  a  letter  from  Frampton, 
with  whom  Ken  was  in  frequent  intercourse,  which  was  sent  through  Ken,  and 
was  kept  bj  him  lill  he  could  deliver  it  personally  to  Lloyd.  We  may  surmise 
that  it  contained  a  statement  of  views  in  general  sympathy  with  Ken.] 


a.d.  1689—94.]         TIIIOTSON  AND  TUNIS  ON.  79 

Before  the  date  which  I  have  chosen  as  the  terminus  of  this 
chapter,  there  were  two  events,  both  of  which  must  have  affected 
Ken  personally,  one  of  which,  we  find,  led  on  to  what  with  him 
was  rare,  the  public  expression  of  strong  and  painful  emotions. 
Archbishop  Tillotson  died  on  November  22nd,  1694.  Eloquent 
as  a  preacher,  kindly  in  character,  eminently  respectable,  Ken 
could  scarcely  have  admired  his  teaching  or  his  policy.  Under 
Charles  II.  he  had  preached  the  most  naked  Erastianism  that 
was  ever  taught  from  the  pulpits  of  the  Church  of  England. 
Hobbes  could  scarcely  have  expressed  more  strongly  the  posi- 
tion "  cujus  est  regio  ejus  quoque  religio"  than  Tillotson  did  when 
he  taught  that  it  was  a  man's  duty,  unless  he  could  be  certain 
that  he  had  a  special  revelation  to  the  contrary,  to  accept  what- 
ever religion  was  established  by  the  civil  magistrate.1  Ken 
would  scarcely  sympathise  with  the  easy  indifference  with  which 
Tillotson  wished  that  "  we  were  well  rid  "  of  the  Athanasian 
Creed.  He  must  have  remembered  how  he,  who  had  worried 
the  last  hours  of  Lord  Russell  with  his  doctrine  of  passive 
obedience,  had  changed  his  voice  according  to  the  time,  and 
transferred  his  allegiance  without  hesitation  to  William. 

Tillotson  was  succeeded  by  Tenison,  with  whom,  as  Rector  of 
St.  Martin's-in-the-Fields,  where  he  had  preached  one  of  his 
most  memorable  sermons  (i.  270),  Ken  had  been  more  or  less 
intimately  acquainted.  The  choice  was  probably  Mary's  rather 
than  William's,  and  almost  the  first  work  of  the  new  Arch- 
bishop was  to  be  summoned  to  the  Queen's  death-bed — 
she  died  of  small  pox  on  December  28th,  1694 — as  her 
spiritual  adviser.2      He  preached  her  funeral  sermon,  and,  as 

1  Birch's  Life  of  Tillotson,  pp.  62-70.  The  statement  was  corrected  in  a  second 
edition,  but  without  any  distinct  retractation. 

2  I  know  few  narratives  more  sad  than  the  account  of  the  way  in  which 
Mary  passed  the  first  night  after  she  knew  the  nature  of  her  illness.  Shutting 
herself  up  in  her  room  at  Kensington  Palace,  she  spent  the  long  watches  of  the 
night  till  morning  dawned,  in  burning  papers  which  she  did  not  wish  to  fall. into 
any  one's  hands.  Then  she  wrote  a  letter  to  Tenison,  not  to  be  given  him  till 
after  her  death.  It  contained  another  letter  to  William,  reproaching  him  for  his 
unfaithfulness  to  her,  and  entreating  him,  with  a  freedom  which  she  had  never 
dared  to  use  before,  to  amend  his  life.  Tenison  delivered  the  letter  and 
spoke  with  a  boldness  which  even  Ken  would  have  admired.  William  promised  to 
separate  himself  from  his  mistress  Elizabeth  Villiers,  whom  he  had  enriched  with 
the  spoils  of  confiscated  estates  in  Ireland,  and  kept  his  promise,  alas!  for  a 
time  only.  (i.  143  n.)     (Strickland,  Queens,  xi.  306—318.) 


BO  KEN  TO  Till:  DEATH  OF  MARY.         [chap.  xxr. 

might  be  expected,  its  tone  was  one  of  almost  unmixed  pane- 
gyric. I  am  not  concerned,  now  to  puss  judgment  on  Mary's 
character.  Her  life  bad  been  but  short — -she  was  only  thirty  - 
two  at  her  death — and  it  could  scarcely  be  said  to  have  been 
a  happy  one.  Educated,  for  reasons  of  state,  in  a  religion 
that  was  neither  her  father's  nor  her  mother's ;  married  also,  for 
reasons  of  state,  to  a  husband  who  had  no  sympathy  with  her 
own  form  of  religion,  nor  indeed  with  any,  with  the  possible 
exception  of  the  hard  Calvinism  in  which  he  had  been  trained  ; 
brought  for  short  periods  under  teachers  who  sought  to  guide  her 
rightly,  and  whom  she  personally  esteemed ;  placed  in  a  position  in 
which  she  had  to  choose  between  her  father  and  her  husband,  her 
natural  and  religious  affections, — it  was  not  easy  for  her  to  walk- 
warily  in  those  dangerous  days.  It  was  to  her  credit  that  her 
influence  should  always  have  been  exercised  in  favour  of  purity 
and  devotion  and  moderate  counsels  ;  that  she  should  have  given 
freely  to  the  poor  and  the  distressed,  and  have  exercised,  as  far 
as  she  could,  a  right  judgment  in  ecclesiastical  appointments. 

It  was  natural,  however,  that  the  Non-juring  Bishops  should 
look  on  some  parts  of  her  conduct  as  open  to  censure.  They 
might  pardon  her  acceptance  of  the  throne,  they  could  not 
hear  without  indignation  of  her  childish  exultation  when  she 
took  possession  of  it.  Duty  might  lead  her  to  obey  her  hus- 
band rather  than  her  father  ;  but  why  did  she  leave  that  father 
to  be  dependent  on  the  alms  of  Louis  XIV.  ?  Traces  of  this 
feeling  cropped  up  during  her  life-time.  Sancroft  growls  at 
the  "  virtuous  ladie  "  into  whose  privy  purse  went  the  reve- 
nues of  the  forfeited  bishoprics  till  they  were  filled.1  Frampton, 
when  Lloyd  of  St.  Asaph,  then  Bishop  of  Lichfield,  came  to  visit 
him  at  Standish  in  1093,  told  him  that  it  was  his  duty  as  al- 
moner, and  therefore  virtually  confessor,  to  the  Queen,  to  stir 
her  conscience  on  this  point ;  and  when  Lloyd  assured  him  that 
Mary  never  spoke  of  her  father  without  tears  in  her  eyes,  was 
rude  enough  to  remark  (he  had  travelled  in  Egypt)  that  there 
were  animals  whose  tears  flowed  freely,  but  not  from  pity.2    How 

1  Possibly,  however,  Sancroft's  sneer  may  refer  to  Elizabeth  Yilliers.  on  whom 
William  Lavished  much  money  and  many  grants  of  land. 

2  It  might  not  be  without  interest  to  inquire  when  and  how  shst  phrase  of 
i'orooodlle'l  tears"  first  became  current  in  English  conversation  and  literature. 

I L  is  found  in  .Shukspeare. 


A.D.  1639—94.]      TEN/SONS  FUNERAL  SERMON.  81 

far  Ken  shared  these  feelings,  we  either  know  more  fully  than 
we  know  the  feelings  of  any  other  Bishop,  or  we  know  abso- 
lutely nothing.  As  before,  so  here,  I  will  not  assume  in  the 
body  of  my  history  the  genuineness  of  a  work  which  many  have 
thought  spurious,  and  thus  "receive"  my  readers  to  "  doubtful 
disputations,"  and  so  I  make  the  letter  to  Archbishop  Tenison 
on  his  funeral  sermon  the  subject  of  a  note.  The  evidence  in  its 
favour  seems  to  me  too  strong,  and  its  contents  too  interesting, 
for  me  to  pass  it  over,  as  previous  biographers  have  done,  with 
contemptuous  indifference. 

Xote. — I  use  the  vacant  space  for  a  few  additional  facts.  (1)  Ken's  forecast 
of  the  future,  at  this  time,  is  sufficiently  suggestive  :  "  Not  long  after  the  Revo- 
lution, when  some  of  the  N  on -jurors  were  very  big  with  great  expectations, 
Bishop  Ken  was  much  displeased  that  any  should  flatter  themselves  with  vain 
hopes,  and  declared  to  me  with  great  earnestness,  as  under  a  sort  of  divine  im- 
pulse, that  it  was  then  hut  the  beginning  of  evils,  with  a  pretty  deal  to  that 
purpose.  But  notwithstanding  that  he  could  not  himself  comply  with  what, 
by  the  present  settlement,  was  required  of  him,  he  had  yet  a  very  charitable 
opinion  of  many  that  did,  and  is  known  to  have  been  against  perpetuating  a 
separation."  (See  Life  of  Kettleivell,  8vo.  p.  427;  in  Anderdon,  p.  645.)  (2)  A 
letter  from  Turner  to  his  brother  (July  22,  1690),  shows  that  the  chronic  suffer- 
ings of  Ken's  later  years  began  about  this  time.  "  I  heartily  wish  I  could  give 
you  as  comfortable  an  account  of  my  friend  and  brother  of  Bath  and  Wells  as  I 
can  of  myself.  I  sent  yesterday  to  see  him,  but  can  hear  of  no  amendment. 
The  doctors  bleed  him  often ;  my  Lord's  Grace  (Sancroft)  apprehends  they  do  it 
too  frequently."  (Strickland,  Bishops,  p.  213.)  (3)  Turner,  in  another  letter 
(April  20,  1691),  names  Ken's  friend,  James  Graham  (p.  157),  and  William 
Penn,  as  being,  like  himself,  under  the  suspicions  of  the  government.  Warrants 
were  out  against  all  three.     (Strickland,  Bishops,  p.  215.) 


82  NOTE  TO   CHAPTER  XXI  [chap.  xxi. 


NOTE  T. 


The  Jacobite  Liturgy  axd  Modest  Enquiry. 

Who  wrote  the  Jacobite  Liturgy  and  the  Modest  Enquiry  and  Rcflec- 
J   Here  again,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Sherborne  proclamation,  we 

tind  ourselves  face  to  face  with  one  of  the  unsolved  problems  of  the 
history  of  the  Revolution  period.  As  Ken  and  his  brother  Non- 
juring  Bishops  were  directly  affected  by  it,  it  seems  to  call  for  a 
fuller  examination  than  was  convenient  in  the  text  of  my  narrative. 
The  starting-point  of  the  inquir}r  has  been  already  stated. 
William  III.'s  government  had  ordered  a  Form  of  Prayer  after  the 
battle,  March  12th,  1690,  as  a  day  of  prayer  and  humiliation. 
Shortly  before  that  day  came,  another  Form  of  Prayer  was  suddenly 
circulated  by  thousands  (Macaulay  says  10,000)  all  over  England. 
It-  title-page  might  mislead  purchasers.  "  A  Form  of  Prayer  and 
I  \  uniiliation  for  God's  blessing  upon  his  Majesty  and  his  dominions, 
and  for  the  removing  and  averting  of  God's  judgment  from  this 
( !hurch  and  State."  It  contained  forms  for  Morning  and  Evening 
Prayer,  with  proper  psalms  and  lessons.  The  morning  lessons  are 
1  Kings  xvii.,  or  2  Chron.  xiii.  1 — 21,  and  Matt.  x.  Those  for  the 
evening,  Ezek.  xxxiv.  or  Job  i.  ii.,  and  1  Pet.  iv.  The  Epistle  in 
the  Communion  Service  begins  with  Acts  xx.  18.  The  Gospel  with 
Matt.  vi.  24.  A  prayer  is  introduced  into  the  Litany  "for  our 
enemies,  slanderers,  and  oppressors,  especially  those  that  have 
caused  the  public  distraction  ;  Lord  restrain  their  malace  (sic),  and 
open  their  eyes  and  hearts."  A  long  prayer,  after  that  for  the 
Church  Militant,  contains  a  petition  for  the  nation  that  it  may 
be  delivered  from  the  sin  "  of  rebellion,  blood,  and  perjury, 
ially  that  of  the  careless  breach  of  oaths  made  to  our  sove- 
reign," and  "for the  Church.  .  .  .  torn  by  schism  and  stripped  and 
spoiled  by  sacrilege."  The  strongest  passages  occur  in  the  evening 
service — "0  Lord,  withstand  the  cruelty  of  all  those  which  be 
common  enemies,  as  well  to  the  truth  of  Thy  eternal  word  as  to 
their   own    natural   prince   and    country,    and    manifestly  to   this 

crown   and   realm  of  England Let  the  wickedness  of  the 

wicked  come  to  an  end To  this  end  take  from  them  all 

their  prejudices  and  all  their  passions;  their  confident  mistakes, 
♦heir  carnal  ends.  Take  away  the  brow  of  brass  and  the  whore's 
forehead."   Macaulay  (iii.  G58)  quotes  some  passages,  "Restore  unto 


a.d.  1690.]  THE  JACOBITE  LITURGY.  83 

us  again  the  publick  worship  of  Thy  name,  the  reverent  adminis- 
tration of  Thy  sacraments.  Kaise  up  the  former  government  both 
in  Church  and  State,   that  we   may  be  no  longer   without  king, 

without   priest,  and  without  God  in  the  world Give  the 

king  the  necks  of  his  enemies."  "  Eaise  him  up  friends  abroad." 
• '  Do  some  great  thing  for  him,  which  we  in  particular  know  not 
how  to  pray  for."  In  these  last  three  sentences  he  finds  respec- 
tively suggestions  of  a  Bloody  Circuit,  of  a  French  Invasion,  of  an 
Assassination  Plot.  He  asserts  that  "no  more  mendacious,  more 
malignant,  or  more  impious  lampoon  was  ever  penned."  When  he 
comes  to  the  declaration  of  the  Bishops  that  they  had  no  hand  in 
the  new  liturgy,  that  they  knew  not  who  had  framed  it,  that  they 
had  never  used  it,  that  they  were  engaged  in  no  plot  against  the 
existing  government,  that  they  would  willingly  shed  their  blood 
rather  than  see  England  subjugated  by  a  foreign  prince  who  had 
in  his  own  kingdom  cruelly  persecuted  their  Protestant  brethren," 
he  adds  that,  "most  of  those  who  signed  this  paper  did  so 
doubtless  with  perfect  sincerity ;  but  it  soon  appeared  that  one  of 
them"  (he  can  only  mean  Kenrs  friend,  Francis  Turner,  the 
deprived  Bishop  of  Ely)  "  had  added  to  the  crime  of  betraying  his 
country  the  crime  of  calling  his  God  to  witness  a  falsehood."  In 
support  of  this  last  charge  Macaulay  refers  to  the  intercepted  letters 
of  Turner's,  already  quoted  in  p.  71.  The  words,  it  is  urged,  can 
be  referred  only,  and  this  I  freely  admit,  to  Sancroft,  and  some  at 
least  of  the  rest  of  the  Non-juring  Bishops.  Some  writers  have  con- 
tended [e.g.  Strickland,  Lives  of  Bishops,  p.  202),  that  there  is  no 
evidence  that  the  letters  in  question  were  written  by  Turner,  but 
Macaulay  refers,  and,  I  think,  with  reason,  to  a  letter  from  him  to 
Sancroft,  dated  January  19th,  1691,1  in  which  we  find  the  passage, 
"Nothing  troubles  me  so  much  as  that  my  intercepted  letters  may 
prejudice  my  brethren.  But  you  must  take  paines  to  cleare  your- 
selves and  protest  your  ignorance." 

As  regards  the  specific  charge  of  perjury  brought  against  Turner, 
I  have  only  to  remark  (1)  that  no  history  gives  the  date  of  the 
letters,  and  that  the  Preston  conspiracy  with  which  it  was  alleged 
to  be  connected  had  no  existence  till  the  close  of  1690.2  It 
was  perfectly  possible  that  Turner  may  have  signed  the  declara- 
tion of  the  Bishops  in  July  of  that  year  in  as  entire  good  faith 
as  his  brethren.  (2)  It  is  perfectly  possible  also  that  it  might 
seem  to  him  that  though  he  had  changed  his  mode  of  procedure, 
the  <md  at  which  he  aimed  was  not  inconsistent  with  the  terms  of 

1  Printed  in  Anderdon,  p.  575.  -  ILacaulay,  chap.  xvi. 


34  NOTE  TO  CHAPTER  XXL  [chap.  xxi. 

that  declaration.  The  memorial  drawn  up  by  the  conspirators  in 
December  distinctly  disavowed  the  idea  of  making  England  a 
subject  province  of  France.  It  could  not  be  governed  as  a  Roman 
Catholic  country.  The  French  force  which  was  to  accompany 
James,  was  to  be  only  for  his  personal  protection  and  that  of  his 
loving  subjects,  and  was  then  to  be  dismissed.  The  King  was  to 
promise  to  govern  according  to  law,  to  protect  the  established 
religion,  to  refer  all  points  in  dispute  between  himself  and  his 
people  to  a  free  Parliament.  As  far,  then,  as  regards  the  charge 
of  perjury  by  Turner,  I  claim  a  verdict  of  Not  guilty.  I  see  in  his 
action  only  the  indications  of  an  impulsive,  impetuous  character  ; 
only  one  more  of  the  examples,  of  which  the  history  of  every 
revolution  is  full,  of  the  way  in  which  men  are  carried  by  the  stream, 
or  rather  by  the  torrent,  of  events,  into  measures  from  Which  they 
would  but  a  few  months  before  have  shrunk,  and  which  they  then 
had  vehemently  repudiated. 

I  return  to  the  more  serious  question  of  the  "  Jacobite  Liturgy  " 
and  its  consequences.  And  here,  my  first  point  in  the  case  for  the 
defence  is  the  character  of  the  accused.  I  submit  that  it  is  abso- 
lutely incredible  that  men,  such  as  they  were,  should  have  had  part 
or  lot  in  a  document  such  as  that  of  which  I  have  given  an 
analysis.  I  submit  that  it  is  equally  incredible  that  they,  and  I 
include  Turner,  should  have  denied  all  knowledge  of  it,  if  the}r  had 
that  knowledge.  I  submit  that  the  action  of  William's  Government 
in  refusing  to  allow  the  declaration  to  be  printed  is  singularly  suspi- 
cious, and  that  it  indicates  the  existence  of  some  slippery  and  sub- 
terraneous policy,  which  would  not  allow,  in  Oates'3  familiar  phrase, 
the  "stifling  of  the  plot."  And  I  think  I  can  show,  with  a 
high  measure  of  probability,  what  that  subterraneous  policy 
was. 

Macaulay  had,  in  the  earlier  stages  of  his  History,  unveiled 
the  secret  machinations  connected  with  previous  attempts  to  cause 
a  scare,  a  panic,  and  the  cruelty  that  is  the  child  of  panic.  Aided 
by  the  confessions,  or  rather  the  boasts,  of  the  man  who  claimed  to 
be  "  the  chief  actor  in  the  Revolution,"  he  has  fixed  on  Hugh  Speke, 
the  author  of  the  Secret  History,  the  guilt  of  forging  the  Sherborne 
Proclamation  and  the  news-letters,  which  were  the  cause  of  the 
memorable  "  Irish  Night  "  in  London  and  the  provinces  (p.  25). 

I  find  in  the  publication  of  the  Jacobite  Liturgy  a  strong  family 
likeness  to  that  of  the  two  previous  forgeries.  In  all  the  three 
cases  there  is  the  same  mode  of  procedure.  The  forged  documents 
are  sent  simultaneously  by  post  and  by  private  agents  to  all  parts 
of  the   country,  a  process  in  which  Speke  boasts  that  he  excels 


a.d.  1690.]  THE  JACOBITE  LITURGY.  85 

all  others.1  They  take  in  a  people  in  a  state  of  excitement 
which  makes  them  only  too  ready  to  be  so  taken  in.  They  increase 
that  excitement  to  the  verge  of  frenzy.  What  is  Speke's  own 
account  of  his  action  after  the  Revolution  had  seated  William  and 
Mary  on  the  throne  ? 

"From  the  time  of  King  William's  accession  to  the  throne  to 
the  Peace  of  Ryswick,  Mr.  Speke  kept  a  continual  correspondence 
with  King  James  by  King  William's  knowledge  and  direction  ;  for 
defraying  the  charge  of  which  and  of  other  secret  services  too  tedious 
here  to  mention"  (the  italics  are  mine)  "  he  received  several  sums  of 

money   from  King   William He   had   the  honour   to  be 

personally  known  to  their  Majesties  the  King  and  Queen,  and  to 
have  private  access  to  them  whenever  he  thought  fit  to  desire  it." 

It  is  plain  from  all  this  that  for  some  years  Speke  was  content 
to  play  for  William  the  part  not  only  of  a  spy  and  detective,  but  also 
— we  have  had  the  thing  in  England  and  Ireland,  but  happily,  we 
want  the  word— of  an  agent  provocateur.  He  made  the  plots  which 
he  detected,  and  drew  unwary  men  who  fell  into  the  trap  into  a 
real  or  seeming  complicity  with  them.  His  object  was  to  create  a 
scare  which  should  sweep  Papists  and  non-juring  Bishops  alike 
into  a  common  destruction.  With  this  in  view,  as  I  conjecture,  he 
compiled,  or  got  some  accomplice  to  compile  (Ferguson,  who  was 
then  in  his  sinecure  office,  and  had  not  yet  turned  Jacobite,  seems  to 
me  likely  to  have  had  a  hand  in  it)  the  Jacobite  Liturgy.  There  is, 
I  think,  internal  evidence,  especially  in  the  "without  a  king,  without 
a  priest"  passage,  that  it  was  largely  a  compilation  from  forms  of 
prayer  that  had  been  used  by  the  Royalists  under  Cromwell.2  The 
device  was  only  too  successful.  The  circumstances  of  the  time,  De 
Tourville's  expedition,  and  the  like,  had  brought  men's  minds  into  a 
white  heat  of  excitement.  Then,  precisely  when  the  combustible  ele- 
ments were  ready,  there  came  the  Modest  Enquiry  and  the  Reflections 
with  all  their  horrible  suggestions,  (here  also  I  note  the  resemblance 
to  the  Sherborne  Proclamation),  with  all  their  actual  consequences,  of 
outrage  on  life  and  property.     And  when  the  Bishops  repudiate  the 

1  Secret  History,  p.  42. 

2  A  MS.  note  of  Mr.  Anderdon,  communicated  by  his  daughter,  written  after 
the  publication  of  the  2nd  edition  of  his  Life  of  Ken,  shows  that  he  adopted  this 
view,  and  he  refers  to  an  article  by  the  Rev.  T.  Lathbury,  in  the  Literary  Gazette 
of  July  6th,  1861,  as  giving  proofs  of  it.  Much  of  the  language  of  the  Prayers 
on  which  Macaulay  dwells  might  obviously  have  been  natural  after  Charles  I.'s 
execution,  and  when  the  Church  of  England  had  been  overthrown.  One  such 
Liturgy  appeared  in  1659  under  the  title  of  Prayers  for  those  who  mourn  in  secret 
over  the  public  Calamities  of  the  Xation.  Another  had  been  published  after  the 
battle  of  Worcester.    Macaulay  inserts  the  fact  in  the  later  editions  ot  nis  History. 

VOL.  II.  G 


80  NOTE  II  TO  CHAPTER  XXL  [chap.  xxi. 

charges  made  against  them,  they  are  not  allowed  to  publish  their 
repudiation.  The  policy  of  gagging  has  been  a  necessary  accom- 
paniment, in  all  times  and  countries,  to  that  of  the  agent  provocateur. 
Of  all  this  Macaulay  says  nothing,  though  he  had  Speke's 
book  before  him.  For  him  the  Jacobite  Liturgy  was  a  genuine 
document.  The  Modest  Enquiry  was  a  natural,  though  over-vehe- 
ment, ebullition  of  Whig  feeling.  He  is  so  far  anxious  to  clear 
William  III.  from  any  share  in  it,  that  he  records  that  the 
Government  instituted  criminal  proceedings  against  the  writer, 
but  lie  does  not  record  the  issue  of  those  proceedings.  On  the 
whole,  I  cannot  help  feeling  that  if  I  may  not  doubt  his  good  faith, 
I  must,  at  least,  question  his  skill  as  an  historical  detective.  An 
apotheosis  of  William  III.  may  be  a  grand  and  imposing  spectacle, 
but  I  am  not  disposed  to  acquiesce  without  a  protest  in  the 
sacrifice  of  the  fair  fame  of  an  English  bishop  on  the  altar  of  the 
new  hero-worship. 


NOTE  II. 


Kex's  Letter  to  Archbishop  Tegison. 

Did  Ken  write  the  Letter  to  Archbishop  Tenison  on  his  Funeral 
Sermon  on  Queen  Mary  ? 

Here  again,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Expostulatoria  (i.  55),  I  have  to 
deal  with  one  of  the  Ken  Antilcgomena,  as  to  which  I  have  been  led  to 
a  different  conclusion  from  that  which  has  hitherto  prevailed.  Round 
(p.  iv.)  rejects  it  as  spurious,  without  even  giving  a  reason,  or  any 
account  of  it.  Anderdon  (p.  658)  follows  him  mainly  on  the 
ground  that  the  temper  of  the  Letter  was  unlike  Ken's,  and  inclines 
to  think  that  the  pamphlet  was  written  by  Hickes.  He  dwells  further 
on  the  following  facts  : — 

(1.)  In  a  reprint  of  the  Letter  in  1782  in  the  True  Briton,  the 
correspondent  who  sends  it  vouches  for  its  being  "indisputably 
drawn  up  by  the  same  incomparable  hand  that  so  effectually  chas- 
tised ]>i shop  Burnet  at  an  earlier  period."  Ken,  says  Anderdon, 
never  published  anything  against  Burnet. 

(2.)  In  the  Collection  of  State  Tract*  published  during  the  Reign 
of  William  111.  (ii.  522),  there  is  a  defence  of  the  Archbishop's 
sermon,  &c,  in  which  the  writer  never  mentions  Ken  as  the  author 
of  the  letter,  but  only  says  that  it  is  "modestor"  than  another 


a.d.  1694.]     LETTER  TO  ARCHBISHOP  TENISON.  87 

pamphlet  which,  he  answers,  and  adds  that  "  though  the  voice  be 
Jacob's,  the  hands  are  Esau's." 

(3.)  Anderdon  finds  conclusive  evidence  in  the  language  in  which 
Tenison  writes  to  Evelyn  (April  20th,  1695)  about  the  letter: 
"  There  is  come  forth  an  answer  to  it  (the  Funeral  Sermon),  said  to 
be  written  by  Bishop  Ken ;  but  I  am  not  sure  he  is  the  author :  I 
think  he  has  more  wit  and  less  malice." 

With  his  usual  thoroughness  and  fairness,  however,  Anderdon 
quotes  also  from  Tindal's  Continuation  of  Rapin  (i.  264),  1758,  in  which 
Ken  is  mentioned  without  any  reserve  as  the  writer  of  the  Letter, 
and  a  passage  from  Hearne's  Diary  in  which  he  records  the  fact 
that  in  1705  "  Bishop  Ken's  letter  to  Tenison,  and  Dodwell's  to 
Tillotson,  were  printed  together." 

In  answer  to  these  arguments  it  may,  I  think,  be  said,  first 
generally,  that  as  Ken's  letter  to  Burnet  (p.  48),  and  one  to  Bishop 
Lloyd  (Letter  LXIIL),  show  he  could,  when  roused,  write  inci- 
sively enough.  And  in  this  case  there  was  much  to  rouse  him.  He 
had  hoped  that  Mary  would  have  sent  some  message  to  her  father, 
asking  for  his  forgiveness,  or,  at  least,  for  reconciliation ;  perhaps, 
also,  that  she  might  remember  the  Chaplain,  whom  she  had  at  one 
time  loved  to  honour,  and  who  had  helped  her  in  the  early  trials  of 
her  married  life.  The  preacher  of  her  funeral  sermon,  who  had  failed 
to  suggest  these  to  her,  might  well  seem  to  him  one  who  had  been  un- 
faithful in  his  ministry,  who  had  spoken  smooth  things  and  prophe- 
sied deceits.  He  may  have  remembered,  perhaps,  how  Tenison  had 
preached  a  funeral  sermon  on  Nell  Grwyn,  who  left  him  £50  on  that 
condition.  Under  these  conditions  we  can  scarcely  wonder  that  he 
should  write  with  some  heat  of  spirit,  even  as  Cardinal  Newman 
was  stirred  to  write  in  a  like  tone  of  Charles  Kingsley  and  Achilli. 
This  a  priori  ground  of  rejection  seems  to  me  utterly  untenable.  As 
regards  Anderdon' s  special  heads  of  evidence  I  reply  as  follows  : — 

(1.)  Mr.  Anderdon  appears  to  forget  Ken's  letter  to  Burnet  in 
1690,  which  he  himself  prints  (p.  364),  and  which  was  published  by 
Hawkins  in  1711. 

(2.)  The  language  of  the  writer  of  the  Defence,  in  the  Collec- 
tion, is  at  the  best  simply  negative.  The  sentence  which  Anderdon 
quotes  tells  on  the  other  side.  He  implies,  in  language  which 
would  probably  be  understood  at  the  time,  that  two  writers  had  a 
hand  in  it.  "  Jacob"  may  have  been  Ken,  and  "Esau"  Hickes. 
Anyhow  he  thinks  the  tone  of  the  letter  comparatively  "modest." 

(3.)  The  doubtful  tone  in  which  Tenison  writes  to  Evelyn  is 
balanced  by  the  fact  that  in  the  Tenison  MSS.  (935),  now  in  the 
Lambeth   Library,    there   is    a   MS.    endorsed    "Dr.    Knighton's 

G  2 


88  NOTE  II   TO  CHAPTER  XXI.  [chap.  xxi. 

Answer  to  Kenn "  (sic),  and  underneath,  in  Tenison's  hand, 
"  I  would  not  have  it  published.  T.  C."  ■  The  letter  to  Evelyn 
was  written  on  April  20th,  1G95  ;  the  endorsement  on  the  MS. 
is  dated  June  6th.  The  interval  had  probably  brought  a  fuller 
knowledge. 

(4.)  In  the  Catalogue  of  Ken's  Library  at  Longleat,  traditionally 
reported  to  have  been  compiled  by  his  friend  Harbin,  the  Letter  to 
Tenison  appears  under  Ken's  name. 

(5.)  It  is  treated  as  genuine  in  the  Biographia  Britannica,  art. 
"Ken." 

The  evidence  of  (3)  and  (4)  seems  to  me  absolutely  decisive,  and 
I  have  therefore  no  hesitation  in  accepting  the  Letter  as  genuine. 
But  if  so,  then  it  is  obviously  a  document  of  the  highest  order  of 
interest,  if  not  in  its  relations  to  the  general  history  of  the  time, 
yet,  at  least,  in  its  bearing  upon  Ken's  mind  and  character,  and  I 
have  therefore  thought  myself  justified  in  printing  it  in  extensor 

"  Bishop  Ken's  Letter  to  Archbishop  Texxisox. 
"Sir, 

"  "When  I  heard  of  the  sickness  of  the  late  illustrious  Princess,  whom  I  had 
never  failed  to  recommend  to  God  in  my  daily  Prayers,  and  that  yourself  was 
her  Confessor,  I  could  not  but  hope  that,  at  least  on  her  Deathbed,  you  would 
have  dealt  faithfully  with  her.  But  when  I  had  read  the  Sermon  you  preach' d 
at  her  Funerall,  I  was  heartily  griev'd  to  find  myself  disappointed,  and  God 
knows  how  bitterly  I  bewail' d  in  Secret  the  manner  of  her  Death  ;  and  reflecting 
again  and  again  on  your  conduct  of  her  Soul,  methought  a  Spirit  of  Slumber 
eeem'd  to  have  possess' d  you ;  otherwise  it  was  impossible  for  one  who  so  well 
understood  the  duty  of  a  Spiritual  Guide  as  yourself,  who  had  such  happy  oppor- 
tunities, and  such  signal  encouragements  to  practise  it  in  her  case,  should  so 
grosly  fail  in  your  performance,  as  either  to  overlook  or  wilfully  to  omit  that, 
which  all  the  world  said  besides  yourself,  and  was  expected  from  you,  and  was  of 
great  importance  to  her  Salvation.  You  are  a  person  of  noted  abilities,  and  had 
a  full  knowledge  of  your  Duty,  you  had  been  many  years  a  Parish  Priest,  and 
exercised  your  function  with  good  repute  ;  none  could  be  better  versed  in  ye  office 
for  ye  Visitation  of  ye  Sick  than  yourself,  and  the  sick  person  was  no  stranger 
to  you,  and  you  very  well  knew  her  whole  Story. 

"  As  you  had  a  full  knowledge  of  ye  Person  and  of  your  Duty,  so  you  had 
happy  opportunities  to  put  that  Duty  in  practice.  You  had  free  and  frequent 
access  to  her,  and  on  Monday,  when  the  flattering  disease  occasioned  some  hopes, 
but  especially  on  ye  next  day,  the  Festival  of  Christ's  birth,  when  those  hopes 
were  rais'd  to  a  kind  of  assurance  (p.  25),  and  continued  so  till  night,  ye  peculiar 
favour  of  Heaven  seemed  to  have  indulg'd  you  all  that  inestimable  day,  on  pur- 

1  T  have  read  the  answer,  which  is  a  sufficiently  fair  and  temperate  vindication 
of  Tenison's  sermon. 

1  I  must  acknowledge  my  obligation  to  a  letter  by  C.  E.  Doble,  in  the  Academy 
for  March  14th,  1886.  lie  comes  to  the  same  conclusion  as  I  have  done,  on 
Bearne'l  evidence  only. 


a.d.  1694.]  LETTER  TO  TENISON.  89 

pose  that  you  might  carefully  employ  it,  in  clearing  her  conscience  with  God  and 
man,  and  in  perfecting  her  preparations  for  Eternity  ;  which,  had  she  recover'd, 
were  so  necessary,  to  render  her  Life  holy  and  happy  as  her  Death. 

"  Your  Joy  enduring  but  a  Day,  and  that  Day  being  clos'd  with  a  dismal  night, 
you  gave  her  the  warning  of  her  approaching  Death,  which,  you  say,  she  re- 
ceiv'd  with  a  courage  agreeable  to  the  strength  of  her  faith  (p.  26).  You  were  set 
a  watchman  over  her,  and  if  you  did  not  give  her  due  warning  of  her  sin  also,  when 
you  had  so  proper  a  time  for  doing  it,  and  saw  her  so  capable  of  receiving  it,  God 
will  require  her  blood  at  your  hands. 

''.You  had  this  advantage  also,  which  is  often  wanting  to  such  persons,  y*  in 
the  visits  you  made  her,  you  did  not  find  her  delirious,  &  the  orders  she  gave  for 
Prayers  (p.  29)  ;  her  calling  for  Prayers  a  third  time,  when  she  feared  she  had 
slept  the  time  before  ;  the  many  most  Christian  things  she  said  (p.  26) ;  her  ap- 
pointing Psalms,  a  Chapter  concerning  trust  in  God,  and  a  Sermon  more  than 
once,  to  be  read  to  her  (p.  29)  are  signs  she  was  not,  or,  at  least,  that  she  was  not 
so  in  the  intervals  wherein  you  officiated  by  her.  "lis  true  she  was  often 
drowzy,  but  she  was  so  sensible  of  her  drowziness,  that  she  call'd  for  prayers 
before  the  time,  for  fear  that  she  should  not  be  long  composed  (p.  28),  &  when- 
ever you  applied  yourself  to  her,  she  was  wakefull  enough.  Y"ou  said  indeed, 
(p.  27),  That  at  the  receiving  of  the  Holy  Eucharist  she  found  herself  in  a  dying 
condition,  and  you  add,  that  she  presently  stirred  up  her  attention,  &  from  thence- 
forth to  the  end  of  the  office,  had  a  perfect  command  of  her  Understanding,  &  was 
intent  upon  the  great  work  she  was  going  about ;  and  methinks,  Sir,  if  you  had 
been  jealous  over  her  soul  with  a  godly  jealousy  when  you  gave  her  the  Viaticum, 
&  saw  that  she  had  then  a  perfect  command  of  her  Understanding,  &  that  she 
was  intent,  you  had  another  fit  season  offer' d  you  by  Heaven  to  have  minded  her 
of  any  but  probable  defects  in  her  repentance,  &  to  have  exhorted  her  to  a  short, 
supplemental  Confession.  Nay  to  her  very  last,  she  seem'd  not  wholly  incapable 
of  any  pious  Intimations  you  might  have  given  her,  for  her  Understanding  con- 
tinued to  a  degree  that  nothing  of  Impertinence,  scarce  a  number  of  disjointed 
words,  were  heard  from  her,  insomuch  that  she  said  a  devout  Amen  to  that  very 
prayer  in  which  her  pious  soul  was  recommended  to  that  God  who  gave  it  (p.  49). 
So  that  your  own  Sermon  will  testifie  against  you,  that  you  had  marly  happy  oppor- 
tunities of  directing  her  conscience.  I  must  add  that  you  had  as  signal  encourage- 
ments also.  You  had  to  deal  with  a  Person  whose  knowledge  and  wisdom  you 
justly  commend  (p.  8),  and  who  might  easily  have  been  convinc'd  of  any  one  in- 
stance in  which  she  had  mistaken  her  Duty.  You  had  to  deal  with  one,  whose 
pietie,  Charity  &  humility,  you  in  many  places,  deservedly  magnifie  (p.  10).  I  only 
wish  you  had  added  her  Justice  also,  to  have  made  her  character  compleat.  How- 
ever, those  three  Virtues  were  powerful  inducements  to  have  used  a  conscientious 
freedom  with  her.  You  had,  as  appears  by  the  Character  you  gave  her,  a  pious, 
charitable,  humble  soul  under  your  care  ;  a  subject  most  happily  dispos'd  to  work 
on — who  had  always  been  very  Reverend  and  attentive  at  Sermons  (p.  9),  who 
had  an  averseness  to  flattery  (p.  12),  &  who  would  thankfully  have  receiv'd  any 
Pious  or  charitable  humble  admonition  you  had  given  her.  I  now  beseech  you, 
Sir,  to  spend  a  few  thoughtful  minutes  in  comparing  your  Performance,  as  your- 
self represent  it  in  your  own  Sermon,  with  your  knowledge,  with  the  opportu- 
nities &  encouragements  you  had,  &  with  the  Rubrick  of  the  Church.  You  men- 
tion a  very  Religious  saying  that  fell  from  her,  that  she  had  learnt  from  her 
youth,  a  true  doctrine,  that  repentance  was  not  to  be  put  off  to  a  deathbed  (p.  26). 
But  it  was  your  duty,  considering  the  deceitlulness  of  all  hearts,  and  the  usual 


90  NOTE  II  TO   CHAPTER  XXI.  [chap.  xxi. 

Infirmities  &  Forgetfulness  and  Indisposedness  of  sick  Persons,  to  have  supplied  all 
her  oversights  and  omissions,  and  to  have  examin'd  the  truth  of  her  repent 

"  Whether  she  truly  repented  of  her  sins,  and  where  you  knew  anything  of  mo- 
ment which  had  escap'd  her  observation,  you  ought  to  have  been  her  Remem- 
brancer. I  therefore  challenge  you  to  answer  before  God  and  the  world.  Did 
you  know  of  no  weighty  matter  which  ought  to  have  troubled  the  Princesses 
conscience,  though  at  present  she  seem'd  not  to  have  felt  it,  and  for  which  you 
ought  to  have  mov'd  her  to  a  special  confession,  in  order  to  absolution?  Were 
you  satisfied  that  she  was  in  Charity  with  all  the  world?  Did  you  know  of  no 
Enmity  between  her  and  her  father,  nor  Variance  between  her  and  her  Si>t<  r  ? 
Did  you  know  of  no  Person  who  ever  offended  her  whom  she  was  to  forgive  P 
Did  you  know  of  no  one  Person  whom  she  had  offended,  and  of  whom  she  was  to 
ask  forgiveness  ?  Did  you  know  of  no  one  injury  or  wrong  she  had  done  to  any 
man,  to  whom  she  was  to  make  amends  to  the  uttermost  of  her  power  ?  Was 
the  whole  Revolution  manag'd  with  that  purity  of  intention,  that  perfect  inno- 
cence, that  exact  Justice,  that  tender  Charity,  and  that  irreproachable  veracity, 
that  there  was  nothing  amiss  in  it  ?  No  remarkable  failings  ;  nothing  that  might 
deserve  one  penitent  reflection  ? 

"  You  cannot,  you  dare  not  say  it ;  and  if  you  should,  out  of  your  own  mouth  I 
can  condemn  you,  for  you  yourself,  in  your  serious  Interval,  have  pass'd  as  severe 
a  Censure  on  the  Revolution,  as  any  of  those  they  call  Jacobites  could  do  ;  you 
have  said  more  than  once,  that  it  was  all  an  unrighteous  Thing  51  why  did  you 
not  then  deal  sincerely  with  this  dying  Princess,  and  tell  her  so,  when  you  must 
needs  be  sensible  that,  steering  her  conscience  wrong,  you  shipwrecked  your  own  ? 
If  then,  Sir,  you  consider  ye  happy  opportunities  you  have  lost,  ye  signal  encou- 
ragements yrou  have  neglected,  and  ye  tremendous  Hazard  to  which  you  have 
expos'd  the  precious  soul  of  the  illustrious  Princess  by  your  unfaithfulness  ;  if 
you  lay  to  heart  how  much  you  have  acted  against  your  own  knowledge  and  con- 
victions, what  ill  example  you  have  given  to  the  Clergy,  what  scandal  to  all 
good  men,  what  wounds  to  our  most  holy  religion,  and  what  occasions  to  the 
Enemy  to  blaspheme,  what  have  you  to  do,  but  to  testifie  your  repentance  before 
God  and  the  world,  and  to  mourn  in  sackcloth  and  ashes  all  the  Remainder  of 
your  days  ? 

"  What  was  it,  Sir,  that  moved  you  to  act  thus  notoriously  against  your  own 
Conscience  ?  Was  it  the  fear  you  had  of  losing  the  favour  of  the  Court,  which 
made  you  rather  venture  the  indignation  of  Heaven  ?  Even  that  fear  was  vain, 
for  it  had  been  no  offence  against  ye  Government  to  have  persuaded  a  dying 
daughter  to  have  bestowed  one  compassionate  prayer  on  her  afflicted  father,  had 
In  never  been  so  unnatural,  tho'  the  case  was  quite  contrary,  for  he  was  one  of 
the  tenderest  fathers  in  the  world.2 

"  Besides,  her  illustrious  Consort,  who  manifested  so  very  great  and  worthy  a 
on  for  her,  would,  I  dare  say,  have  had  nothing  omitted,  which  might  have 
been  thought  conducible  to  her  Eternal  Happiness;  and  a  conscientious  and 
faithful  Confessor,  especially  on  the  death-bed,  is  one  of  a  thousand,  who  will 
always  be  desir'd,  and  valued,  and  rever'd.  Believe  me,  Sir,  you  have  given  >' 
world  reason  to  conclude  that  your  own  conscience  misgave  you  ;  being  sensible 
thai  in  reproving  her  you  must  have  reproach'd  yourself. 

"  You  say  she  was  so  judicious  and  devout  a  saint,  the  degenerate  Church  of 

'  I  have  not  been  able  to  trace  the  passages  referred  to. 
2  Compare  Pepys,  Diary,  September  12th,  1664. 


a.d.  1694.]  LETTER  TO  TEXISOX.  91 

Rome  can  by  no  means  show  us  (p.  6).  But  surely  it  had  been  prudence  in  you 
to  have  wavi'd  that  comparison  ;  for  should  you  chance  hereafter  to  blame  that 
Church  for  canonizing  Thomas  a  Becket,  for  which  she  really  is  blameworthy, 
'tis  obvious  for  her  to  make  this  appropriate  reply  to  you,  that  'tis  as  justifiable 
in  her  to  Saint  such  a  subject  as  for  you  to  Saint  such  a  Daughter. 

"You  tell  us  she  was  one  '  who,  I  am  well  assur'd,  had  all  the  duty  in  the  world 
for  her  other  relations,  which,  after  long  and  laborious  consideration,  she  judged 
consistent  with  her  obligations  to  God  and  to  her  country '  (p.  15). 

"The  consideration  then  which  she  used  to  reconcile  her  judgment  to  the  Revo- 
lution was,  it  seems,  long  and  laborious,  notwithstanding  the  assistance  of  her 
new  Casuists,  it  being  no  easie  matter  to  overcome  the  contrary  remonstrances 
of  nature  and  of  her  own  conscience,  and  to  unlearn  those  Evangelical  maxims 
which  were  carefully  taught  her  by  the  guides  of  her  youth.  Others  might 
begin  to  instil  opposite  principles  in  her,  but  the  finishing  strokes  were  reserved 
for  you. 

'•  But  what  do  you  mean,  Sir,  by  '  other  relations  ? '  "We  may  guess  you  mean 
her  royal  father,  mother-in-law,  and  brother  ;  but  you  are  at  liberty  to  say,  you 
mean  any  other  relations,  if  you  please.  You  give  us  ambiguous  and  general 
words  only,  when  you  should  have  given  us  most  express  and  particular. 

"'All  the  duty  in  the  world,'  is  a  comprehensive  term,  but  wherein,  Sir,  did  any 
part  of  that  duty  appear  ?  "Why  are  you  not  so  just  to  her  and  to  yourself  as  to 
give  us  some  of  those  compassionate  and  melting  expressions  of  filial  duty,  which 
flow'd  from  her  on  that  subject  ?  Why  do  you  not  produce  some  Instances  of 
her  mildness  and  mercifullness  to  her  Enemies  ?  and  whom  you  know  she  treated 
as  such  (p.  16),  though  their  crime  was  their  being  her  father's  friends;  these  would 
have  been  much  for  her  honour,  would  have  given  great  satisfaction  to  all  good 
people,  would  have  convinc'd  ye  world  that  the  manner  of  her  death  had  been 
in  all  respects  truly  Christian  (p.  28),  would  have  been  much  for  your  own  repu- 
tation and  much  for  the  credit  of  the  Revolution,  in  which  you  are  as  great  a 
zealot  as  a  gainer.  If  you  were  so  well  assured  of  all  that  duty,  what  a  dreadful 
negligence  were  you  guilty  of  in  not  putting  her  in  mind  of  it  on  her  Deathbed  ! 

"Methinks,  Sir,  you  are  not  just  to  her  when  you  give  us  Instances  of  her  Charity 
to  several  sorts  of  indigent  people  and  to  strangers,  which  all  the  world  knew, 
and  give  us  no  instances  of  even  her  natural  affection  to  her  own  royal  father, 
of  which  all  the  world  doubted  ;  when,  had  you  suggested  that  duty  to  her,  as 
you  ought  to  have  done,  she  would  have  show'd  herself  a  tender-hearted 
Daughter,  and  would  have  been  extremely  afflicted  for  having  been  instrumental 
to  her  Father's  Calamity.  It  is  far  from  my  intention  here,  to  dispute  the 
Lawfullness  of  the  Revolution  ;  yet  I  may  say,  that  I  have  never  yet  met  any  so 
bigotted  to  it,  who  would  undertake  to  justifie  all  the  part,  which  she,  as  a 
daughter,  had  in  it,  and  I  am  perswaded  that  it  would  mightily  puzzle  you,  to 
tell  us  in  particular,  what  those  Obligations  were,  which  she  had  to  God 
and  to  her  Country,  which  were  inconsistent  with  her  Filial  Duty.  You 
complain  (p.  17),  '  Great  is  our  loss  of  a  most  pious  Queen,  in  an  Atheistical  and 
profane  age,  in  which  the  Seeds  of  impiety,  which  have  been  sowing  for  some 
years,  have  sprung  up  in  greater  plenty  than  ever  ;  '  but,  Sir,  did  not  your  heart 
smite  you,  when  you  utter'd  this  complaint  ?  for  I  would  fain  know  whether 
anything  has  more  contributed  to  render  the  age  Atheistical,  and  prophane,  or 
more  promoted  that  fatal  plenty,  than  the  prevarication  of  yourself  and  your 
time-serving  Brethren  ? 

"You  take  notice  more  than  once,  of  the  Shortening  the  Life  of  this  illustrious 


92  NOTE  If.   TO  CHATTER  XXI.  [chap.  xxi. 

Prim  ess,  tint  She  was  taken  away  in  the  midst  of  her  days  (p  .18),  at  thirty-three 

yean  old  (p.  32),  in  the  flower  of  her  age  (p.  33),  but  you  take  no  notice  of  that 
which  most  probably  occasioned  it,  for  the  fifth  Commandment  is  not  to  be 
Evaded,  Honour  thy  Father  and  thy  Mother  (which  is  the  first  Commandment 
with  promise),  that  it  may  be  well  with  thee,  and  that  thou  mayest  live  long 
upon  the  Earth  ;  and  if  any,  even  Princes,  for  the  Commandment  makes  no 
exception,  do  visibly  Dishonour  Father  and  Mother,  and  their  lives  are  cut 
Short,  the  very  Command  of  God  assigns  the  Cause  of  it,  and  I  hope  the 
surviving  Princess  will  consider  and  take  warning  and  repent,  lest  God  be 
provoked  to  cut  her  life  as  short  as  her  sister's. 

"  You  say  (p.  30),  That  having,  like  David,  serv'd  her  own  generation,  by  the 
Will  of  God  she  fell  asleep,  and  if  you  had  been  a  true  Nathan  to  her,  the 
Similitude  had  been  very  proper,  but  her  virtue,  having,  like  David's,  suffer' d 
an  eclipse,  you  took  no  care  that  it  should  break  out  again,  in  as  conspicuous  a 
repentance.  You  mention  the  strong  hopes  you  have  of  her  everlasting  felicity, 
(p.  32),  but  as  you  manag'd  her  conscience,  you  should  rather  have  call'd  them 
strong  presumptions ;  I  have  hopes  of  her  everlasting  felicity  as  well  as  you, 
though  not  at  all  grounded  upon  your  guidance,  but  on  the  infinite  mercy  of  God 
who  makes  most  gracious  abatement  for  all  our  infirmities,  and  for  all  the  degrees 
of  excusability  we  can  plead,  and  when  I  consider  her  conjugal  love  and  awe, 
the  horrid  misrepresentations  made  to  her  of  her  royal  father,  the  various  and 
studied  trains  to  delude  her,  the  plausible  pretences  of  religion,  of  Scripture,  and 
of  the  Glory  of  God,  which  she  heard  daily  inculcated,  and  the  unfaith fullness  of 
her  guides,  who  had  wholly  possess' d  her  ear,  together  with  her  subdued  will, 
her  soft  tendences  and  temper,  her  well  mean'd,  tho'  misguided,  zeal,  the  piety  of 
her  inclinations  and  her  ardent  desire  that  her  soul  might  be  without  spot  pre- 
sented unto  God,  which  she  manifested  in  ordering  that  Collect  to  be  read  twice 
a  day  (p.  24),  I  have  hope  that  God  accepted  of  her  general  repentance,  and 
by  a  super-effluence  of  grace  supply'd  the  defects  of  it. 

"  What  therefore  I  have  said,  is  not  in  the  least  to  derogate  from  any  of  her 
virtues,  but  to  expostulate  with  you,  for  being  the  occasion  that  they  did  not 
shine  out  in  their  full  lustre,  and  whether  such  shepherds  may  not  be  said  to 
feed  themselves  rather  than  the  flock.  Whether  your  behaviour  to  the  dying 
Princess  does  not  reach  those  expressions  of  the  prophet,  of  crying  Peace,  peace, 
where  there  is  no  peace,  and  of  daubing  with  untempered  mortar ;  whether 
it  is  not  treating  a  spiritual  hurt  most  slightly,  let  all  my  reverend  Brethren 
of  the  Clergy  who  are  untainted  with  the  Latitudinarian  leaven,  whether  they  are 
possess'd  of  their  benefices,  or  depriv'd,  be  the  judges. 

"  Before  I  take  my  leave,  I  cannot  but  remark  that  Spiteful  reflection  you 
bestowed  on  the  poor  Sufferers,  which  you  thus  express,  '  and  domestick  dis- 
content reigning  in  those  whose  resentments  are  stronger  than  their  reason  ' 
(p.  13).  The  persons  whom  you  thus  characterize  will  tell  y<»u  that  'tis  much 
easier  for  you  to  revile  their  reason  than  to  answer  them,  of  which  you  are  so 
very  sensible,  that  no  one  labours  more  industriously  than  yourself  to  debarr 
them  the  Liberty  of  the  Press. 

11  As  for  their  resentments,  the  greatest  they  have  at  present,  are  against 
yourself,  not  for  your  Promotion,  wh,  I  know,  none  of  them  envy,  but  for  your 
misguidance  of  that  illustrious  Princess  whose  everlasting  happiness  they  pray'd 
for,  and  whose  untimely  death  they  deplore.  In  the  meantime,  Sir,  none  of  that 
dirt,  which  you  cast  at  the  faithful  remnant,  will  stick,  but  will  reeoyl  on 
yourself,  and  1  have  reason  to  believe  that  the  Great  Prince,  whom  such  as  you 


a.d.  1694.]  LETTER  TO  TENISOX.  93 

had  rather  flatter  than  imitate,  does  esteem  them  at  least  honest  Men,  and 
indeed,  in  their  being  tender  of  their  former  oaths,  they  have  followed  that 
illustrious  example  which  he  himself  set  them ;  for  there  was  a  time,  when  he 
being  Prince  of  Orange,  had  the  Sovereignty  of  Seven  provinces  offer'd  him,  and 
offer' d  him  by  a  Power,  which  would  have  put  him  into  possession,  and  he 
rejected  that  tempting  offer,  with  a  most  Heroic  and  Christian  answer,  to  this 
purpose,  that  he  had  lately  taken  an  oath  to  be  true  to  his  Country,  which  he 
could  by  no  means  violate.  It  was  wisdom,  not  that  which  is  Earthly,  but  that 
is  from  Above,  which  taught  ye  Prince  of  Orange  to  prefer  a  good  Conscience 
before  a  Kingdom,  a  Blissful  and  an  Eternal  Crown  before  one  that  was 
vexatious  and  transitory  ;  and  may  the  Same  divine  wisdom  in  his  present 
circumstances,  vouchsafe  to  be  his  Counsellor !  If  then  he,  when  a  Prince,  was 
so  conscientious  in  Observing  his  Oath  to  the  States,  can  he  have  an  ill  opinion 
of  Priests  and  Bishops  who  are  alike  conscientious  in  Observing  their  Oaths  ? 
'Tis  improbable  he  should,  unless  he  has  such  Confessors  as  yourself  to  exasperate 
him  against  them ;  but  from  such  Confessors  I  beseech  God  to  deliver  him. 

"  God  of  his  great  mercy  grant,  that  what  I  have  written  may  awaken  you  out 
of  your  Slumber,  and  conduce  to  your  repentance,  the  only  Preservative  against 
those  woes  which  are  denounc'd  against  Careless  Shepherds  ! 

"  Your  faithfull 

friend  in  our  Common  Saviour 

"THO:  BATH  &  WELLS. 

"  March  ye  29, 
1695." 

I  have  printed  the  letter  from  a  MS.  copy  in  the  possession  of  the 
Rev.  H.  Tripp.  It  appears  to  have  been  made  for  the  use  of  a 
Non-juring  family  at  or  about  the  date  which  it  bears.  The  printed 
letter  has  no  signature.  The  fact  that  Ken's  name  is  attached  to 
the  MS.,  may  fairly,  I  think,  be  taken  as  some  additional  contem- 
porary evidence  as  to  its  authorship.1  No  other  name  at  that  time 
seems  to  have  been  connected  with  it.  The  letter  itself  seems 
sufficiently  in  harmony  with  Ken's  style  when  he  wrote  under  the 
impulse  of  what  he  thought  a  righteous  indignation.  Two  or  three 
special  coincidences  may  be  noticed  as  confirming  that  conclusion. 

(1.)  The  word  "super-effluence"  is  eminently  characteristic  of 
Ken's  style,  both  in  prose  and  verse.  See  i.  283  ;  ii.  132,  250.  The 
same  holds  good  of  "  degrees  of  excusability  "  (pp.  43,  110). 

(2.)  The  allusion  to  William  III.'s  refusal  of  Louis  XIY.'s  offers 
in  his  early  manhood  (see  i.  135),  is  precisely  what  might  be  ex- 
pected from  one  who  had  lived  for  nearly  two  years  at  the  Hague, 
and  who  knew  the  secret  history  of  his  early  manhood  as  Prince  of 
Orange.  It  indicates  a  desire,  eminently  characteristic,  to  recog- 
nise, even  in  those  from  whom  he  was  most  divided  in  politics  or  in 

1  So  in  the  library  of  the  London  Institution  there  is  a  printed  copy  with 
"Tho.  Kenn"  added  in  writing. 


94  XOTE  II  TO  CHAPTER  XXI         [chap.  xxi. 

religion,  whatever  elements  of  a  nobler  nature  he  was  able  to  find 
there. 

(3.)  The  allusion  to  the  part  that  had  been  taken  by  Tenison 
and  others  in  "debarring"  the  Non-juring  Bishops  and  Clergy 
from  "  the  liberty  of  the  press,"  refers  manifestly  to  the  refusal  of 
the  Government  to  license  the  publication  of  the  Bishops'  defence 
in  answer  to  the  charges  of  the  Modest  Enquiry,  as  narrated  in  this 
chapter,  and  perhaps  also  to  other  refusals  of  an  imprimatur  to 
Non-juring  publications  (p.  69). 

(1.)  Note  on  Queen  Maey. — The  Memoirs  published  by  Dr.  Dobner,  and, 
already  referred  to  in  p.  36,  exhibit  Mary's  character,  on  the  whole,  in  a  favourable 
light.  She  is  full  of  self-reproaches  for  many  sins  and  infirmities,  but  those 
m  If  -reproaches  turn  mainly  on  what  to  a  mind  like  Ken  would  seem  almost 
ficta  peccata,  as  compared  with  the  alienation  of  her  affections  from  her  father  and 
her  sister.  As  regards  the  former  it  is  explained  by  the  fact  that  she  had  heard 
in  the  report  of  Grandval's  trial  that  "  he  whom  I  dare  no  more  name  father 
was  consenting-  to  the  barbarous  murder  of  my  husband"  (p.  54).  Macaulay 
(ch.  xix.)  accepts  Grandval's  statement  that  James  had  encouraged  him  as  con- 
clusive. Mary  obviously  thought  so,  but  it  may  be  questioned  whether  the  word 
of  an  assassin  is  sufficient  evidence.  The  Memoirs  show  further,  as  also  do 
Mary's  letters  to  William,  the  depth  of  her  affection  for  her  husband.  She  speaks 
of  her  disagreement  with  her  sister  as  "  a  punishment  upon  us  for  the  irregu- 
larity by  us  committed  upon  the  Revolution  "  (p.  45),  and  incidentally  mentions 
that  she  had  concerned  herself  in  filling  up  the  vacant  bishoprics  in  1691  (p.  37). 

(2.)  Note  on  Edmund  Bohun. — An  incident  in  Ken's  life  belonging  to  this 
period  may  rightly  find  a  place  here.  Bohun,  King's  printer,  published,  in 
1690,  a  treatise  on  the  Doctrine  of  Xon-rcaistance,  advocating  submission  to  the 
de  facto  government.  In  it  he  stated  that  Ken  had  said  that,  though  he  could 
not  satisfy  his  own  scruples,  yet  he  thought  "  the  English  nation  would  be  fools 
if  they  ever  suffered  King  James  to  return."  Ken's  friends  said  that  this  was  a 
lie,  and  got  the  Bishop's  certificate  to  that  effect.  After  this,  Bohun  met  Ken  in 
a  bookseller's  shop,  and  fell  down  on  his  knees,  and  asked  his  blessing.  Ken 
gave  it,  and  as  he  did  so,  said,  "I  forgive  the  little  scribler,"  or  words  to  that 
effect.  Bohun,  lHary,  pp.  86 — 90  (privately  printed,  but  in  the  library  of  the 
British  Museum). 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

KEN  AND  THE  NON-JURORS  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  WILLIAM  III., 
A.D.  1694—1702. 

"  Brothers!  spare  reasoning  ;  men  have  settled  long 
That  ye  are  out  of  date,  and  they  are  wise." 

/.  H.  Newman. 

The  differences  in  opinion  and  in  action  between  Ken  and  the 
more  vehement  Non-jurors,  which  have  been  traced  in  the 
preceding  chapter,  led  naturally  to  a  suspension  of  intercourse 
between  them.  He  took  his  course  and  they  took  theirs.  They 
looked  on  him  as  weak-kneed,  vacillating,  halting  between  two 
opinions.  He  thought  of  them  with  sorrow,  perhaps  also  with 
indignation,  as  rash,  self-asserting,  wrongly  eager  to  perpetuate 
a  schism,  the  duration  of  which  it  was  the  duty  of  every  wise 
churchman  to  minimise.  They  carried  on  their  correspondence 
with  St.  Germain's,  or  published  scurrilous  pamphlets  against 
the  powers  that  be.  He  sought  to  live  at  peace  with  all  men, 
found  a  shelter  at  Longleat,  visited  at  other  houses  where  he 
was  always  welcome,  acted  as  a  spiritual  director  to  such  Non- 
juring  families  as  chose  to  consult  him,1  and  wrote  hymns  and 
poems.  But  for  a  time  the  breach  was  wide.  When  Lloyd,  the 
deprived  Bishop  of  Norwich,  wrote  to  him  after  William's  death 
in  1702,  his  opening  words  admit  that  Ken  had,  for  some  years 
past,  withdrawn  not  only  correspondence  but  the  "  brotherly 
affection  which  you  have  heretofore  vouchsafed  me."  It  is,  I 
think,  probable  enough  that  during  part  of  this  time  Ken 
corresponded  with  Frampton  (d.  1708),  Kettle  well  (d.  1695), 
Fitzwilliam  (d.  1699),  but,  if  so,  there  are  unhappily  no  extant 
letters. 

1  I  reserve  instances  of  this  for  ch.  xxiv. 


96      KEN  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  WILLIAM  LLL     [chap.  xxit. 

There  was,  however,  one  work  in  which  the  two  sections  of 
the  Non-juring  party  could  co-operate,  and  it  is  satisfactory 
to  find  that,  though  not  initiated,  it  was  warmly  supported 
by  Ken.  Kettlewell,  writing  on  December  20, 1694,  to  Lloyd, 
proposes  that  a  fund  should  be  raised  for  the  relief  of  the  dis- 
tressed clergy  who  were  suffering  for  conscience'  sake.1 

"  When  my  Ld  Bp  of  B.  and  Wlls,  in  great  kindness  and  charity 
was  pleased  last  to  call  here,  I  was  proposing  to  him  the  setting  up 
of  a  Fund  of  Charity,  for  regular  collection  and  distribution  of  the 
same  among  the  poor  suffering  clergy  " 

He  assumes  as  probable  that  Ken  would  have  conferred 
with  Lloyd  on  this  subject,  and  discusses  the  difficulties  which 
had  presented  themselves  to  the  former. 

1 '  Were  this  a  fund  for  the  soldiery,  though  God  knows  many  of 
them  have  need  enough,  it  may  be,  some  might  fancy  they  could 
with  better  colour  charge  it  as  a  listing  of  men.2  But  being  only 
for  the  clergye's  relief,  and  their  needs  being  notorious,  methinks,  let 
them  trouble  whom  they  will,  they  cannot  hurt  them,  and  they  may 
freely  own  and  thanke  God  they  have  been  employed  therein  ;  and 
when  the  truth  of  all  is  laid  open,  all  wise  men  of  all  partyes  must 
own,  that  it  is  an  excellent  part  and  proof  of  pastoral  care,  and  the 
adversaries  can  only  envy  it,  not  fasten  on  anything  to  accuse  or 
punish  in  it." 

He  suggests  that  the  Non-juring  Bishops  might,  without  pre- 
judice  or  offence,  attach  their  names  and  titles  to  a  circular 
letter  inviting  contributions  to  such  a  fund,  adding  the  epithet, 
Suffering,   Displaced,  Ejected,  or  Deprived,  and  says  that  he  is 

1  It  is  interesting  to  note  that  one  of  Kettlewell's  most  active  helpers  in  this 
good  work  was  Thomas  Firmin,  a  native  of  Ipswich,  who  was  active  in  all 
philanthropic  works,  notably  in  that  of  helping  the  French  Protestants,  and  who 
was  reputed  to  he  a  Socinian,  or,  at  least,  an  Arian.  He  was  on  intimate  terms 
with  Kettlewell,  in  spite  of  his  heretical  opinions.  On  hearing  of  the  action 
taken  by  the  Government,  he  withdrew  from  active  participation.  The  work 
was  afterwards  taken  up  vigorously  by  Robert  Nelson  [Kettle welTs  Worka,  i.  pp. 
163,  169). 

2  The  sentence  seems  to  imply  that  some  of  the  officers  in  what  had  been 
James's  army,  and  was  now  William's,  had  thrown  up  their  commissions,  and 
were  therefore  in  distress.  To  start  a  public  fund  for  their  relief  might  have 
seemed  not  unreasonably  to  be  a  "  listing  of  men"  to  the  service  of  their  former 

i.     Ken  remembered  them  also  iu  his  will  (p.  209). 


a.d.  1694—1702.]     CHARITABLE  RECOMMENDATION.        97 

authorised  by  a  friend  (probably,  I  think,  Firmin),  to  say  that 
he  will  give  £100  and  collect  as  much  more  as  he  can. 

Kettlewell  did  not  live  to  see  the  good  work  which,  he  thus 
initiated  accomplished,  but  in  the  following  July  the  Deprived 
Bishops  issued  the  following  circular  : — 

"  The  Charitable  Recommendation  of  the  Deprived  Bishops" 

"  To  all  Christian  people,  to  whom  this  Charitable  Recommendation  shall 
be  presented,  Grace  be  to  you,  and  Peace  from  God  the  Father,  and 
from  our  Lord  Jesus  Christ. 

"  Whereas  We,  the  present  Deprived  Bishops  of  this  Church,  have 
certain  information,  that  many  of  our  Deprived  Brethren  of  the 
Clergy,  their  wives,  children,  and  families,  are  reduced  to  extreme 
want,  and  unable  to  support  themselves,  and  their  several  charges, 
without  the  charitable  relief  of  pious  and  well  disposed  Christians  ; 
and  being  earnestly  mov'd  by  several  of  them  to  represent  their 
distressed  condition  to  the  mercy  and  compassion  of  such  tender- 
hearted persons,  as  are  inclined  to  commiserate  and  relieve  the 
Afflicted  Servants  of  Grod, 

"  Now  We,  in  compliance  with  their  Intreaty,  and  with  all  due 
regard  to  their  Suffering  circumstances,  have  thought  it  our  Duty 
(as  far  as  in  law  we  may)  heartily  to  recommend  their  necessitous 
condition  to  all  pious,  good  people  ;  hoping  and  praying  that  they 
will  take  their  case  into  their  serious  consideration,  and  putting  on 
the  bowels  of  Charity,  extend  their  Alms  to  them,  and  their  needy 
families. 

' '  And  we  will  not  cease  to  pray  for  a  Blessing  upon  such  their 
Benefactors  :  and  remain  in  all  Christian  Offices, 
"  Your*  8 
1 '  William,  Bishop  of  Norwich  \ 

Robert,  Bishop  of  Gloucester 

Francis,  Bishop  of  Ely  s  now  deprived. 

Thomas,  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells  I 
Thomas,  Bishop  of  Peterborough    J 
u  July  22nd,  1695." 

The  limiting  clause,  "  so  far  as  in  law  we  may,"  was  possibly 
inserted  at  the  instance  of  friendly  lawyers  who  foresaw  the 
risk  of  a  prosecution.  For  some  months  no  notice  was  taken 
of  it  by  others  than  those  for  whom  it  was  intended,   but  the 


98      KEN  TO  TUF  DEATH  OF  WILLIAM  III.     [chap.  xxit. 

Assassination  Plot,  in  which  Sir  John  Friend,  Sir  "William 
Perkins,  and  others  were  implicated,  and  the  part  taken  by 
Collier  and  two  other  Non-juring  priests,  in  publicly  absolving 
the  two  first-named  at  their  execution  on  April  3rd,  roused  the 
Government  to  action,  and  on  April  14th,  1696,  warrants  were 
issued  by  the  Privy  Council  for  the  apprehension  of  the  Bishops 
who  had  signed  the  document,  Frampton  only  excepted,  of 
whom  it  seems  to  have  been  taken  for  granted  that  he  could  not 
possibly  have  been  implicated  in  any  "treasonable  practices," 
such  as  the  warrants  spoke  of.  Of  Ken's  appearance  before 
the  Council  we  have  a  record  in  his  own  hand,  which  it  will  be 
well  to  give  in  extenso.  He  had  to  attend — it  must  have  been 
a  strange  contrast  to  his  last  appearance  in  the  Council 
Chamber — three  times  in  the  outer  waiting-room  before  he 
was  called  in  and  questioned.  When  the  examination  was 
over  he  was  requested  to  draw  up  an  account  of  what  he  had 
said,  and  this  is  the  result : — 

4 1  The  Answer  of  Thomas  Bath  and  Wells,  deprived,  to  certain  Interro- 
gatories proposed  to  him  by  the  Lords  of  the  Privy  Council. 

"  April  28*A,  1696. 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"  After  the  favourable  hearing,  which  this  day  the  Lords  of  the 
most  Honourable  Privy-Council  gave  me,  Mr.  Bridgman  came  out 
to  me  to  tell  me,  that  their  Lordships  expected  a  copy  of  my  answers  ; 
which,  as  far  as  I  can  recollect,  I  here  humbly  offer  to  your 
Lordships. 

"The  printed  paper  subscrib'd  by  the  depriv'd  Bishops,  to  beg 
the  alms  of  charitable  people,  being  shew'd  me,  T  was  ask'd, 

11  '  Did  you  subscribe  this  paper  ?  ' 

11  A.  My  Lords,  I  thank  God  I  did,  and  it  had  a  very  happy 
effect ;  for  the  will  of  my  blessed  Redeemer  was  fulfill'd  by  it ;  and 
what  we  were  not  able  to  do  our  selves,  was  done  by  others ;  the 
hungry  were  fed,  and  the  naked  were  cloath'd ;  and  to  feed  the 
hungry,  to  cloathe  the  naked,  and  to  visit  those  who  are  sick  or  in 
prison,  is  that  plea  which  all  your  Lordships,  as  well  as  I,  as  far  as 
you  have  had  opportunities,  must  make  for  yourselves  at  the  great 
day.  And  that  which  you  must  all  plead  at  God's  tribunal  for  your 
eternal  Absolution,  shall  not,  I  hope,  be  made  my  condemnation 
here. 


a.d.  1694—1702.]  KEN  BEFORE  TEE  PRIVY  COUNCIL.     99 

"It  was  then  said  to  this  purpose;  'No  one  here  condemns 
charity,  but  the  way  you  have  taken  to  procure  it :  your  paper  is 
illegal.' 

"A.  My  Lords,  I  can  plead  to  the  evangelical  part:  I  am  no 
lawyer,  but  shall  want  lawyers  to  plead  that ;  and  I  have  been  very 
well  assured  that  it  is  legal.  My  Lords,  I  will  sincerely  give  your 
Lordships  an  account  of  the  part  I  had  in  it.  The  first  person  who 
proposed  it  to  me,  was  Mr.  Kettlewell,  that  holy  man  who  is  now 
with  God ;  and  after  some  time  it  was  brought  to  this  form,  and  I 
subscribed  it,  and  then  went  into  the  countrey  to  my  retirement  in 
an  obscure  village,1  where  I  live  above  the  suspicion  of  giving  any 
the  least  umbrage  to  the  Government. 

"  My  Lords,  I  was  not  active  in  making  collections  in  the  countrey, 
where  there  are  but  few  such  objects  of  charity,  but  good  people  of 
their  own  accords  sent  me  towards  fourscore  pounds,  of  which  about 
one  half  is  still  in  my  hands. 

"  I  beg  your  Lordships  to  observe  this  clause  in  our  paper,  'As 
far  as  in  Law  we  may :  '  and  to  receive  such  charity,  is,  I  presume, 
'  which  in  Law  I  may ; '  and  to  distribute  it,  is  a  thing  also,  '  which 
in  Law  I  may.' 

"It  was  objected  to  this  purpose:  'this  money  has  been 
abus'd  and  given  to  very  ill  and  immoral  men ;  and  particularly 
to  one  who  goes  in  a  gown  one  day,  and  in  a  blue  silk  waistcoat 
another.'2 

"A.  My  Lords,  to  give  to  an  ill  man  may  be  a  mistake,  and  no 
crime,  unless  what  was  given  was  given  him  to  an  ill  purpose  ;  nay, 
to  give  to  an  ill  man  and  knowingly,  is  our  duty,  if  that  ill  man 
wants  necessaries  of  life ;  for  as  long  as  God's  patience  and  forbear- 
ance indulges  that  ill  man  life  to  lead  him  to  repentance,  we  ought 
to  support  that  life  God  indulges  him,  hoping  for  the  happy  effect 
of  it. 

"  My  Lords,  in  King  James's  time,  there  were  about  a  thousand 
or  more  imprison' d  in  my  Diocese,  who  were  engag'd  in  the  rebellion 
of  the  Duke  of  Monmouth  ;  and  many  of  them  were  such  which  I 
had  reason  to  believe  to  be  ill  men,  and  void  of  all  religion ;  and 
yet  for  all  that,  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  relieve  them.  'Tis  well 
known  to  the  Diocese,  that  I  visited  them  night  and  day,  and  I 
thank  God  I  supply'd  them  with  necessaries  myself,  as  far  as  I 
could,  and  encouraged  others  to  do  the  same  ;  and  yet  King  James 
never  found  the  least  fault  with  me.     And  if  I  am  now  charged  with 

1  Probably  Poulshot. 

2  See  p.  74,  ».,  for  instances  of  this  lay-apparel. 


100     KEX  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  WILLIAM  III.     [chap.  xxii. 

misapplying  what  was  given,  I  beg  of  your  Lordships,  that  St.  Paul's 
Apostolical  rule  may  be  observ'd,  '  Against  an  Elder  receive  not  an 
accusation,  but  before  two  or  three  witnesses  ;  '  for  I  am  sure  none 
tan  testify  that  against  me.  What  I  gave,  I  gave  in  the  countrey  ; 
and  I  gave  to  none  but  those  who  did  both  want  and  deserve  it : 
the  last  that  I  gave  was  to  two  poor  widows  of  depriv'd  clergy- 
men, one  whereof  was  left  with  six,  the  other  with  seven  small 
children. 

"It  was  said  to  this  purpose:  'You  are  not  charg'd  your  self 
with  giving  to  ill  men,  though  it  has  been  done  by  others  :  but  the 
paper  comes  out  with  a  pretence  of  authority,  and  it  is  illegal,  and 
in  the  nature  of  a  brief  ; l  and  if  such  practices  are  permitted,  private 
men  may  supersede  all  the  briefs  granted  by  the  King.' 

"  A.  My  Lords,  I  beg  your  pardon,  if  I  cannot  give  a  full  answer 
to  this ;  I  am  no  lawyer,  and  am  not  prepar'd  to  argue  it  in 
law. 

"  It  was  further  objected  to  this  purpose :  '  by  sending  forth  this 
paper,  you  have  usurp'd  Ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.' 

"  A.  My  Lords,  I  never  heard  that  begging  was  a  part  of  Eccle- 
siastical jurisdiction ;  and  in  this  paper  we  are  only  beggars,  which 
privilege  I  hope  may  be  allow'd  us. 

"I  make  no  doubt,  but  your  Lordships  may  have  had  strange 
misinformations  concerning  this  paper :  but  having  sincerely  told 
you  what  part  I  had  in  it,  I  humbly  submit  myself  to  your  Lord- 
ships' justice. 

"  I  presume  your  Lordships  will  come  to  no  immediate  resolution 
concerning  me  ;  and  having  voluntarily  surrendred  my  self,  and  the 
warrant  having  never  been  serv'd  on  me  till  I  had  twice  attended 
here,  this  being  the  third  time,  and  my  health  being  infirm,  I  beg 
this  favour  of  your  Lordships,  that  I  may  return  to  my  sister's 
house,  where  I  have  hitherto  lodg'd,  which  is  a  place  the  messenger 
knows  well ;  and  that  I  may  be  no  otherwise  confin'd,  till  I  have 
receiv'd  your  Lordship's  final  resolution. 

"  This  favour  your  Lordships  were  pleas'd  very  readily  to  grant 
me ;  for  which  I  return  my  humble  acknowledgments,  beseeching 
God  to  be  gracious  to  your  Lordships. 

"Thomas  Bath  and  Wells, 
"Depriv'd."* 

1  The  objection  seems  to  imply  that  collections  in  churches  had  been  made 
under  the  Bishops'  paper,  but  I  have  been  unablo  to  trace  them. 

2  Hawkins's  Life  of  Km,   pp.   48  to  50.     I  have  given  (i.  311)  a  list  of  the 
members  of  the  Privy  Council  who  were  present  when  the  Seven  Bishops  were 


ad.  1694—1702.]       DEATH  OF  KETTLEWELL.  101 

On  the  whole  the  Bishop  seems  to  have  been  treated  with 
sufficient  fairness.  The  result  of  his  examination  and  that  of 
others  implicated  was  that  he,  Lloyd,  White  of  Peterborough, 
"Wagstaffe,  and  Spinckes  were  released  from  custody  by  an 
Order  of  Council,  dated  May  23rd,  1696.  Turner  probably  did 
not  surrender,  having  given  other  matter  of  accusation  than 
the  circular  letter,  and  thinking  it  therefore  more  prudent  to 
keep  in  hiding. 

After  this  temporary  and  enforced  publicity,  Ken  retired 
once  more  into  the  obscurity  which  he  loved.  He  was  passing, 
however,  into  the  period  of  life  when  men  begin  to  see  the 
companions  of  earlier  days  falling  round  them,  and  think  with 
sorrow  that  they  shall  see  the  faces  they  have  loved  no  more. 
About  a  year  before  the  Privy  Council  examination,  Kettle- 
well  had  passed  away  (April  12th,  1695).  There  were  few,  if 
any,  among  his  contemporaries,  for  whom  Ken  had  a  more  pro- 
found veneration.  He  looked  to  him  more  than  to  any  other  as 
his  spiritual  director  in  the  confused  questions  of  the  time.  It 
was  on  the  strength  of  his  authority  that  he  recommended 
those  in  a  private  station  who  would  otherwise  be  cut  off  from 
Christian  communion,  to  attend  the  services  of  the  Established 
Church.  In  his  last  will  he  declared,  with  manifest  allusion 
to  the  title  of  Kettlewell's  chief  work  on  the  great  controversy,1 


committed  to  the  Tower.     It  may  not  be  without  interest  to  give  a  like  list  of 
those  before  whom  Ken  appeared  now. 

The  Lord  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  (Tenison). 

Duke  of  Shrewsbury.  Mr.  Vice- Chamberlain. 

The  Lord  Chamberlain.  Mr.  Secretary  Trumbull. 

Lord  Godolphin.  Mr.  Chancellor  of  the  Exchequer. 

Marquis  of  Winchester.  Lord  Chief  Justice  Holt. 

Earl  of  Bridgwater.  Sir  Henry  Goodriche. 

Earl  of  Tankerville.  Mr.  Russell. 

L  >rd  Cornwallis.  Mr.  Boscawen. 

Lord  Coningsby.  *  *  *  * 

It  will  be  seen  that  Godolphin — the  indispensable  Godolphin — is  the  only  name 
common  to  the  two  lists.  He  retired  from  the  Treasury  in  November,  1696, 
having  been  accused  by  Fenwick  of  being  in  James's  interest.  The  sister  with 
whom  Ken  was  staying  was  probably  either  Martha,  who  was  married  to  John 
Beacham,  of  London,  goldsmith  ;  or  the  widow  of  Ion  Ken,  of  the  death  of 
whose  son,  in  Cyprus,  we  shall  read  later  on  (p.  185). 

1  The  Doctrine  of  the    Cross,  a  Treatise  on  the  duty  of  Passive  Obedience  on 
the  part  of  subjects  to  their  rulers.     (See  p.  209.) 
VOL.    II.  H 


102     KEN  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  WILLIAM  III    [chap.  xxii. 

that  he  adhered  to  Passive  Obedience  as  the  "true  doctrine  of 
the  Cross.' '  It  was  the  influence,  so  to  speak,  of  the  shadow 
of  Kettlewell  during  the  remainder  of  his  life  that  led  him  to 
take  the  part  he  did  in  minimising,  and,  so  far  as  in  him  lay, 
terminating,  the  schism  which  they  both  lamented.1  Shortly 
after  his  friend's  death,  Robert  Nelson,  who  knew  them  both, 
published  a  volume  of  Kettlewell's  sermons,  sent  it  to  Ken, 
and  received  the  following  letter  in  return  : — 


LETTER  XXXV. 

To  Robert  Nelson. 
"Sir, 
"  I  received  the  Book  which  I  imagined  came  from  you  ;  and  for 
which  I  return  you  many  thanks ;  and  since  that,  your  obliging 
Letter  came  to  my  Hands.  You  have  done  an  Honour  to  the 
Memory  of  our  Dead  Friend,  which  we  all  ought  to  acknow- 
ledge ;  and  I  am  very  glad  that  his  Life  is  writing  by  another 
Hand,  as  you  tell  me.  He  was  certainly  as  Saintlike  a  Man  as  ever 
I  knew ;  and  his  Books  are  Demonstrations  of  it,  which  are  full  of 
as  Solid  and  Searching  a  Piety,  as  ever  I  read.  God  was  pleased 
to  take  him  from  the  Evil  to  come,  to  his  own  infinite  Advan- 
tage, but  to  our  great  Loss.  His  Blessed  Will  be  done.  Since  the 
Date  of  your  Letter,  a  New  Scene  has  been  opened  :  And  if  the 
Act  passes  which  is  now  on  the  Anvil,  I  presume  the  Prisons  will 
be  filled  with  the  Malcontents  ;  and  your  Friend,  though  Innocent 
and  Inoffensive,  yet  apprehends  he  may  share  in  the  Calamity ;  and 
foreseeing  it,  it  will  be  no  surprize  to  him.  In  respect  of  that  Sort 
of  Men  I  have  been  always  of  the  Mind  of  the  Prophet,  that  their 
strength  was  to  sit  still.    And  so  it  will  be  found  at  the  long  Run. 

1  It  may  be  noted  (1)  that  Bishop  Lloyd,  of  Norwich,  administered  the  Holy 
Communion  to  Kettlewell  on  March  23,  1695,  Dr.  Thomas  Smith  (who  will  meet 
us  soon  as  a  friend  and  correspondent  of  Ken's),  Thomas  Wagstaffe,  Nathaniel 
Spinokes,  Thomas  Bradley,  and  Mrs.  Kettlewell  communicating  with  him;  and 
(2)  that  Kettlewell  was  buried  on  April  15th,  in  the  Church  of  All  Hallows, 
Barking,  in  the  same  grave  with  Laud,  within  the  altar-rails  ;  Ken,  in  his  epis- 
copal habit,  reading  the  Burial  Office  and  the  whole  Evening  Service,  omitting, 
we  must  believe,  or  altering,  the  so-called  "characteristic"  prayers.  It  will 
be  scon  later  on  that  this  was  not,  as  stated  in  Anderdon  (p.  672),  the  "  only 
instance  of  Ken's  public  administration  of  the  services  of  the  Church  after  his 
deprival."     (See  p.  163.) 


A.D.  1694—1702.]  DEATH  OF  WHITE  AND  FITZWILLIAM.  103 

And  'tis  the  Wisest  and  most  dutiful  Way,  to  follow,  rather  than  to 
anticipate,  Providence,  etc.  I  commend  you  all  to  Grod's  most  gracious 
Protection. 

"  Good  Sir, 
"  Your  very  Affectionate  Servant, 

"THOS.  BATH  AND  WELLS. 

"  March  2nd  (169f)." 

[The  "other  hand"  who  wrote  the  Life  of  Kettle  well  prefixed  to  the  folio 
edition  of  his  works,  Dr.  Francis  Lee,  was  prohably  assisted  by  Hickes,  deprived 
Dean  of  Worcester,  and  Bishop  Suffragan  of  Thetford.  The  "Act  now  on  the 
anvil"  seems  to  refer  to  a  Bill  talked  of  in  1696,  but  not  introduced,  for  the 
purpose  of  making  the  declaration  and  oaths  which  were  voluntarily  taken  by 
the  so-called  "Association"  of  loyal  subjects,  acknowledging  William  as  a  law- 
ful king,  universal  and  compulsory.  The  prospect  was  a  dark  one.  Ken  was 
prepared  to  suffer  with  the  others,  but  in  the  meantime  he  would  not  join  the 
malcontents  in  any  action.  He  was  content  to  wait.  The  event  showed  that 
this  was  the  "  wisest"  as  well  as  the  "  most  dutiful"  course.] 

Another  of  Ken's  friends  and  associates,  Thomas  White,  the 
deprived  Bishop  of  Peterborough,  died  in  May,  1698.  He  had 
been  one  of  the  famous  Seven.  He  had  cast  in  his  lot  with 
the  five  who  were  faithful  to  their  conscience.  Like  Ken  and 
Frampton,  he  led  a  quiet  and  peaceful  life,  chiefly  in  London, 
and  being  unmarried,  gave  much  in  charity.  His  last  public 
act  was  to  attend  Sir  John  Fenwick  on  the  scaffold  when  he 
was  executed  for  treason  on  January  27th,  169 f-.1  In  the  same 
year  Ken's  early  friend,  Lord  Maynard,  passed  to  his  rest, 
leaving  £4,000  to  charitable  uses,  the  endowment  of  a  poor 
living,  and  the  like.  The  following  year  witnessed  the  death 
(May,  1699)  of  another  old  friend,  Dr.  John  Fitzwilliam, 
whose  history  has  been  given  in  I.  51  n.  He  and  Ken  had 
been  contemporaries,  and  probably  friends,  at  Oxford.  Fitz- 
william's  warm  affection  had  been  shown  in  the  way  in  which 
he  commended  Ken's  "seraphic  meditations'''  to  Lady  Rachel 
Russell.2  He  made  Ken  his  executor,  and,  as  has  been  already 
stated,  left  him  a  life-interest  in  £500,  which  was  to  revert 
on  his  death  to  the  Library  of  Magdalen  College,  Oxford. 
Lastly,  we  note  that  on  November  2nd,  1700,  Ken  lost  his 
early  school  friend,  Francis   Turner,  of  Ely.     Of  late  years, 

1  White  was  believed  to  have  drawn  up  the  paper  in  which  Fenwick  asserted 
his  loyalty  to  King  James,  but  repudiated  all  complicity  with  the  plot  for 
William's  assassination  in  terms  full  of  horror. — Burnet,  0.  T.,  Book  v.,  1696. 

2  Lady  Russell's  Letters,  No.  xxv. 

h2 


104     KEN  TO   THE  DEATH  OF  WILLIAM  III.    [chap.  xxn. 

from  1691  onwards,  there  had  been  the  "little  rift"  of  differ- 
ence of  opinion,  which  had  widened  into  divergence  of  action. 
There  had  been  probably  little  or  no  intercourse,  either  person- 
ally or  by  letter,  for  some  years  before  Turner's  death.  He 
was  often  abroad,  often  hiding  in  London  and  elsewhere,  in 
disguise,  and  would  naturally  shrink  from  the  risk  of  involving 
his  friends  in  his  own  troubles  by  corresponding  with  them. 
All  the  more,  we  may  believe,  would  the  memory  of  the  early 
days  of  their  Winchester  and  Oxford  life,  when  they  had 
walked  in  the  house  of  God  as  friends,  come  back  at  such  a 
time  on  Ken's  mind.  One  can  think  of  him  as  saying,  in  the 
words  in  which  he  had  been  wont  to  express  at  once  his  earthly 
affection  and  his  eternal  hope,  Roquiescat  in  pace  (i.  p.  122). 
He  speaks  of  him,  as  we  shall  see  (p.  107),  as  our  "  deare  friend, 
now  with  God." 

There  was  yet  one  other  death  before  the  end  of  the  period 
embraced  in  this  chapter,  of  which  we  may  be  quite  sure  that 
Ken  could  not  hear  without  deep  emotion.  On  September  Gth, 
1701,  James  II.  closed  his  strangely  chequered  life  at  St.  Ger- 
main's. I  have  shown  in  Chapter  XVI.,  on  what  seem  to  me 
sufficient  grounds,  that  Ken's  feelings  towards  the  exiled 
monarch  were  something  more  than  those  of  dutiful  obedience 
to  one  on  whom  he  still  looked  as  his  rightful  King  ;  that  with 
the  loyalty  of  a  subject  there  mingled  the  affection  of  a  friend, 
the  keen  watchful  anxiety  of  a  lover  of  souls,  who  would  not 
give  up  the  hope  that  even  there,  in  that  life  so  stained  by 
license,  so  misguided  in  judgment,  there  was  a  capacity  for 
better  things.  For  him  he  continued  to  pray  when  he  used 
the  services  of  the  Church ;  for  him  he  pleaded  in  the  more 
silent  sanctuary  of  the  soul.  Was  there  any  further  inter- 
course ?  It  is  clear,  beyond  the  shadow  of  a  doubt,  that  Ken 
took  no  part  in  the  communications  which  were  opened  by  the 
more  violent  section  of  the  Non-jurors  with  the  Court  of  St. 
Germain's ;  that  he  had  no  part  or  lot  in  the  nomination  of  the 
non-juring  Bishops,  or  in  the  plots  which  led  so  many  to 
imprisonment  and  exile  ;  that  he  distrusted  the  counsels  which 
emanated  from  Melfort  and  others,  who  were  James's  chief 
advisers.  To  answer  the  question  fully,  I  must  enter  once  more 
on  the  region  of  questions  as  to  disputed  authorship.     If  I  am 


a.d.  1694—1702.]     BEATS  OF  JAS.  II  AXD   TFJI.  III.        105 

right  in  the  conclusions  to  which  I  have  been  led  as  to  the  Royal 
Sufferer,  the  result  is,  as  before,  that  we  have  an  addition  to  the 
materials  hitherto  recognised  as  available  for  a  Life  of  Ken,  of 
almost  priceless  value.  I  write  in  the  full  consciousness  of  the 
bias  which  the  prospect  of  that  treasure-trove  may  have  given 
to  my  judgment.  I  can  but  do  as  I  have  done  in  previous 
instances,  relegate  the  discussion  to  a  note,  and  leave  the  deci- 
sion to  the  reader.  At  any  rate  it  is  not  too  much  to  assume 
that  Ken  would  hear  of  the  penance  and  devotion  in  which 
James's  later  years  were  spent,  of  his  frequent  visits  to  De  Ranee 
at  La  Trappe,  where  he  shared  all  the  austerities  of  the  discipline 
of  its  members ;  that  he  would  hear  some  report  of  the  manner 
of  his  death,1  how  "  he  asked  pardon  of  all  whom  he  might  have 
anyways  injured.  At  the  same  time  he  forgave  all  the  world, 
the  Emperor,2  the  Prince  of  Orange,  his  daughter  (sc.  the 
Princess  Anne),  and  every  one  of  his  subjects  who  had  de- 
signedly contrived,  and  contributed  to,  his  harms  and  misfor- 
tunes." He  would  welcome,  we  may  believe,  that  message  as 
indicating  the  temper  of  one  who  may  hope  to  be  forgiven  him- 
self, because  he  forgives  others.  Of  him,  too,  Ken  may  have 
well  said,  Requtescat  in  pace. 

And  then,  lastly,  there  was  the  death  which  I  have  taken  as 
the  terminus  of  this  section  of  my  history.  On  March  8th,  170^-, 
William  III.  breathed  his  last.  Ken,  I  imagine,  would  receive 
the  tidings  of  his  death  with  the  solemn  awe  which  restrains  the 
devout  thinker  from  passing  judgment  on  the  character  of  a 
fellow-mortal.  He  knew  the  vices  of  his  earlier  life,  his  harsh 
treatment  of  his  wife,  his  unfaithfulness  to  one  who  never,  in 
word  or  deed  or  thought,  had  been  unfaithful  to  him.  He  saw  in 
him  one  who  had  made  his  way  to  a  crown  under  false  pretences, 
whose  religion  had  been  the  hardest  and  least  Christian  form 
of  Calvinism,  under  whose  government  he  and  hundreds  of  his 
brethren  had  been  driven  from  their  homes  into  poverty  or 
exile,  whose  last  act  had  been,  when  he  was  too  feeble  to  hold 
a  pen,   to  affix  his  stamp  to  the  Abjuration   and   Attainder 

1  The  report  is  given  in  Anderdon,  p.  693,  as  from  a  letter  addressed  to  Lloyd, 
but  with  that  Bishop,  as  we  have  seen,  Ken's  intercourse  was  suspended  for  some 
years  before  the  death  of  William  III. 

2  It  is  clear  that  James  felt  most  keenly  his  desertion  by  all  the  Catholic 
Powers  of  Europe  except  Louis  XIV.     (Macaulay,  ch.  xxv.) 


106     KEN  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  WILLIAM  III.    [chap.  dot. 

Acts,  which  filled  Ken's  soul  with  horror  and  alarm.  And  yet 
there,  also,  he  had  recognised  at  one  time  the  capacity  for 
better  things.  He  respected  the  patriotism  which  in  early  life 
had  stood  proof  against  the  bribes  of  power  with  which 
Louis  XI V.  had  tempted  him.1  He  saw  in  him — as  when  he 
took  part  in  drawing  up  the  Thanksgiving  Service  ordered  on 
the  first  day  of  the  Convention  (p.  32) — one  who  had  been 
"  an  instrument  in  the  hands  of  the  Providence  of  God  to 
deliver  the  Church  and  nation  from  Popish  tyranny  and  arbi- 
trary power."  He  heard  that  he  had  met  his  end2  as  one  "  who 
did  not  fear  death  ;  "  that  he  had  received  the  ministrations  of 
his  spiritual  advisers  (Burnet  and  Tenison,  both  of  whom  had, 
during  his  life,  faithfully  rebuked  him  for  his  faults)  reve- 
rently, and  had  received  at  their  hands  the  pledges  of  the 
Saviour's  love ;  that  his  death-bed  was  attended  by  devoted 
friends  (Bentinck  and  Albemarle  and  Auverquerque)  who  had 
shared  his  every  danger  on  the  battle-field,  or  when  smitten  by 
foul  and  contagious  sickness,  and  who  loved  him  steadfastly  to 
the  end.  With  these  things  in  his  thoughts,  he  would  at  least 
hold  his  peace.  He  would  not  join  in  the  indecent  exultation 
of  the  Jacobites,  who  made  merry  over  the  accident  that  caused 
William's  death.  He  would  not  do  as  Burnet  did,  and  hint  at 
mysterious  and  secret  vices,  over  and  above  the  failings  which 
were  known  to  all  men.  Even  of  him,  if  I  mistake  not,  he 
would  be  disposed  to  say  to  those  who  were  loud  in  their  con- 
demnation, "  Who  art  thou  that  judgest  another  ?  "  Even 
for  him  he  would  breathe  the  prayer,  Requiescat  in  pace. 

I  conclude  this  chapter  with  some  letters  which  obviously 
belong  to  this  period.  The  contents  of  the  letters  will  furnish 
the  evidence  on  which  I  have  come  to  that  conclusion. 

LETTER  XX Ml. 

To  Viscount  Weymouth. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"  My  very  good  Lord, 
"Your  Lordshippe's  letter  came  to  me  yesterday,  to  Bagshott 
where  I  have  been  these  ten  dayes.     I  am  much  troubled  for  poore 

1   See  l.rthr  to  Archbishop  Tenison  (p.  93). 
•  Blacaulay,  Ch.  xxv. 


a.d.   1694—1702,]  MR.  EARBIX.  107 


Mr.  King,  whom  God  preserve  and  restore.  I  intend,  God  willing, 
to  wait  on  you  by  the  ende  of  next  weeke,  if  my  paines,  wch  still 
hang  about  me,  permitt  me,  and  I  hope,  if  I  can  heare  of  Mr.  King, 
to  persuade  him  to  a  more  consistant  temper,  and  to  take  a  proper 
medicinall  course,  though  I  believe,  should  he  recover  his  right 
mind,  he  would  never  desire  to  return  to  Longleat,  upon  the  account 
of  the  memory  of  his  distemper.  The  Bp.  of  E.  mentions  to  me 
one  Mr.  Harbin,  who  was  his  owne  Chaplaine  heretofore,  an  excel- 
lent Scholar,  and  as  far  as  I  could  observe,  of  a  brisk  and  cheerfull 
temper.  However,  I  was  unwilling  to  engage  your  Lordshippe  to 
take  him  without  a  previous  trial,  and  I  have  told  ye  Bp,  yl  your 
Lordshippe  should  make  experiment  of  him,  for  a  quarter  of  a 
yeare,  before  he  fix'd  in  your  family,  and  upon  that  intention,  I 
desir'd  him  to  send  him  worde  that  he  should  meet  me  at  Longleat, 
ye  end  of  next  weeke.  I  beseech  your  Lordshippe  to  present  my 
most  humble  service  to  My  Lady,  and  to  give  my  blessing  to  ye 
young  Gentlemen,  and  I  hope  ye  country  aire  will  restore  your 
health,  wch  God  grant. 

"  My  Lord, 

''Your  Lordshippe' s  most  affectionate  and 

Obliged  Servant, 

"T.  B  &  W." 

[Xo  date  given,  but  found  among  Lord  Weymouth's  Letters  of  1699.] 

[The  visit  to  Bagshot  was  probably  to  Col.  James  Grahme,  who,  as  Keeper  of 
Windsor  Forest,  had  a  house  there  (p.  160).  Mr.  King  is  probably  the  deprived 
Rector  of  Merstham  Biggott,  who  has  come  before  us  in  earlier  letters  (i. 
254 — 6).  His  privations  would  seem  to  have  led  to  some  mental  excitement  that 
had  shown  itself  under  Lord  Weymouth's  roof,  in  unbecoming  words  or  acts. 
Possibly  he  had  adopted  the  scurrilous  and  abusive  tone  of  the  more  violent 
Xon -jurors.  The  letter  suggests  the  inference  tbat  he  had  acted,  after  his  depri- 
vation as  chaplain  at  Longleat.  It  has  the  interest  of  showing  that  Harbin,  with 
whom  Ken  corresponded,  was  recommended  by  him  to  Lord  Weymouth,  with 
whom  he  subsequently  lived  as  chaplain  and  librarian,  and  that  he  had  previously 
been  chaplain  to  Francis  Turner,  who  was  living  when  Ken  wrote.] 

LETTER  XXXVII. 
To  Dr.  Thomas  Smith. 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 
"  Good  Doctor, 
"  This  is  onely  to  wish  you  a  happy  new  year,  having  the  oppor- 
tunity of  saluting  you   by  Mr.  Harbin,  who  was  chaplaine  here- 
tofore to  our  deare  friend,  the  Bishop  of  Ely,  now  with  God,  and  is 
at  present  in  the  same  station  with  my  Lord  Weymouth,  who  has  a 


108     KEN  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  WILLIAM  III.    [chap.  xxii. 

great  esteeme  of  him,  and  that  very  deservedly ;    and  I  entreat  you 

to  shew  him  all  the  favour  you  can  in  his  studys.     I  know  my  good 

Lord  AVe3rmouth  will  be  very  glad  to   see  you,   and  you  will  he 

received  by  him  with  great  respect,  but  I  would  have  you  dine  with 

him  on  a  day  when  he  shall  have  least  company  to  interrupt  your 

conversation,  and   Mr.  Harbin   can   best   informe   you  of  that.     I 

beseech  God  of  his  infinite  goodnesse  to  make  us  wise  for  eternity. 

"  Your  most  affect:  friend  and  Br, 

"THO.  BATH  &  WELLS. 
"Jm.  23"  (170?). 

[The  date  is  fixed  by  the  reference  to  Turner's  death  (Nov.  2,  1700),  as  afW 
that  event,  probably  in  170?.  It  is  addressed  to  Thomas  Smith,  who  seems  to 
have  been  much  in  correspondence  with  Ken  in  the  later  years  of  his  life.  He 
had  been  a  Fellow  of  Magdalen  College,  Oxford,  and  was  one  of  the  few  who 
acquiesced  in  James's  action  in  1687.  (For  an  account  of  Harbin  see  p.  54.) 
It  may  be  inferred,  I  think,  that  .Lord  Weymouth  was  in  London,  at  his 
house  in  Leicester  Fields,  when  Ken  wrote,  so  that  Smith  might  call  on 
him  without  difficulty.  Smith  answers  the  letter  on  Feb.  25,  170.1.  He  is 
much  pleased  with  Harbin,  who  seems  to  him  to  have  a  profound  knowledge  of- 
Church  History,  especially  of  the  English  Reformation,  and  hopes  he  will  do 
something  to  correct  Burnet's  blunders  and  prejudices.  He  reports  that  Hooper 
has  been  elected  Prolocutor  to  the  Lower  House  of  Convocation.  "  A  little 
time  will  show  whether  a  license  will  be  given  them  to  enter  into  a  debate" 
about  Church  affairs.  "Probably  not.'"  And  if  they  should  sit,  they  will 
probably  "  quarrell  among  themselves."  Both  High  Churchmen  and  sticklers 
for  the  Crown's  authority  "  have  been  wholly  silent,  not  to  say  consenting, 
when  they  saw  several  righteous  Bishops  and  Priests  deprived  by  a  Lay 
power."  Ken,  as  we  shall  see,  had  more  hopes,  now  that  Hooper  was  taking  the 
lead  in  Church  affairs.] 

LETTER  XXXVIII. 

To  the  Dean  of  Worcester  (George  Hickes). 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 
"  My  good  Friend, 
1 '  I  wrote  to  you  not  long  ago,  to  recommend  to  your  serious  con- 
sideration, the  schism  which  has  so  long  continued  in  our  Church  ; 
and  which  I  have  often  lamented  to  my  Brother  of  Ely,  now  with 
God,  and  concerning  which,  I  have  many  years  had  ill  abodings. 
I  need  not  tell  you  what  pernicious  consequences  it  may  produce, 
and,  I  fear,  has  produced  already  ;  what  advantage  it  yields  to  our 
enemies,  what  irreligion  the  abandoning  of  the  public  assemblys 
may  cause  in  some,  and  what  vexation  it  creates  to  tender  con- 
sciences in  the  country,  where  they  live  banished  from  the  House 
of  God.  I  know  you  concur  with  me  in  hearty  desires  for  closing 
the  rupture ;    and  methinks   this  is  a  happy  juncture  for  it  :    the 


a.d.  1694—1702.]     CAN  THE  BREA  CH  BE  HEALED  ?        109 

Lower  House  of  Convocation  do  now  worthily  aifect  the  rights  of 
the  Clergy,  and  I  dare  say  will  gladly  embrace  a  reconciliation  ; 
the  question  is,  how  it  may  be  conscientiously  effected  ?  for  which 
purpose,  I  wish  you  would  consult  with  my  Brother  of  Norwich, 
Dr.  Smith,  Mr.  Wagstafe,  and  other  learned  sufferers,  who  are 
within  your  reach.  I  name  not  my  Brother  of  Gloucester,  partly 
because  of  his  remoteness,  and  partly  because  he  never  interrupted 
communion  with  the  jurors,  which  has  been  the  practice  also  of  our 
friends  at  Cambridge ;  but  I  cannot  forbear  to  name  the  excellent 
Mr.  Dodwell,  who  is  near  you,  and  will  be  ready  to  contribute  his 
advice  to  further  so  charitable  a  design.  If  you  think  fit  to  dis- 
course this  thing  among  yourselves,  when  it  is  done,  I  could  wish, 
that  by  the  intervention  of  some  friend,  a  meeting  might  be  con- 
trived, with  the  worthy  prolocutor,1  and  two  or  three  of  his 
brethren.  In  the  mean  time,  give  me  leave  to  suggest  my  present 
thoughts.  If  it  is  not  judged  advisable  for  my  Brother  of  Norwich 
and  myself,  to  resign  up  our  canonical  claims,  which  would  be  the 
shortest  way,  and  which  I  am  ready  to  ,do,  for  the  repose  of  the 
flock,  having  long  ago  maintained  it  to  justify  our  character ;  if,  I 
say,  this  is  not  thought  advisable,  then  that  a  circular  letter  would 
be  peiied,  and  dispersed,  which  should  modestly,  and  yet  resolutely, 
assert  the  cause  for  which  we  suffer,  and  declare  that  our  opinion  is 
still  the  same,  in  regard  to  passive  obedience,  and  specify  the 
reasons  which  induce  us  to  communicate  in  the  publick  offices,  the 
chiefest  of  which  is  to  restore  the  peace  of  the  Church,  which  is 
of  that  importance,  that  it  ought  to  supersede  all  ecclesiastical 
canons,  they  being  only  of  human,  and  not  divine,  authority.  A 
letter  to  this  purpose  would  make  our  presence  at  some  of  the 
prayers  rightly  understood  to  be  no  betraying  of  our  cause  ;  would 
guard  us  against  any  advantage  our  adversarys  may  take  from 
our  Christian  condescension ;  would  relieve  fundamental  charity, 
and  give  a  general  satisfaction  to  all  well-minded  persons.  I  offer 
this  with  submission,  and  out  of  a  sincere  zeal  for  the  good  of  the 
Church,  and  I  beseech  the  Divine  goodness  to  guide  both  sides 
into  the  way  of  peace,  that  we  may  with  one  mind,  and  one  mouth, 
glorify  God. 

"  Yr  most  affect,  friend  and  brother, 

"  T.  B.   &  W. 

"7  March,  170r." 

[Here  also  the  allusion  to  Turner's  death  helps  to  determine  the  date  of  the 
letter.  The  deprived  Dean  of  Worcester  is  George  Hickes  (for  an  account  of 
whom  see  i.,  p.  226).     We  note  that  Ken  does  not  recognise  his  deprivation,  but 

1  Hooper,  afterwards  Ken's  successor  at  Bath  and  Wells. 


110     KEN  TO   THE  DEATH  OF  WILLIAM  III.    [chap.  txcL. 

writes  to  him  u  still  Dean.  The  letter  referred  to  in  the  opening  sentence  has 
not  been  braced.  Apparently  it  had  pressed  the  risks  and  evils  of  perpetuating 
the  schism.  He  assumes  (wrongly,  as  it  turned  out)  that  Hickee  would  agree 
with  him.  Hooper's  election  as  Prolocutor  makes  him  hope  that  the  oppor- 
tunity has  at  last  conic  How  can  a  moeku  Vivendi  be  conscientiously  effected  ? 
Frampton  has  never  interrupted  communion  with  the  Jurors,  and  has  been 
followed  by  others  at  Cambridge  (probably  the  Non-jurors  of  St.  John's).  Ken 
hopes  that  Lloyd,  Smith  (to  whom  the  preceding  letter  was  addressed),  Wag- 
Btaffe  (non-juring  Bishop  of  Ipswich),  above  all,  Dodwell,  will  be  ready  with 
conciliatory  counsels.  After  consultation  among  themselves,  they  would  do  well 
to  communicate  with  Hooper,  and  two  or  three  leading  members  of  the  Lower 
House  of  Convocation.  The  thought  of  a  "cession"  on  his  own  part  and 
Lloyd's,  already  suggests  itself  to  him  as  desirable.  Anyhow  there  might  be  a 
circular  sanctioning  the  attendance  of  Non-jurors  at  the  services  of  the  Esta- 
blished Church.  Hickes,  if  he  answered  the  letter,  would  probably  throw  cold 
water  on  the  proposals,  nor  was  it  likely,  as  regards  the  cession,  to  find  favour 
with  Lloyd.  Dodwell,  as  we  shall  see,  came  round  to  Ken's  views  as  to  the 
attendance.     See  Letters  lxxi,  lxxxii — lxxxiv.] 

LETTER  XXXLX. 
To  the  Dean  of  Worcester  (George  Hickes). 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God." 

"My  good  Friend, 
"  I  am  still  of  the  opinion  that  Mr.  Cook's  aim  was  extravagant, 
and  was  likely  to  give  little  assistance  to  his  parents  and  brothers, 
and  I  said  enough  to  convince  him  of  it,  when  I  told  him  that  after 
his  son  had  served  his  time,  he  could  be  only  a  journeyman,  unless 
he  took  the  oath,  which  was  at  present  the  case  of  one  whom  I 
knew,  and  that  if  he  did  take  it,  he  could  have  no  seat  in  the  office, 
unless  he  could  advance  about  £500  to  purchase  it.  Your  concern 
for  the  good  lady  is  very  kind  and  just,  but  if  you  visit  her,  and  at 
the  same  time  show  an  aversion  to  her  husband,  it  will,  I  fear, 
rather  afflict  than  comfort  her.  The  complaisant  expressions  you 
censure  I  never  used,  and  am  confident  the  Coll :  will  not  say  I  did, 
so  that  I  look  on  the  imputation  as  one  of  those  causeless  suspicions, 
under  which  some  of  my  arbitrary  friends  are  pleased  to  lay  me. 
In  the  latter  part  of  your  letter  you  give  your  own  character,  on 
purpose,  I  perceive,  that  I  should  take  the  reverse  of  it  to  myself. 
And  in  some  respects  I  am  willing  to  do  it,  namely,  in  allowing  all 
degrees  of  excusability  to  those  who  are  of  a  different  persuasion, 
and  in  tho  business  of  clandestine  consecrations,  against  which  you 
know  I  always  declared  my  judgment;  I  foresaw  it  would  per- 
petuate llif  schism  which  I  daily  deplore:  and  I  thought  it 
insidiously  procured  by  Melford  for  that  purpose,  who  could  intend 


a.d.  1694—1702.]        AGREEING  TO  DIFFER.  Ill 

no  good  to  our  Church ;  but  I  was  forced  at  last  to  tollerate  what  I 
could  not  approve  of.  As  to  the  main,  I  may  probably  continue  as 
firm  as  they  who  keep  more  bustle  ;  though  I  told  you  long  ago  I 
could  shew  no  zeal  for  it,  and  then  gave  you  the  reason  which 
cooled  me,  and  which  I  sent  to  our  friends  abroad.  You  have  been 
more  than  once  severe  upon  me.  I  leave  you  at  your  liberty  to 
dissent  from  me,  and  if  you  will  not  indulge  me  the  like  liberty  to 
dissent  from  you,  I  must  take  it,  though  without  any  breach  of 
friendship  on  my  part.  God  keep  us  in  His  most  holy  fear, 
"  Your  most  affectionate  friend  and  Br, 

"THO:  B  &  W. 

"  Octr.  1,  1701." 

[Round  prints  the  letter  without  a  superscription.  Internal  evidence  shows 
that  it,  was  written  to  Hi  ekes.  Mr.  Cook  was  apparently  a  lay  non-juror  who 
had,  as  was  then  rommon,  bought  a  place  in  a  Government  office.  Hickes,  it 
would  seem,  had  spoken  harshly  of  Cook's  action,  and  was  about  to  condole  with 
his  wife  on  her  husband's  defection,  a  procedure  from  which  Ken  gently  dis- 
suades him.  The  "complaisant  expressions"  which  Ken  repudiates  were  pos- 
sibly connected  with  James  II.  's  action  and  proceedings  at  Magdalen.  It 
is  likely  that  he  had  been  accused  of  advising  a  surrender,  as  his  friend  Smith 
had  done.  Hickes,  in  his  answrer,  had  apparently  described  himself  as  firm  and 
'  thorough,'  while  Ken  was,  by  implication,  disposed  to  weaker  and  more  vacil- 
lating counsels.  That  charge  he  accepts.  He  had  never  disguised  his  dislike 
of  the  "clandestine  consecrations."  Melford  (Melfortj,  a  convert  to  Rome,  and 
one  of  James's  ministers  in  Scotland,  who  had  joined  him  at  St.  Germain's,  was 
not  likely  to  have  the  interests  ot  the  Church  of  England  very  much  at  heart. 
Ken,  at  all  events,  had  stated  his  objections  at  the  time,  both  at  home  and  to 
his  "friends  abroad,"  i.e.  the  non-jurors  at  James's  court,  when  the  names 
of  four  priests  had  been  sent  over  for  the  King  to  select  two  of  them.  A  long 
reply  from  Hickes  is  found  in  the  Rawlinson  MSS.  (Letter  68),  in  the  Bodleian 
Library.  He  complains  of  Ken's  conduct  at  "the  Bath,"  had  heard  that  he  had 
"  given  leave  to  people  of  our  Communion  to  go  to  Church  there,"  that  he  had 
"  chid  one  of  them  for  not  going,"  and  expostulated  with  Mr.  Stamp,  whom  he 
had  not  long  before  "received  as  a  penitent,"  for  "living  in  the  Schism,"  and 
had  said  that  he  would  "  resign  his  Bishopric."  Against  all  this  Hickes  argues 
at  great  length.     He  writes  on  November  10th,  1701.] 

LETTER  XL. 

"To  Mr.  Harbin.1 
"Good  Sir, 
1 '  I  staid  at  Sarum  longer  than  I  intended,  by  which  means  I 
received  your  letter,  which  gave  me  much  satisfaction  for  the 
present ;  but  since  that,  I  hear  that  the  abjuration  goes  on,  only  they 
have  changed  voluntary  into  compulsory.  I  am  troubled  to  see  the 
nation  likely  to  be  involved  in  new  universal  oaths,  but  hope  they 

1  Lord  Weymouth's  chaplain.     See  pp.  54,  107,  108. 


1 1 12     KEN  TO   THE  DEATH  OF  WILLIAM  III.    [chap.  xxii. 

will  be  imposed  on  none  but  those  who  were  employed,  or  promoted, 
in  church  and  state.  I  came  to  Winchester  yesterday,  where  I  stay 
one  post  more,  and  then  goe  either  to  Sr  R.  U.  (W.  ?)  or  L.  Newton, 
where  you  shall  hear  from  me.  Little  Matthew  is  very  well,  and  the 
schoolmaster,  at  whose  house  I  lodge,  tells  me  he  is  very  regular, 
and  minds  his  book.  My  best  respects  where  most  due.  I  beseech 
God  to  multiply  his  blessings  on  yourselfe  and  on  the  family  where 
you  are. 

1 '  Your  truly  affectionate  friend  and  brother, 

"T.  B.  &  W. 

"  Winton,  Jan.  22  (17(H)." 

[The  contents  fix  the  date  as  being  in  January,  170.V.  The  voluntary  associa- 
tion, for  the  defence  of  the  King  and  country,  of  those  who  abjured  the  Prince  of 
Waits,  which  had  been  started  in  1696  after  the  di>covery  of  the  Assassination 
Plot,  though  it  had  been  joined  by  the  municipal  corporations  all  over  Englaud,  by 
37,000  in  Westminster,  17,000  in  the  rural  parts  of  Surrey,  50,000  in  Lancashire, 
and  so  on  in  all  parts  of  England,1  was  not  thought  sufficient,  and  in  the  Session 
of  170^  the  Whigs  passed  a  Bill,  to  which  William  gave  the  royal  assent  in  the 
last  hours  of  his  life,  making  it  compidsory.  Ken  expresses  the  hope  that  it  would 
be  limited  in  its  operation  to  those  who  held  office  in  Church  and  State.  Appa- 
rently he  had  been  staying  with  Canon  Walton  at  Salisbury,  and  when  he 
wrote,  was  on  a  visit  to  Winchester,  with  Dr.  Cheyney,  his  former  Chaplain,  then 
Head  Master  of  the  College.  I  have  been  unable  to  identify  "  Sir  R.  TJ."  and 
"  L.  Newton."  A  writer  in  Notes  and  Queries,  1st  S.,  vii.  526,  suggests  Sir  Richard 
Worsley,  who  married  a  daughter  of  Lord  Weymouth,  and  thinks  that  u  L.  New- 
ton "  may  be  a  transcriber's  error  for  Lower  Norton  or  Naunton.  AVho  "little 
Matthew  "  was  remains  equally  obscure.  The  only  "  Matthew"  who  appears  in 
the  College  Register  for  some  years  before  1695,  and  some  years  after  1703,  is  a 
boy  named  Stent,  of  the  parish  of  St.  Andrew  (Holborn  ?),  in  the  county  of 
Middlesex.  Mr.  R.  C.  Browne  informs  me  that  a  careful  inspection  of  the 
original  letter  shows  the  true  reading  to  be  "  little  Master,"  but  this  does  not  help 
us  much  in  identifying  him.     Probably  he  was  some  relation  of  Harbin's.] 

LETTER  XI.I. 

To  Mr.  Harbin. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"My  good  Friend, 
1 1  This  morning  yours  came  to  my  hands  :  yc  Recipe  I  presume 
was  given  you  by  my  good  Lord,  who  had  it  from  Lord  Grodolphin, 
&  it  comes  seasonably,  for  I  have  been  in  much  paine  since  I  came 
hither.  Ye  Bill  of  attainder  against  a  Minor  I  doe  not  understand, 
as  for  yl  of  abjeuration,  I  am  more  concerned;  you  will  doe  me  a 
great  kindnosse,  to  sett  mo  at  ease  about  it,  &  to  lett  me  know  with 

1  Macaulay,  Ch.  xxv. 


l^sp  xnr*r-  ^s  y~$  ~^iJ^i>,  Y^h-^HM^ \  «-  ^f-  ->- 
'1°'  r       '  <=JB'.M> 


A.D.   1694—1702.]  OATH  OF  ABJURATION.  113 

what  penalty  it  will  be  enforcd  :  it  is  an  oath  I  shall  never  take  ;  I 
will  rather  leave  ye  Kingdome,  as  old,  &  as  infirme  as  I  am,  &  if  it 
is  likely  to  drive  me  to  y*  hardshippe,  I  would  gladly  have  as  much 
notice,  &  time  to  prepare  for  ye  Storme,  as  possibly  may  be  had. 
Pray  write  by  Tuesdays  post,  &  direct  to  W.  Jones,  at  Canon  Wal- 
ton's house  in  ye  Close  in  Sarum. 

' '  My  humble  service  to  ye  good  Lord,  &  Lady ;  God  Keepe  us  in 
his  Holy  feare. 

"Yours,  good  Sr,  very  affectionately, 

"T.  B&  W. 
"Jan.  lOt A  "  (1701). 

[The  date  of  the  letter  has  no  year,  hut  the  contents  indicate  the  January  of 
170^,  when  the  Bill  of  Attainder  against  the  Pretender  was  pressed  upon  Parlia- 
ment. To  give  his  royal  assent  to  that  Bill  was,  as  with  the  Abjuration  Act,  one 
of  William's  last  acts.  Ken  looked  with  indignation  at  the  idea  of  such  an  Act 
against  a  hoy  of  thirteen.  Had  it  accomplished  what  apparently  it  was  meant 
to  accomplish,  Europe  might  have  witnessed  the  execution  of  another  Conradin, 
and  the  house  of  Stuart  might  have  ended  like  the  house  of  HohenstaufTen.] 

One  more  letter  of  this  period  stands  apart  by  itself,  and 
may  be  fitly  inserted  here,  though,  perhaps,  of  earlier  date 
than  some  of  the  preceding,  as  preparing  the  way  for  our  esti- 
mate of  Ken's  conduct  after  William's  death. 


LETTER  XZU* 

1 '  For  the    worthy  Mr.  Dodwell,    at    Shottesbrook,  xear 
Maidenhead. 

"All  glory  be  to  God. 
"  Sir, 
"  I  return  you  many  thanks  for  your  very  kind  and  Christian 
letter  and  for  ye  enclosed  paper,  with  which  I  was  very  pleased, 
though  I  was  sensible  y*  it  will  favour  a  misrepresentation  made 
of  me  by  one  of  or  friends,  whom  I  can  easily  guesse,  and  wh  I 
perceive  was  suggested  to  you,  that  I  am  about  to  forsake  ye  com- 
munion of  my  Brethren,  to  whom  I  have  adhered  as  constantly  as 
Himself.  It  is  a  great  affliction  to  me  y*  you  lay  the  schisme 
so  much  to  heart.  It  is  a  thing  which  has  given  me  trouble  for 
many  years,  and  great  vexation  to  many  pious  men  scattered  abroad 
in  the  country,  and  wh  I  once  thought  would  prove  fatale  to  our 
cause.  The  shortest  way  I  could  think  on  to  extinguish  it  was  ye 
very  same  wh  I  find  you   yourselfe  propose,  namely  to  give  up 

1  The  letter  is  given  in  fac-simile  hy  the  kind  permission  of  the  Rev.  Canon 
Moor,  of  Truro,  to  whom  I  am  indehted  for  my  knowledge  of  it. 


IN     KEN  TO  THE  DEATH  OF  WILLIAM  III.    [chap.  xxn. 

my  canonical]  claim,  with  a  salvo  to  all  ye  divine  rights  of  y*  order. 
&  by  this  means  I  should  first  restore  peace  to  my  own  Dioc<  * 
and  I  shall  have  this  consolation  on  my  death  bed,  yl  if  I  did  it 
not,  it  was  more  my  Infelicity  y"  fault,  in  regard  that  my  Intruder 
betrays  so  little  of  a  true  pastor,  yl  I  can  look  for  no  canonicall 
Declaration  from  him,  and  I  cannot  in  conscience  give  up  my  Flock 
to  him.  1  often  mentioned  my  Sentiment  to  my  Brethren,  but 
found  not  their  approbation,  and  indeed,  when  I  well  considered  ye 
case,  I  saw  I  could  not  well  expect  it,  by  reason  of  ye  differem ■•• 
between  us,  for  I  had  ye  like  desire  with  your  selfe  to  put  an  end 
to  ye  schisme,  &  they  were  zealous  to  transmitt  it  to  succession. 
I  was  for  a  long  time  vehemently  solicited  to  lend  my  hand  to 
it,  but  I  always  remonstrated  against  it,  though  I  was  at  last 
faine  to  tolerate  what  I  could  not  prevent,  so  y*  ye  controversy,  wh 
you  truly  say,  and  I  often  inculcated,  was  to  end  with  ye  living,  is  to 
be  perpetuated,  &  'tis  my  dissent  in  this  instance  Wh  has  raised  a 
prejudice  against  me.  As  for  my  coming  to  Towne  I  have  told  my 
friends  y1  'tis  neither  consistent  with  my  Health,  my  Purse,  or 
Inclination,  and  why  is  not  ye  same  proposed  to  my  Br  of  Gl.,  on 
whom  ye  passion  of  some  friends,  misemployed  on  me,  would  be 
more  properly  spent  ?  My  best  respects  to  your  good  wife  and  to 
Mr.  Cherry.  I  beseech  God  to  multiply  His  blessings  on  yourself 
and  family. 

"  Good  Sir, 

"Your  most  affectionate  Friend, 

"THO.  B  &  W. 
"Nov.  10,  1701." 

[Dodwell,  it  would  seem,  had  heard  from  some  of  his  non-juring  friends  that 
Ken  was  ahout  to  leave  them,  and  return  to  the  Estahlished  Church.  The  thoughts 
which  were  afterwards  developed  in  the  Case  i>i  View,  which  he  published  in 
1705,  and  which  will  come  hefore  us  in  a  later  chapter,  were  already  working  in 
his  mind,  as  Ken's  mention  of  himin  Letter  xxxviii.  implies,  and  he  was  suggest- 
ing th<:  resignation  of  the  survivors  of  the  deprived  Bishops  as  the  readiest  way 
of  ending  the  schism,  the  continuance  of  which  was  to  him,  as  well  as  to  Ken 
the  occasion  of  a  constant  sorrow.  As  long  as  Kidder  lived.  Ken  had  little 
hope  that  he  would,  in  any  way,  he  party  to  an  arrangement  which  implied  thai 
his  predt  cesser  still  stood  in  any  pastoral  relation  to  his  Hock,  such  as  Ken  indi- 
cated in  his  "salvo  to  all  the  divine  rights  of  the  order."  It  would  appear  thai  he 
had  already  suggested  such  a  step  to  his  hrethren,  probably  Lloyd  and  Frampton. 
(  taone  thing,  however,  his  inind  was  fixed.  The  schism  was  to 4<  end  with  the  living, 

and  was  not  to  he  perpetuated."  lie,  for  his  part,  could  not  go  up  to  town,  to  say 
nothing  of  other  reasons,  to  confer  with  others  whose  feelings  were  so  different 
from  his  Own.  Dodwell  was  living,  it  may  he  noted,  at  Shotteshrook,  close  to 
Cherry's  house,  and  so  it  was  natural  to  send  a  greeting  to  the  family  of  the 
latter,  whom  Ken,  from  time  to  time,  visited.] 


115 


NOTE  TO  CHAPTER    XXII. 


Did   Ken   write    "The   Eoyal  Sufferer,"   alias    "The   Crown 

of  Glory"? 

In  1699  a  book  was  published  bearing  the  title  of  The  Royal 
Sufferer  :  A  Manual  of  Prayers  and  Devotions,  written  for  the  Use  of  a 
Royal  though  afflicted  Family.  By  T.  K.,  D.D.  No  publisher's  name 
is  given,  nor  place  of  publication.  Another  edition  with  the  same 
title-page  was  published  in  1701 .  In  1725  it  was  republished  with 
a  new  title,  The  Crown  of  Glory,  the  Reward  of  the  Righteous : 
Meditations  on  the  Vicissitudes  and  Uncertainty  of  all  Sublunary  Enjoy- 
ments. Composed  for  the  Use  of  a  Noble  Family.  By  the  Right  Reverend 
Thomas  Kenn,  late  Lord  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells.  Bettesworth,  at 
the  Red  Lyon,  Paternoster  Row.  It  has,  as  a  frontispiece,  the  same 
engraving  (Vertue's)  of  the  Bishop's  portrait  as  we  find  in  Haw- 
kins's edition  of  his  Sermons  and  Poems.  The  question  is,  Was  this 
book  genuine  or  spurious  ?  I  have  not  as  yet  succeeded  in  finding 
one  jot  or  tittle  of  external  evidence. 

(1)  Looking  to  the  probabilities  of  the  case,  there  is  (i.)  the  ques- 
tion whether  it  was  likely  that  The  Royal  Sufferer,  if  spurious,  should 
have  been  twice  published  in  Ken's  lifetime,  with  initials  which 
must  have  suggested  his  name  to  everybody,  without  a  disclaimer  on 
his  part ;  and  (ii.)  whether  it  is  likely  that  it  should  have  been  pub- 
lished under  another  title  in  1725,  while  William  Hawkins,  the 
Bishop's  great-nephew,  who  had  repudiated  the  Expostulatoria  in 
1711,  and  had  published  the  Bishop's  Poems  in  1721,  was  living, 
and  might,  any  day,  have  repudiated  this  also.  I  find  no  trace  of 
such  action  in  either  case. 

(2)  We  may  ask  whether  the  contents  of  the  volume  are  such  as 
Ken  might  have  written.  It  will  be  seen,  I  think,  that  here,  if  the 
book  be  spurious,  the  imposture  extends  beyond  the  title-page.  The 
writer,  if  he  is  not  Ken,  skilfully  assumes  his  character,  and  writes 
of  men  and  things  as  it  might  be  supposed  that  he  would  have 
written.  I  give,  with  some  compression,  a  few  of  the  passages 
which  have  this  stamp  on  them. 

There  is  first  the  dedication  "  To  *****  "  (James).  The  Author 
writes  with  ' '  no  other  design,  but  the  supporting  you  under  those 
calamities  which  you  have  borne  with  so  much  magnanimity  and 

patience I  cannot  conceive  (whatever  some  may  think)  that 

your  being  of  another  persuasion  than  myself  can  discharge  me 


116  NOTE  TO  CHAPTER  XXII.  [chat.  xxii. 

from  this  duty And  I  hope  you  will  not  the  less  regard  what 

1  have  written  In  cause  I  profess  myself  an  unworthy  Son  of  the 
Church  of  England  ....  I  believe  that  the  next  (i.e.  nearest)  way 
to  Heaven  is  not  Controversy  but  Conscience."  He  protests  against 
the  anathemas  which  I  he  Church  of  Rome  thundered  against  Protes- 
tants. "  If  I  am  regenerated  by  Baptism,  believing  the  Scriptures, 
can  it,  with  any  colour  of  reason,  be  supposed  that  I  shall  suffer 
damnation  for  not  believing  traditions?  ....  As  to  images,  invo- 
cation of  Saints  and  Angels,  communion  in  both  kinds  ....  I 
believe  the  Protestant  religion  to  be  the  most  safe  way."  The 
dedication  ends  with  the  hope  that,  when  the  time  is  come,  "God 
will  translate  you  to  a  crown  of  immarcescible  glory."  It  is 
signed  T.  K.  in  the  edition  of  1699,  "  Tho.  Kenn  " ]  in  the  Crown  of 
Glory  of  1725. 

The  work  itself  opens  with  reflections  on  the  changes  and  chances 
of  human  life,  illustrated  by  a  curious  gallery  of  examples  of  poor 
men  who  have  risen,  Peter  Comestor,  Gratian,  Peter  Lombard, 
Agathocles,  Abdalonymus,  Iphicrates,  Marius,  Cosmus  de  Medicis, 
John  Hunniades,  and  Henry  III.,  of  Portugal ;  and  great  ones 
who  have  fallen,  Agag,  Jezebel,  Nebuchadnezzar,  Bajazet,  Vale- 
rian, Frederick  III.,  Mauritius,  Priam,  Palseologus,  Edward  II., 
Richard  II.,  and  Charles  I.  This  is  followed  by  reflections  which 
must  have  reminded  James  of  his  favourite  Nieremberg,  On  the 
Difference  between  Things  Temporal  and  Eternal  (see  i.  263). 

Later  on,  the  writer  gives  his  view  of  the  events  through  which 
he  has  himself  passed.  He  sees  in  the  calamities  of  the  time 
a  judgment  on  national  sins,  such  as  the  prevalence  of  "cursing 
and  swearing  and  whoredom,"  especially  among  the  Royalist  party, 
and  the  "  cruelty  and  bloodshed  "  of  which  the  land  had  been  full, 
"especially"  (he  obviously  refers  to  the  Bloody  Assize)  "in  the 
West,  which  had  been  ....  turned  into  a  slaughter  house."  He 
condemns  the  "  establishment  of  a  new  Court"  (that  of  Ecclesias- 
tical Commission),  and  "  the  Declaration  for  liberty  of  conscience, 
though  it  might,  indeed,  shew  the  King's  lenity  to  Dissenters,  was 
certainly  a  false  step  in  the  advisers,  and  still  more  the  requiring  it 

td  be  read  by  order  of  the  Bishops I  am  very  persuaded  of 

the  King's  sincerity,  but  not  so  of  others.     There  were  servants  of 

1  The  spelling  of  the  name  might,  at  first,  seem  against  the  genuineness,  hut,  as 
I  have  said,  the  two  tm'B  are  found  in  all  the  Bishop's  Registers  at  Wells,  and  they 
can  scarcely  be  relegated  to  the  character  of  apocryphal  documents.  What  seems 
prohahlo  is  that,  as  the  Dame  was  first  given  alter  Ken's  death,  instead  of  the 
previous  initials,  T.  K.,  it  reproduced  not  his  own  signature,  hut  one  of  the  most 
common  variants. 


a.d.  1699.]    BIB  KEN  WRITE  "ROYAL  SUFFERER"  ?      117 

his   who   delighted   in   blood I  was   grieved   to    see  that 

effusion  of  Christian  blood,  and  would  have  prevented  it,  had  I 
had  the  power,  and,  as  I  had  the  opportunity,  I  shewed  mercy,  and 
where  I  could  not,  I  have  not  been  slow  to  pray  that  the  guilt  of 
that  blood  might  not  fall  on  him,  nor  on  his  royal  issue,  for  even 
then  my  foreboding  soul  had  great  apprehensions  that  it  would 
call  aloud  for  vengeance."  In  the  violent  proceedings  against  the 
President  and  Fellows  of  Magdalen  College  he  sees  a  ' '  great  piece 
of  injustice."  In  speaking  of  the  imprisonment  of  the  Seven 
Bishops,  he  is  careful  to  add,  "  not  that  the  Bishops  were  against 
indulgence  to  the  Dissenters  when  it  should  be  proposed  in  Parlia- 
ment "  (pp.  59 — 76).  As  for  his  own  part  in  those  transactions — 
"  What  I  acted  at  that  time  was  out  of  duty  to  God  and  the  King," 
and  it  is  not  "  to  be  charged  with  consequences,"  which  no  man 
could  then  foresee.  "If  I  was  at  all  mistaken,  or  acted  beyond 
what  I  ought  to  have  done,  I  humbly  beg  pardon  both  of  God  and 
the  King." 

It  will  be  admitted,  I  think,  that  in  all  this,  if  the  book  be 
spurious,  the  writer  shows  an  insight  into  Ken's  character  and 
feelings,  which  can  hardly  be  explained  by  anything  short  of 
thought-reading.  I  ask  myself  what  motive  could  any  forger  have 
had  to  publish  a  work  which  harmonized  so  entirely  with  what  Ken 
thought  and  felt,  and  which  fell  in  so  little  with  the  passions  and 
prejudices  of  parties  on  either  side,  and  the  solution  of  the  problem 
which  I  offer  as,  at  least,  probable,  is  that  Ken,  while  he  found  him- 
self precluded,  by  the  line  he  had  taken,  from  all  political  com- 
munications with  the  Court  of  St  Germain's,  was  unwilling  that 
James,  for  whom  he  felt  both  a  personal  affection  and  a  spiritual 
interest,  should  think  that  he  had  forgotten  him.  He  heard  of  the 
devout,  we  may  add,  if  we  will,  the  superstitious,  asceticism  of 
James's  later  years,  and  he  sought  to  guide  him  into  a  truer  way  of 
penitence  than  that  of  the  discipline  of  the  scourge.  He  would  not 
speak  smooth  things  and  prophesy  deceits,  as  Tenison,  in  his  judg- 
ment, had  done  to  Mary,  but  when  he  had  placed  before  him  the 
errors  of  his  past  life,  would  supply  him  with  the  Confessions,  the 
Professions  of  Faith,  the  Meditations  and  Prayers,  which  make  up 
the  rest  of  the  small  volume,  and  which  were  suitable  for  his 
spiritual  wants.  For  this  purpose  he  printed  the  book,  mainly  for 
private  circulation,  and,  though  he  did  not  expect  a  large  demand 
for  it,  allowed  it  to  be  sold,  that  others  might  see  that,  though  he 
held  aloof  from  their  rash  and  perilous  projects,  he  was  not  a  less 
loyal  and  faithful  subject  to  the  exiled  King  than  they  were, 
The  beauty  of  the  devotional  element  of  the  book  told,  as  might  be 

VOL.  II.  I 


118  NOTE  TO  CHAPTER  XXII.  [chap.  xxn. 

expected,  on  the  Non- jurors  whose  minds  were  attuned  to  Ken's 
higher  mood,  and  so  there  was  within  two  years  a  demand  for  an- 
other edition.  After  Ken's  death,  probably  as  a  consequence  of 
the  publication  of  his  poems,  there  was  a  yet  further  demand,  and 
then,  as  James's  death  had  made  the  former  title  of  The  Royal 
Sufferer  obsolete,  it  was  reproduced,  with  one  of  more  general  cha- 
racter, as  The  Grown  of  Glory. 

That  is  my  hypothesis.  I  leave  it  to  those  who  think  the  book 
apocryphal  to  suggest  another  equally  fitting  in  with  the  pheno- 
mena of  the  case,  and  equally  probable  in  itself.  If  I  am  right, 
then  I  think  that  Ken  may  claim  some  share,  as  well  as  De  Ranee, 
whom  James  often  visited  at  La  Trappe1  (I  will  add  William  Penu 
also,  whose  wife  paid  an  annual  visit  to  St.  Germain's  and  doubtless 
brought  letters  of  comfort  and  counsel),  both  in  the  general  peni- 
tence and  devout  submission  which  led  Mary  Beatrice  almost  to  ex- 
pect her  husband's  canonisation,  and  in  the  special  counsels  which  the 
dying  King  gave  to  the  Prince,  whom  he  was  leaving,  at  the  age  of 
thirteen,  to  the  chances  of  an  uncertain  and  clouded  future  : 

* '  I  am  now  leaving  this  world,  which  has  been  to  me  a  sea  of 
storms  and  tempests,  it  being  God  Almighty's  will  to  wean  me  from 
it  by  many  great  afflictions.  Serve  him  with  all  your  power,  and 
never  put  the  Crown  of  England  in  competition  with  your  eternal 
salvation.  There  is  no  slavery  like  sin,  nor  liberty  like  His  ser- 
vice. If  His  holy  Providence  shall  think  fit  to  seat  you  on  the 
throne  of  your  royal  ancestors,  govern  your  people  with  justice 
and  clemency.  Remember,  kings  are  not  made  for  themselves,  but 
for  the  good  of  the  people.  Set  before  their  eyes,  in  your  own 
actions,  a  pattern  of  all  manner  of  virtue.  Consider  them  as  your 
children.  You  are  the  child  of  vows  and  prayers,  behave  yourself 
accordingly.  Honour  your  mother  that  your  days  may  be  long  ; 
and  be  always  a  kind  brother  to  your  dear  sister,  that  you  may 
reap  the  blessings  of  concord  and  unity." — Somers*  Tracts,  xi.? 
p.  342 ;  in  Strickland,  ix.,  p.  345—398. 

1  An  interesting  account  of  one  of  these  visits  is  given  in  Marsollier's  Life  of  the 
Abbot  Ranee,  quoted  from  Twining's  Selections  from  Papers  of  the  Twining  Family, 
1S87,  pp.  48 — 55.  The  Abbe  addressed  the  King,  "Sire!  Dieu  nous  visite 
aujouraV hui  en  la  personne  de  votre  Majesle."  The  King  attended  all  the  services, 
rising  at  2  a.m.,  and  practised  all  the  austerities  of  the  monastery.  It  was 
clearly  the  established  belief  that  he  was  too  saintly  to  be  the  wearer  of  an 
earthly  crown.     [C.  J.  P.] 


CHAPTER  XXIII. 

,  KEN  AND  THE  NON-JURORS  UNDER  ANNE,  A.D.  1702 1705. 

"  This  be  my  comfort,  in  these  days  of  grief, 
Which  is  not  Christ's,  nor  forms  heroic  tale, 
Apart  from  Him  if  not  a  sparrow  fail, 
May  not  He  pitying1  view  and  send  relief, 
When  foes  or  friends  perplex,  and  peevish  thoughts  prevail  ?  " 

/.  H.  Newman. 

It  might  have  seemed  as  if  the  death  of  William  and  Anne's 
succession  would  have  been  followed,  for  Ken  at  least,  by  a 
time  of  tranquillity  and  peace.  Her  general  sympathies  with 
the  High  Church  party  were  sufficiently  conspicuous.  His 
friend  Hooper  was  rising  into  royal  favour.  In  an  undated 
letter  (i.  p.  271), 1  but  written  after  Turner  was  Bishop  of  Ely,  she 
had  asked  him  to  have  places  reserved  for  her  and  one  attendant 
at  the  Chapel  of  Ely  House,  because  she  wished  to  hear 
"  Ken  expound. "  She  had  heard  his  memorable  sermons  at 
Whitehall,  that  against  the  claims  of  Rome,  on  March  10,  1687, 
and  again  on  April  1,  1688,  the  Babylon  and  Edom  sermon. 
His  friend  and  patron  Lord  Weymouth  took  office  under  her, 
and  made  a  suggestion,  which  the  Queen  approved,  that 
Kidder  should  be  transferred  to  Carlisle,  vacant  by  the  death 
of  Thomas  Smith  (1702),  and  that  Ken  should  return  to  Bath 
and  Wells,  with  a  prospect  of  the  primacy,  should  there  be  a 
vacancy.2  He  declined  the  offer,  partly  as  objecting  to  the  oath 
of  abjuration,  partly  as  feeling  too  old  and  infirm  to  resume 
his  episcopal  duties. 

The  period  on  which  we  now  enter  proved,  as  a  matter  of 

1  Printed  in  the  Gentleman'' s  Magazine  for  March,  1814,  and  communicated  by 
Richard  Fowke,  of  Elmesthorpe,  as  then  in  his  possession. 

2  Waylen,  History  of  Devizes,  p.  330.     Lansdown  MSS.,  v.  987,  in  Anderdon, 
p.  700. 

i  2 


120     KEN  AND  NON-JURORS  UNDER  ANNE.    [chap.  xxiii. 

fact,  quite  the  opposite  of  all  this.  It  was,  perhaps,  the  most 
troubled  time  of  Ken's  whole  life,  in  which  he  felt  more  than 
ever  that  he  had  fallen  on  evil  tongues  and  evil  days.  He  had 
chosen  the  "  golden  mean "  and,  therefore,  as  in  Spenser's 
Allegory,1  the  "  two  extremities  "  combined  to  banish  him. 
He  had  taken  a  parte  per  se  stesso,  which  cut  him  off  from 
the  rash  enterprises  and  violent  counsels  of  his  old  companions, 
and  he  had  to  pay  the  penalty  of  his  self-chosen  isolation. 

Ken,  as  we  have  seen,  had  separated  himself  from  his  brother 
Non-jurors,  after  what  seemed  to  him  the  ill-advised  step  of  the 
consecration  of  Hickes  and  Wagstaff  as  suffragans.  He  had 
held  aloof  from  all  plots,  and  even  from  all  direct  personal 
communications,  unless  the  Royal  Sufferer  be  an  exception, 
with  the  Court  of  St.  Germain's.  He,  Lloyd,  and  Framp- 
ton  were  now  the  only  survivors  of  the  original  Non-juring 
Bishops.  Frampton  was  looked  on  as  too  old,  and  too  persis- 
tent in  his  resolve  to  lead  a  quiet  and  peaceable  life,  to  be  in- 
vited to  any  deliberations  in  the  new  crisis  caused  by  William's 
death,  but  Lloyd2  felt  that  he  could  not  well  act  alone  with- 
out consulting  Ken,  and  accordingly  opened  communications 
with  him  in  a  letter  dated  March  16,  1702,  within  eight  days  of 
the  King's  decease.  In  it  he  expresses  his  regret  that  Ken  has 
"withdrawn  correspondence  with  me  for  some  years  passed, 
and  also  the  brotherly  affection  which  you  vouchsafed  me 
heretofore/'  but  in  view  of  "  the  late  emergency,"  i.e.  the  King's 
death,  he  begs  him,  in  his  own  name  and  that  "  of  such  of  our 
brethren  as  I  have  seen  and  conferred  with,"  to  "  come  up  to 
our  comfort  and  assistance." 

To  this  letter  Ken  returned  the  following  answer  : — 

LETTER  XLIII. 

To  Mrs.  Hannah  Lloyd. 

"  Your's  of  Mar :  16th,  came  not  to  my  hands  till  ye  26th,  after  the 
post  was  gone,  so  that  I  was  forced  to  deferre  my  answer,  till  this 
next  post  day.     I  have  discoursed  with  the  person  you   mention, 

1  Faerie  Quecne,  ii.  c.  2. 

2  Lloyd  was  believed  to  bo  one  of  the  thoroughgoing  Jacobites  who  wero 
willing  to  have  invited  James  to  resume  the  throne  without  any  conditions,  and 
wen  llu  n  fore  known  as Non-compounders.  (Burnet,  0.  T.}  Book  v.,  1G96.)  On 
this  point  Ken  had  never  agreed  with  him. 


a.d.  1702—1705.]    CORRESPOKDEXCE  WITH  LLOYD.       121 

and  he  replied  to  this  purpose.  He  said  that  he  remembers  not 
that  he  withdrew  correspondence  from  you  designedly,  and  that  you 
as  much  withdrew  your's  from  him ;  or  rather  it  was  dropp'd 
between  you  both,  because  there  was  nothing  to  maintaine  it  worth 
the  postage.  As  for  brotherly  affection,  he  denys  that  it  was  ever 
withdrawn  on  his  part.  He  ownes  that  he  in  some  things  always 
dissented  from  his  friend,  but  without  breach  of  friendship.  He 
says  he  cannot  imagine  that  his  counsel  and  assistance  can  be 
worth  a  London  journey,  which  is  consistent  neither  with  his  purse, 
nor  convenience,  nor  health,  nor  inclination.  As  to  the  present 
emergency,  it  may,  he  believes,  give  a  fair  occasion  to  many  to 
alter  their  conduct ;  but  it  does  not  at  all  influence  him.  He  has 
quite  given  over  all  thoughts  of  re-entering  the  world,  and  nothing 
shall  tempt  him  to  any  oath,  onely  he  heartily  wishes  that  by  those 
who  know  the  towne,  some  expedient  might  be  found  out,  to  put  a 
period  to  the  schism  which  is  so  very  vexatious  to  persons  of  tender 
consciences,  who  live  scattered  in  the  country.  In  any  thing  of  that 
nature,  he  would  gladly  concur :  he  thinks  it  had  been  happy  for 
the  Church,  had  Mr.  Kettlewell's  state  of  the  case  been  embraced. 
In  the  mean  time,  he  never  uses  any  characterisetick  in  the 
prayers,  himself,  nor  is  present  where  any  is  read,  and  he  has  en- 
deavoured to  act  uniformely  to  the  moderate  sentiments  which  he 
cannot  exceed.  He  sends  his  hearty  respects  to  yourself,  and 
family,  and  to  all  his,  and  your  friends. 

"  Your  very  affectte  friend  &  brother, 

"T.  B.  &  W. 

"March  29"  (1702). 

[The  "  person  you  spoke  of"  is,  of  course,  Ken  himself,  the  periphrasis  being, 
perhaps,  adopted  as  a  precaution  against  Post-office  inspection,  or  as  better  suited 
for  the  slightly  ironical  tone  of  the  letter.  Lloyd's  somewhat  offended  and 
condescending  tone  is  naturally  met  by  a  slight  resentment  (I  use  the  word 
in  its  older  and  stricter  sense)  of  wounded  feeling  on  Ken's.  What  had  he  done 
that  he  should  be  thus  accused  of  unfrierjdliness  ?  Why  should  he  spend  his  money 
and  risk  his  health  where  he  sees  no  hope  of  any  good  result  ?  He  ' '  keeps  his 
old  course  in  a  country  new;"  has  said  "good-bye"  to  the  world,  will  not  be 
tempted  "to  take  any  oath."  He  has,  of  course,  the  abjuration  oath  in  his  thoughts, 
but  the  generalising  character  of  his  language  half  suggests  the  thought  that 
he  was  coming  round  to  William  Penn's  view,  and  saw  that  all  oaths  of  this 
nature  were  a  snare  to  men's  consciences.  One  thing  only  he  desires,  and  that 
is  to  end  the  schism,  as  Kettlewell  would  have  ended  it,  by  a  declaration  allow- 
ing Non-jurors  generally  to  communicate  in  the  Established  Church.  He  himself, 
in  this  following  Frampton,  never  uses  "any  characteristicks "  in  the  prayers, 
i.e.  had  never  named  either  James  or  William,  and  being  a  "  public  person," 
as  he  says  elsewhere  (pp.  127,  194),  had  abstained  from  being  present  when  such 
prayers  were  used.] 


l  22      KEN  AND  NON-JURORS  UXDER  ANNE.    [chap.  xxm. 

Lloyd's  reply  is  lost,  but  it  was  obviously  more  friendly  than 
the  first  letter.  We  are  left  to  infer  its  contents  from  Ken's 
answer  to  it. 

LETTER  XLIV. 

To  Mrs.  Hannah  Lloyd. 

"  I  received  your's,  my  good  friend,  and  am  glad  it  gave  you  any 
satisfaction,  which  I  wrote  to  you.  A  friend  of  late  has  been  much 
dissatisfied  with  me,  because  I  will  not  give  up  myself  to  his  keep- 
ing, which  I  have  no  reason  to  do,  and  he  probably  may  raise 
jealousy  of  me.  When  I  told  you  that  a  London  journey  was  not 
agreeable  to  my  purse,  it  was  no  pretence,  but  a  real  truth.  I  am 
not  able  to  support  the  expense  of  it,  which  all  that  know  my  con- 
dition will  easily  believe.  I  thank  God,  I  have  enough  to  bring 
the  yeare  about  while  I  remain  in  the  country,  and  that  is  as  much 
as  I  desire.  I  have  been  often  offered  money  for  myself,  but 
always  refused  it,  and  never  take  any  but  for  to  distribute,  and  in 
the  country  I  have  nothing  now  for  that  good  use  put  into  my 
hands.  As  for  the  schism,  I  believe  I  can  propose  a  way  to  end  it, 
but  it  is  not  practicable  till  the  Convocation  meets,  and  then  if  the 
face  of  affairs  alter  not,  I  make  no  question  but  Erastianisme  will 
be  condemned,  which  by  some  of  us  has  been  proposed  as  a  means 
of  reunion.  My  respects  to  your  fire-side.  God  keep  us  in  His 
Holy  feare. 

"  Your's  very  affectionately. 

"T.  B.  &  W. 

liSarum,Ap:  7  (1702). 

"  To-morrow  I  return,  God  willing,  to  Hampshire,  for  a  short 
time." 

[The  "dissatisfied  friend "  (probably  Hickes,  p.  1 1 1)  bad  apparently  treated  Ken's 
plea  of  poverty  as  an  excuse ;  but  his  £80  per  annum  was  really  not  enough  to 
allow  of  spending  money  in  an  expedition  to  London,  and  his  rule  was  (probably 
even  after  Fitzwilliam's  legacy)  to  treat  all  that  came  into  his  hands  beyond  that 
as  held  in  trust  for  those  poorer  than  himself.  The  hopes  with  which  the  Letter 
ends  clearly  point  to  Hooper  as  the  Prolocutor  and  hading  mind  of  the  Lower 
House  of  Convocation.  A  declaration  on  the  part  of  that  body  condemning 
Erastianism  might,  he  thinks,  open  the  way  to  re-union.  The  journey  to  Hamp- 
shire probably  implies  a  visit  to  Canon  Hawkins  or  Dr.  Cheyney  at  Winchester. 
The  hint  that  he  sees  his  way  to  4<  end  the  schism  "  is  noteworthy.     See  p.  109.] 

This  letter  would  seem  not  to  have  been  answered,  and  so 
Ken  writes  again  simply  to  report  his  movements. 


a.d.  1702-1705.]   CORRESPONDENCE  WITH LLOYB.        123 

LETTER  XLV. 
11  For  Mrs.  Hannah  Lloyd. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

4 '  My  very  good  Lord, 
' '  This  is  only  to  let  you  know  that  I  go  towards  Polshot,  God 
willing,  to-morrow,  and  thither,  if  there  is  any  occasion  for  it,  your 
Lordshippe  may  direct  to  me.  I  have  been  more  free  from  my  dis- 
temper, I  thank  God,  during  my  stay  in  this  clear  air  than  I  have 
been  for  many  years,  and  I  would  gladly  seat  myself  in  the  down 
country,  but  that  I  must  abide  not  where  I  would,  but  where  I  can ; 
a  moist,  thick  &  muddy  air  does  by  no  means  agree  with  me, 
though  to  such  a  one  I  am  now  retiring.  My  best  respects  to  Mrs. 
Lloyd,  and  to  your  family.     God  keep  us  in  His  holy  fear. 

11  My  good  Lord, 
"  Your  Lordship's  very  affect.  frd:  and  Br. 

"THOS.  B.  &  W. 
"Apr.  26th  "  (1702). 

[The  living  of  Polshot,  in  Wiltshire,  was  held  hy  Izaak  Walton,  jun.,  in 
conjunction  with  his  canonry  at  Winchester.  One  notes  the  gradual  increase  of 
disease  and  suffering  from  which  the  bracing  air  of  the  Downs  gave  him  a  tem- 
porary relief,  and  the  plaintiveness  of  the  remark,  not  perhaps  without  its  bearing 
on  the  report  which  had  spread  that  his  means  would  allow  him  to  travel  freely 
to  London  and  elsewhere,  that  he  must  he  content  to  abide,  "  not  where  £  would, 
but  where  I  can."  This  seems  a  fitting  place  to  give  once  for  all  a  medical 
diagnosis  as  to  the  nature  of  Ken's  sufferings,  for  which  I  am  indebted  to  Dr.  R. 
Purnell,  of  Wells,  to  whom  I  submitted  all  the  passages  in  Ken's  letters  and 
poems  that  bear  upon  the  question.  "  I  consider  it  highly  probable  that  Bishop 
Ken  was  the  subject  of  what  is  commonly  spoken  of  as  lithiasis,  a  condition  in 
which  lithic  acid  is  present  in  the  system  in  excess,  giving  rise  to  a  long  train  of 
morbid  symptoms,  including  those  you  enumerate.  The  rheumatic  pains  would 
probably  be  first  in  order  of  occurrence,  and  doubtless  were  the  cause  of  his 
being  sent  either  to  Bath  or  the  Clifton  Hot  Wells  for  the  water-cure ;  whilst 
the  colic,  it  is  more  than  likely,  was  of  the  nephritic  variety,  resulting  from  the  for- 
mation of  a  small  calculus  as  the  disease  progressed.  The  presence  of  hematuria 
as  a  later  symptom  strengthens  the  diagnosis,  as  it  is  of  frequent  occurrence  in 

these  cases Opium  would  have  been  the  only  drug  available  to  relieve 

his  severe  sufferings."  And  opium  was  the  one  drug  which  Ken,  looking  on  it 
as  an  attempt  to  evade  the  discipline  of  appointed  suffering,  was  unwilling  to 
take.  As  he  wrote — there  seems  to  me  something  infinitely  touching  in  the 
words — 

"  Verse  is  the  only  laudanum  for  my  pains." 

When  the  pains  of  anguish  were  scarcely  endurable  he  would  get  up  and  write 
hymns.    (See  p.  199.)   In  these  he  found,  as  Hammond  had  done,  who  uses  nearly 


/ 


124      KEN  AND  NON-JURORS  UNDER  ANNE.    [chap,  xxrir. 

the  same  words,  his  true  u  anodynes."     (Fell's  Life,  pp.  228—231.)     Hammond's 
illness  seems  to  have  been  of  the  same  typ  ,  in  both  eases  the  effect  of 

over-study,  under-feeding,  and  many  vigils.] 

The  next  letter  seems  to  have  been  written  spontaneously, 
the  opportunity  of  conveyance  by  a  private  hand  having  pre- 
sented itself.  This  accounts  for  its  being  addressed,  not  like 
the  others  to  Mrs.  Hannah  Lloyd,  but  to  the  Bishop  as  such. 


LETTER  XLVI. 
For  the  Bishop  of  Norwich. 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"My  very  good  Lord, 
1 '  Mr.  Jones  intending  to  wait  on  you,  lest  the  correspondence 
should  quite  expire,  I  took  this  opportunity  of  giving  you  a  line  or 
two.  I  find  that  I  am  misinterpreted  by  some  of  the  brethren,  and 
am  charged  with  giving  advices  concerning  communion,  contrary  to 
our  Mother,  whereas  the  only  advice  I  have  given  was  to  recommend 
the  two  last  prayers  {sic,  in  Bound)  of  good  Mr.  Kettle  well's  book 
to  people's  reading.  I  was  always  of  his  opinion,  and  wished  that 
our  brethren  had  not  stated  the  question  on  higher  terms,  and  I 
approved  of  the  book  in  manuscript.  I  easily  guess  from  whom 
the  prejudices  conceived  against  me  rise,  and  I  had  rather  be  loaded 
with  treble  the  number,  than  put  myself  under  his  discipline.  My 
best  respects  to  your  good  wife  and  to  your  daughter.  I  shall  spend 
this  summer,  God  willing,  most  at  Longleat,  though  I  am  now  very 
uneasy  there ;  not  but  that  my  Lord  is  extremely  kind  to  me,  but 
because  I  cannot  go  to  prayers  there,  by  reason  of  the  late  altera- 
tions, which  is  no  small  affliction  to  me.  God  keepe  us  in  his  holy 
fear,  and  make  us  wise  for  eternity. 

"My  good  Lord, 
"  Your  Lordship's  most  affect:  friend  and  B1, 

THOS.  B.  &  W. 

"June  30"  (1702). 

[Mr.  Jones  is  probably  the  person  of  that  name  under  cover  to  whom,  as  in 
Letter  xli.,  Ken's  correspondents  were  to  address  to  him  at  Salisbury.  The 
misinterpretation  of  which  he  complains  was,  I  conceive,  the  report  thai  he  had 
encouraged  his  brother  Non-jurors  to  communicate  with  the  established  clergy, 
anywhere,  and  under  any  conditions.  He  wishes  to  defend  his  position  by  say- 
ing that  he  agrees  with  the  last  section  of  KettlcweH's  book  (we  should,  I 
believe,  read  "pages,"  or  probably"  chapters,"|as  in  Letter  ri.viii.,not  "prayers," 
M  printed  by  Round),  which  permitted  it  as  a  preferable  alternative  to  the  entire 


a.d.  1702—1705.]   CORRESPONDENCE  JTLTIL LLOYD.        125 

abandonment  of  Church  ordinances.  KettlewelTs  book  is  his  Treatise  on  Chris- 
tian Communion.  Pt.  III.,  chaps,  vii.  and  viii.  The  author  of  the  report  in  ques- 
tion was  probably  Hickes,  between  whom  and  Ken  there  seems  to  have  been,  at 
this  time,  a  sense  of  mutual  repulsion.     He  is  inclined  to  say, 

Non  tali  auxilio,  nee  defensor ibus  istis. 

I  do  not  feel  sure  what  he  refers  to  as  the  "  late  alterations"  at  Longleat. 
Probably  Lord  Weymouth,  who  may  have  acquiesced  before  "William's  death  in 
the  omission  of  the  King's  name  in  the  services  in  his  private  chapel,  may  have 
directed  Anne's  name  to  be  inserted,  and  so  the  prayers  contained  what  were 
known  as  "characteristics."  Ken  felt  that  while  others,  who  thought  as  he  did 
as  to  the  Eevolution,  might  rightly  attend  such  prayers  and  indicate  their  non- 
participation  by  some  outward  act,  he,  as  a  "public  person,"  could  not  (pp.  121, 
194).] 

To  this  Lloyd  clearly  wrote  an  answer  expressing  general 
agreement,  and  Ken  replied  accordingly. 


LETTER  XLVII. 
For  Mrs.  Haxxah  Lloyd. 

1 '  My  good  Lord  axd  Br, 
"  I  made  no  sooner  a  return  to  your  last,  because  you  gave  me 
hopes  of  hearing  from  you  again,  and  more  at  large.  It  is  a  great 
satisfaction  to  me,  that  without  consulting  one  another,  we  were 
both  of  the  same  mind.  I  confess  I  never  was  for  extremities. 
which  I  soon  thought  would  prove  of  fatal  consequences,  but  I  find 
that  others,  who  always  were,  and  still  are,  for  them,  think  but 
hardly  of  me,  and  probably  they  may  think  as  hardly  of  your  Lord- 
ship. As  for  Mr.  Jones,  I  think  him  an  honest  man,  but  since  I 
conversed  with  him,  and  observed  him,  he  is  not  one  whom  I  would 
chuse  for  a  governor  to  a  young  gentleman.  My  best  respects  to 
your  lady,  and  to  your  daughter.     God  keep  us  in  his  holy  feare. 

"  My  good  Lord, 
' '  Your  Lordship's  most  affect:  friend  &  Br, 

"TOO.  B.  &  TV. 

'•  Aug.  21  "  (1702). 

[The  ''extremities"  of  which  Ken  speaks,  are  the  denouncing  the  whole 
Established  Church  as  involved  in  the  guilt  of  schism,  and  refusing  all  com- 
munion with  it.  Mr.  Jones  seems  to  have  been  seeking  a  tutorship,  for  which 
Ken  was  not  inclined  to  recommend  him.     I  cannot  trace  him  farther.] 

Another  letter,  in  reply  to  one  received  from  Lloyd,  follows 
before  long. 


126      KEN  AND  N0N-JUR0R8  UNDER  AXXE.    [chap,  xxtit. 

LETTER  XI.  I'll  I. 
Fob  Mrs.  Hannah  Lloyd. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

'•  My  very  good  Lord, 
lt  Your's  came  to  my  hands,  and  as  to  the  copy  of  a  letter  which 
your  friend  received,  I  may  well  doubt  of  the  truth  of  it,  till  I  see  it 
confirmed,  for  certainly  had  it  been  true,  the  powers  above  must 
have  had  some  intimation  of  it,  and  as  far  as  I  can  learn  they  have 
received  none.  As  for  the  other,  I  never  argued  the  case  with  lay- 
people,  but  recommended  to  them  the  two  last  chapters  of  Mr. 
Kettle  well's  book,  where  it  is  truly  and  fully  stated,  to  my  appre- 
hension, and  I  am  extremely  satisfied  that  your  sentiments  concur 
with  mine.  Our  brother  of  Ely,  now  with  God,  had  the  like 
thoughts,  and  gave  the  like  advice  to  a  worthy  person  now  near  me 
in  the  country,  who  related  it  to  me,  and  I  always  thought  and 
said,  that  stricter  measures  would  be  of  fatal  consequence  to  our 
church,  for  which  some  of  our  brethren  would  never  relish  me.  I 
am  going  to  Polsheault  tomorrow  for  a  few  days,  and  I  have  an 
invitation  to  give  a  visit  to  our  good  brother  of  Gloucester,  if  the 
rheumatic  and  cholic  pains  which  haunt  me  permit  it.  My  best 
respects  to  your  good  Lady  and  daughter.  God  of  his  infinite 
goodness  make  us  wise  for  eternity. 

"  My  good  Lord, 
"  Your  Lordship's  most  affect:  Br, 

"THO.  B.  &  W. 
'•  Sep.  4th"  (1702). 

[We  are  left  to  conjecture  what  the  opening  sentences  refer  to  :  possibly  there 
were  rumours  as  to  action  contemplated  by  the  Government  against  those  who 
declined  to  take  the  oath  of  abjuration.  The  "powers  above"  may  be  a  peri- 
phrasis for  Lord  Weymouth,  who  took  office  under  Anne,  and  his  friends.  They, 
Ken  knew,  had  heard  nothing  of  such  measures.  The  rest  of  the  letter  deals  once 
more  with  the  vexed  question  of  attendance  at  the  services  in  parish  churches,  and 
this  time  Ken  strengthens  his  position  by  referring  to  the  authority  of  Francis 
Turner  (d.  Nov.  2nd,  1700)  as  agreeing  with  himself  and  Kettlewell.  Appa- 
rently this  was  a  new,  and  perhaps,  looking  to  the  part  Turner  had  taken,  an  un- 
expected fact  to  him,  which  he  had  learnt  from  the  unknown  "worthy  person  " 
to  whom  the  advice  had  been  given.  (But  see  p.  198.)  Frampton,  whom  he  pro- 
poses to  visit,  was  then  living  unmolested  at  Btandish,  near  Gloucester,  preach- 
ing, catechising,  and  sometimes  taking  part,  with  necessary  omissions  of  what 
w<  re  call)  d  "  characteristics,"  in  the  services  of  the  parish  church  (Evans,  Lift 
of  Frampton,  p.  208.)  The  wish  to  confer  with  him  is  symptomatic  as  indicating 
general  agreement  as  to  what  was  feasible  and  desirable  under  the  then  existing 
circumstances.  For  this  visit,  <>r  possibly  another  at  a  later  date,  see  Letter  l\vi. 
We  note  that  Ken's  sufferings  are  increasing  in  their  painfulness.] 


ad.  1702-1705.]   CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  LLOYD.        127 

LETTER  XLIX. 

For  Mrs.  Hannah  Lloyd. 
"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 
"My  very  good  Lord, 
"  Your  Lordship's  of  the  26th,  found  me  at  Longleat  on  the  28th, 
which  I  left  the  next  day,  my  Lord  Weymouth  removing  to  the 
Town,  and  am  now  at  Polshealt.  I  am  extremely  glad  that  you 
and  the  Bishop  elect  of  S*.  Asaph  conversed  together.  He  is  one  of 
the  best  understandings  I  ever  knew,  and,  if  he  will  exert  himself, 
will  do  excellent  service  to  this  sinking  Church.  I  should  think  it 
one  of  the  best  excursions  I  could  make  to  give  you  both  a  visit, 
but  besides  my  aversion  to  the  Town,  I  am  afflicted  with  such 
pains,  that  I  am  by  no  means  fit  for  travelling — they  are  rheumatic, 
and  lie  within  my  joints,  and  never  come  to  the  extreme  parts, 
and  at  this  present,  my  left  arm  is  in  a  great  measure  disabled.  I 
have  a  great  desire  to  spend  Christmas,  God  willing,  with  the 
Kemeyses,  but  fear  I  shall  not  be  in  a  condition  to  do  it.  I  am 
much  concerned,  that  the  Friend  is  not  yet  consecrated,  and  cannot 
imagine  the  reason  of  the  delay.  What  you  write  of  the  Scotch  I 
easily  believe,  and  had  thought  that  their  quarrel  about  Episcopacy 
had  been  over.  Since  that,  to  my  great  surprise,  passed  the  Con- 
firmation of  Presbytery.  It  will  be  a  great  satisfaction  to  me,  to 
hear  now  and  then  from  you.     God  keep  us,  in  his  holy  feare. 

"  My  good  dear  Lord, 
1 '  Your  Lordsps  most  affectionate  Br, 

"T.B.  &  W. 
"  Oct.  ZOth  (1703). 

"  I  shall  be  glad  to  see  the  work  you  mention." 

[A  year  had  passed  since  the  date  of  the  last  letter.  The  date  of  this  is  found 
by  the  reference  to  Hooper,  who  was  appointed  to  St.  Asaph  in  the  autumn  of 
1703.  It  would  seem  as  if  Ken  only  stayed  at  Longleat  when  his  host  was  there, 
and  we  find  him  now  once  more  with  Canon  Izaak  Walton  at  Poulshot.  The 
Bishop-elect  of  St.  Asaph  is  Ken's  friend,  George  Hooper,  for  whom,  as  always, 
he  expresses  the  warmest  admiration  (i.  50).  He  clearly  hopes  that  Hooper's  counsels 
will  strengthen  Lloyd  against  the  schemes  of  the  more  violent  of  the  N  on -jurors. 
To  meet  both  his  friends  might  almost  tempt  him  to  a  journey  to  London,  but 
his  ever-increasing  sufferings  placed  it  out  of  his  power.  The  "  Kemeyses  "  are 
the  two  devout  ladies  of  Naish  Court,  Portishead,  of  whom  an  account  will  be 
given  in  the  next  chapter.  The  friend  who  is  "  not  yet  consecrated  "  is  obviously 
Hooper.  The  allusion  to  Scotland  refers  to  the  incipient  negotiations  for  settling 
the  Union  which  William  had  urged  in  his  last  message  to  Parliament.   English 


128     KEN  AND  NON-JURORS  UNDER  ANNE.    [chap.  xxur. 

churchmen  were,  some  of  them  at  least,  hoping  for  a  restoration  of  Episcopacy 
there.  The  extreme  Presbyterians  objected  to  any  toleration  of  it.  Ken 
expresses  a  natural  disappointment  at  the  victory  of  the  latter.  The  Act  of 
Settlement  securing  that  victory  was  passed  in  1703  ;  the  final  Act  of  Union 
received  the  royal  assent  in  1707.] 


LETTER  L. 
For  Mrs.  Hannah  Lloyd. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"My  dear  Brother, 
"Though  I  received  both  your  Lordship's,  yet  having  wrote  the 
same  post  your  last  came,  I  forebore  to  give  you  a  second  trouble, 
having  but  little  matter  for  a  letter  in  this  place  where  I  am.  You 
have  a  very  true  apprehension  of  your  brother  of  Sl.  Asaph.  He 
is  of  an  excellent  temper  as  well  as  understanding,  &  a  man  of  sin- 
cerity, though  he  may  be  of  a  different  judgment ;  &  I  much  desire 
that  you  may  often  meet,  &  consult  how  to  moderate  things,  as 
much  as  may  be,  salvd  veritate,  for  I  fear  that  many  of  our  friends 
run  too  high,  and  that  the  Church  of  Eome  will  reap  advantages  of 
excesses  in  that  kind.  Your  letters  are  a  great  consolation  to  me 
in  this  solitude,  &  therefore  I  entreat  the  continuance  of  them. 
Mr.  Dodwell's  book  has  been  sent  me,  I  presume,  by  himself.  He 
seems  to  build  high  on  feeble  foundations.  I  presume  he  will  not 
have  many  entire  proselytes  to  all  his  hypothesies.  My  respects  to 
the  good  company  with  you  ;  God  keep  us  in  his  holy  fear. 
"  My  good  Lord,  your  Lordshipp's 

most  affect,  friend  &  Brother, 

"THO.  B.  &W. 

11  Nov.  13  "  (1703). 


[We  note  the  growing  affection  which  characterizes  Ken's  letters  to  Lloyd.  He 
finds  him,  like  himself,  averse  to  the  falsehood  of  extremes,  and  to  any  course  of 
action  which  will  favour  the  interests  of  the  Church  of  Home.  Dodwell's  book 
is,  probably,  his  treatise  On  the  Immortality  of  the  Soul  (published  1703),  in  which 
he  taught  wh.it  lias  lately  been  maintained  as  the  Doctrine  of  Conditional  Im- 
mortality, i.e.  that  the  soul  is  not,  in  its  own  nature,  imperishable,  but  only  in 
virtue  of  its  sharing  in  the  eternal  life  communicated  by  participation  in  tho 
life  of  Christ,  and,  as  Dodwell  held,  in  that  life  as  imparted  through  the  Sacra- 
ments. (Oomp.  M.ir.iul.iv,  ohap.  xiv.)  Ken  did  not  share  that  view,  and 
obviously  looks  on  it  as  a  hazardous  speculation.  A  full  account  of  the  theory 
is  given  by  Brokcsby  in  his  Life  of  Dodurll,  ii.,  537 — 609.     See  p.  76.] 


a.d.  1702— 1705.]    CORRESPOXDEXCE  WITH LLOYL.        129 

LETTER  LI. 

To  Mrs.  Haxxah  Lloyd. 

"  All  Glory  be  to-  God. 

"My  good  Loed  axd  dear  Brother, 
1 '  I  return  you  my  thanks  for  both  yours.  I  have  no  news  to 
return,  but  that  last  night  there  was  here  the  most  violent  wind 
that  ever  I  knew  ;  the  house  shaked  all  the  night.  We  all  rose  and 
called  the  family  to  prayers,  &,  by  the  goodness  of  God,  we  were 
safe  amidst  the  storm.  It  has  done  a  great  deal  of  hurt  in  the 
neighbourhood,  &  all  about,  which  we  cannot  yet  hear  of  ;  but  I 
fear  it  has  been  very  terrible  at  sea,  and  that  we  shall  hear  of  many 
wrecks  there.  Blessed  be  God  who  preserved  us.  I  hope  that 
your  Lordship  &  your  family  have  suffered  no  harm,  &  should  be 
glad  to  hear  you  are  well.  I  beseech  God  to  keep  us  in  His  holy 
fear, 

"Your  Lordship's  most  affect:  friend  and  brother, 

"THO.  B.  &W. 

'■  Xov.  27  "  (1703). 

[The  storm  of  which  Ken  writes  brought,  as  we  shall  see,  a  crisis  in  his  own  life, 
of  which  he  had  no  anticipation  when  he  wrote  to  tell  his  friends  of  his  own  provi- 
dential preservation.  In  Letter  lv.  he  gives  fuller  details,  hardly  known,  proba- 
bly, at  the  moment,  as  to  the  imminence  of  the  danger  and  the  strangeness  of  the 
escape.  The  storm  was  one  of  the  most  violent  ever  known  in  England,  and 
Defoe  published  a  narrative  of  its  devastations  {The  Storm,  1704).  Eight  thou- 
sand lives  were  said  to  have  been  lost  in  it ;  twelve  ships  were  wrecked,  the 
Eddystone  lighthouse  destroyed,  four  thousand  trees  blown  down  in  the  New 
Forest,  and  the  amount  of  the  damage  estimated  at  four  millions  sterling.  A 
public  fast  was  appointed  in  connexion  with  it  and  was  devoutly  observed 
throughout  the  kingdom.  Tenison  drew  up  the  Form  of  Prayer,  which  extorted 
praise  from  Whiston  as  a  pattern  of  what  such  prayers  should  be  (YVTiiston's 
Memoirs,  p.  132).  A  memorial  of  the  impression  the  storm  made  on  men's 
minds  still  survives  in  the  form  of  an  annual  Commemoration  Sermon  in  the 
Congregational  Chapel  in  Little  Wild  Street,  Drury  Lane,  for  which  an  endow- 
ment was  left  at  the  time.] 

LETTER  LLL. 
To  Mrs.  Haxntah  Lloyd. 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 

' '  My  good  Lord  &  Brother. 
'  •  I  think  I  told  you  in  my  last,  that  I  intended,  God  willing,  to 
spend  the  Christmas  with  the  good  virgins  at  Nash ;  so  that  after 
Saturday  next,  your  Lordship  must  direct  nothing  hither.    The 


130      KEN  AND  NON-JURORS  UNDER  ANNE    [<  hap.  xxiii. 

Btorm  on  Friday  night,  which  waa  the  most  violent,  I  mentioned  in 

my  last,  but  I  then  did  not   know  what   happened  at  Wells,  which 

waa  much  shattered,   ami  that  part  of  the  palace  where  Bishop 

Kidder  ami  his  wife  lay.  was  blown  down  in  the  night,  ami  they 

were  both   killed   and  buried  in   the  ruins,  and  dug  out  towards 

morning.     It  happened  on  the  very  day  of  the  Cloth  fair,  when  all 

the  country  were  spectators  of  the  deplorable  calamity,  and  soon 

spread  the  sad  story.     God  of  his  infinite  mercy  deliver  us  from 

such  dreadful  surprises.     I  am  assured  that  no  one  either  in  the 

palace,   or  in  the  whole  town,  beside  them,  had  any  hurt.     God 

keep  us  in  his  holy  fear,  and  our  dwellings  in  safety, 

11  My  good  Lord,  your  Lordship's 

most  affect:  friend  &  Br, 

"THO.  B.  &  W. 
"Nov.  29"  (1703). 

[The  letter  is  obviously  written  from  Foulshot.  The  tidings  of  the  catastrophe 
at  Wells  had  found  its  way  thither  shortly  after  the  preceding  letter  was  de- 
spatched. Ken  probably  heard  of  it  with  feelings  which  it  is  not  easy  to 
analyst-.  There  was  the  natural  awe  and  pity  ("Sunt  lachrymce  rem, a  tt 
mentem  mortalia  tangunt")  caused  by  the  suddenness  of  the  blow,  felt,  it  may  be, 
all  the  more  keenly  from  the  recollection  of  the  somewhat  harsh  way  in  which  he 
had  often  spoken  of  his  successor.  There  was,  it  may  be,  mingling  with  this,  the 
sense  of  relief,  which  it  was  scarcely  possible  for  him  not  to  feel,  in  the  thought 
that  an  influence  which  had  worked  for  evil  was  removed,  that  an  opening  was 
made  for  the  work  of  a  faithful  pastor  in  his  diocese,  and  for  ending  a  schism  over 
which  he  had  always  mourned.  Now  there  would  no  longer  be  an  obstacle  to  the 
resignation  which  he  had  contemplated  for  at  least  two  years  (p.  109).  Ken  would 
have  been  almost  more  than  human  if  he  had  escaped  all  touch  of  that  feeling. 
The  mention  of  the  Cloth  fair  at  Wells  attests  the  existence  of  what  was  then  a 
flourishing  branch  of  manufacture  in  that  city,  of  which  the  only  survival  at  the 
present  time  is  the  existence  of  a  special  Almshouse  for  decayed  Cloth  workers.] 

The  letter  which  follows  shows  in  what  direction  his  thoughts 
were  already  drifting  (see  Letter  xliv). 

LETTER  LIU. 
To  Mrs.  Hannah  Lloyd. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"My  very  good  Lord  and  Brother, 
"  Blessed  be  God  who  preserved  us  both  in  the  late  great  storm  ; 
it  is  a  deliverance  not  to  be  forgotten.     I  hear  of  several  persons 
who  solicit  for  my  Diocese,  and  whom  I  know  not,  and  I  am  in- 
formed that  it  is  offered  to  my  old  friend,  the  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph, 


a.d.  1702—1705.]  LETTER  TO  HOOPER.  131 

and  that  it  is  declined  by  him.  For  my  own  part,  if  times  should 
have  changed,  I  never  intended  to  return  to  my  burden,  but  I  much 
desire  to  see  the  nock  in  good  hands,  and  I  know  none  better  to 
whom  I  may  entrust  it  than  his  ;  for  which  reason  I  write  to  him 
this  post,  to  let  him  know  my  desire  that  he  should  succeed,  with 
which  I  thought  good  to  acquaint  your  Lordship.  I  leave  this 
place,  God  willing,  on  Wednesday,  hoping  to  reach  Bath,  which  is 
but  twelve  miles,  and  to  stay  a  night  or  two  with  Colonel  Philips. 
My  best  respects  to  all  the  good  family  with  you  ;  God  keep  us  in 
his  Holy  feare. 

"  Your  Lordship's  most  affect.  Br, 

"THO.  B.  &W. 

"Dec.  6  "(1703). 

[As  usual  in  such  cases,  rumour  was  busy  within  a  week  of  Kidder's  death 
with  the  appointment  of  a  successor.  Who  the  unnamed  applicants  were  we  can 
only  conjecture.  A  family  tradition  among  the  descendants  of  Dr.  Thomas 
Coney,  Prebendary  of  Wells,  and  at  one  time  Rector  of  Bath,  reports  that  the 
Bishopric  was  offered  to  him  and  refused,  but  I  have  been  unable  to  find  any 
other  evidence  of  the  fact.  Hooper's  daughter,  the  wife  of  John  Prowse,  Esq.,  of 
Axbridge,  in  her  Memoirs  of  her  father,  says  that  the  Queen  sent  for  him  at  once 
and  offered  the  Bishopric  to  him,  but  that  he  expressed  his  unwillingness  to  take 
Ken's  place,  and  proposed  that  he  should  be  restored  to  his  see.  "  This  the  Queen 
highly  approved  of,  and  thanked  the  Bishop  for  putting  her  in  mind  of  it,  and 
ordered  him  to  propose  it  to  Bishop  Ken."  The  offer  mentioned  in  p.  119, 
shows  what  the  Queen  felt  as  to  the  latter.  The  letter  was  probably  written  from 
Poulshot.  Bath  would  lie  naturally  on  his  way  in  the  journey  to  Naish  Court 
mentioned  in  Letter  lii.  Another  letter  had,  as  he  tells  Lloyd,  to  be  written  by 
the  same  post.  He  must  not  allow  Hooper's  refusal,  generous  as  was  its  motive, 
to  upset  the  plan  on  which  he  had  resolved,  as  best  for  himself,  his  diocese,  and 
the  Church  at  large.  I  have  not  succeeded  in  obtaining  any  information  as  to 
Col.  Philips.] 

LETTER  LIT. 

For  the  Eight  Eev.  Father  m  God,  George,  Lord  Bishop  of 

St.  Asaph. 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"My  very  good  Lord, 
"  I  am  informed  y*  you  have  had  an  offer  of  Bath  and  Wells,  and 
yt  you  refused  it,  wch  I  take  very  kindly,  because  I  know  you  did 
it  on  my  account ;  but  since  I  am  well  assured  y*  ye  diocese  can- 
not be  happy  to  y*  degree  in  any  other  hands  than  in  your  owne,  I 
desire  yott  to  accept  of  it,  and  I  know  y1  you  have  a  prevailing 
interest  to  procure  it.  My  nephew  and  or  little  family,  who  pre- 
sent your  Lordshippe  their  humble  respects,  will  be  overjoyed  at 


1 32      KEN  AND  XOX-JURORS  UXDER  AXXE.    [chap,  xxiii. 

your  neighbourhood.  I  told  you  long  agoe  at  Bath  how  willing  I 
was  to  surrender  my  cannonicall  claime  to  a  worthy  person,  but  to 
none  more  wittingly  than  to  yourself  e  (p.  109).  My  distemper  disables 
me  from  ye  pastoral  duty,  and  had  I  been  restored,  I  declared  allways 
y*  I  would  shake  off  ye  burthen,  and  retire.  I  am  about  to  leave 
this  place,  but  if  need  be,  ye  archdeacon  can  tell  you  how  to  direct 
to  me.  My  best  respects  to  your  good  family.  God  keepe  us  in 
his  holy  feare. 

"  My  good  Lord, 

"  Your  Lordshippe's  most  affectionately, 

"T.  B.  &  W. 

"  Dec.  6th  "  (1703). 

[This  letter,  the  first  now  extant  of  his  correspondence  with  his  old  friend, 
shows  how  warmly  he  welcomed  his  appointment.  He  felt  sure  that  the  flock 
for  which  he  cared  would  he  safe  in  his  friend's  hands.  His  poems  show,  with 
more  fulness  and  emotion,  what  thoughts  were  working  in  his  mind,  as  he  looked 
hack  on  the  past  and  forward  to  the  future.  He  dedicated  his  Hymnarium  to 
his  successor,  and  this  is  his  retrospect : — 

"Among  the  herdmen  I,  a  common  swain, 

Liv'd,  pleas'd  with  my  low  cottage  on  the  plain, 

Till  up,  like  Amos,  on  a  sudden  caught, 

I  to  the  Past'ral  Chair  was  trembling  brought. 

Heaven  deem'd  that  step  for  me,  I  fear,  too  bold, 

And  let  a  stranger  climb  into  my  fold. 

I,  who  the  stranger  saw  my  flock  invade 

Was  forced  to  fly  to  unfrequented  shade, 

Like  captive  Judah,  by  the  stream  to  dwell, 

And  with  my  dropping  eye  the  waters  swell. 

'  Ah,  my  dear  Lambs  !  ah,  my  dear  Sheep ! '  I  cry'd, 

1  Dear  Lambs,'  •  dear  Sheep,'  the  neighbouring  hills  reply'd. 
****** 

But  that  which  most  my  watery  eyelids  drained, 

My  Lambs,  my  Sheep,  were  by  this  wandering  baned  ; 

They  broke  from  Catholick  and  hallowed  Bounds, 

And  for  the  wholesome,  chose  impoisoned,  grounds, 

Contracting  Latitudinarian  taint, 

In  Faith,  in  Morals,  suffering  no  Restraint." 

He  betakes  himself  to  prayer,  and  in  a  strange  unlooked-for  way  his  prayer  is 
answered : — 

"  And  while  I  mourn'd  for  the  tremendous  Stroke 

Which  freed  them  from  their  uncanonic  Yoke, 

II(.i\( n,  my  Lord,  super-efiluently  kind, 

In  you  sent  a  successor  to  my  mind, 

You,  in  whose  care  I  feel  a  full  Repose, 

As  old  Valerius,1  when  he  Austin  chose." 

1  Valerius,  predecessor  of  Augustine,  in  the  Bishopric  of  Hippo. 


a.d.  1702—1705.]   CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  LLOYD.      133 

Of  his  own  willingness  to  lay  down  the  load  of  office  he  writes,  in  the  Dedication  of 
vol.  i.  to  Lord  Weymouth  : — 

"  I,  crush'd  by  State  decrees  and  griev'd  with  pain, 
The  past'ral  Toil  unable  to  sustain, 
More  gladly  off  the  hallowed  Burthen  shake 
Than  I  at  first  the  weight  could  undertake." 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  he  reminds  Hooper  that  this  resolve  of  his  was  no 
new  thing,  that  he  had  told  him  of  it  "  long  ago  "  at  Bath,  where  probably  both 
the  friends  were  staying  for  the  benefit  of  their  health.  The  hypothetical  clause, 
"  had  I  been  restored,"  refers  obviously  to  the  offer  made  through  Lord  Wey- 
mouth (p.  1 19) .  Had  it  been  possible  for  him  to  accept  that  offer,  his  first  act  would 
have  been  to  resign  the  burden.  The  "  nephew  "  whom  he  mentions  is  Canon 
Izaak  Walton  of  Poulshot.  The  "archdeacon"  is,  probably,  Sandys  (Arch- 
deacon of  Wells),  with  whom  Ken  often  stayed.] 

Hooper's  answer  obviously  conveyed  his  assent  to  Ken's 
proposal,  and  Ken,  full  of  joy  and  satisfaction,  writes  to  tell 
Lloyd  that  all  is  settled  in  accordance  with  his  wishes. 


LETTER  LV. 

Eor  Mrs.  Hannah  Lloyd. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"  My  good  Ld  and  Br. 
"The  same  post  wch  brought  me  your  Lordshipp's,  brought  the 
news  of  ye  occasionall  bills  being  throwne  out  by  ye  lords.  I  think 
I  omitted  to  tell  you  ye  full  of  my  deliverance  in  ye  late  storme  ;  for, 
the  house  being  searched  ye  day  following,  ye  workmen  found  y*  ye 
beame  wch  supported  ye  roof  over  my  head  was  shaken  out  to  y*  degree,  yl 
it  had  but  halfe  an  inch  hold,  so  y*  it  was  a  wonder  it  could  hold  to- 
gether :  for  wch  signall  and  particular  preservation  God's  holy 
name  be  ever  praised  I  I  am  sure  I  ought  alwayes  thankfully  to 
remember  it.  I,  hearing  y*  ye  Bp  of  St.  Asaph  was  offered  Bath 
and  Wells,  and  y*  on  my  account  he  refused  it,  wrott  to  him  to 
accept  of  it.  I  did  it  in  charity  to  ye  diocese,  yfc  they  might  not 
have  a  Latitudinarian  Traditour  imposed  on  them,  who  would 
betray  ye  baptismal!  faith,  but  one  who  had  ability  and  zeal  to 
assert  it ;  and  the  imminent  danger  in  which  religion  now  is,  and 
which  dayly  increases,  ought  to  supersede  all  ye  antient  canons.  I 
am  so  disabled  by  rheumatick  and  colick  pains,  y*  I  cannot  in  con- 
science returne  to  a  publick  station,  were  I  restored ;  and  I  think 
none  ought  to  censure  me,  if  in  such  perillous  times  I  desire  a  co- 
adjutor, for  wh  I  have  good  precedents,  as  well  as  reasons.     It  is 

VOL.  II.  K 


134    KEN  AND  XOX-JURORS  VXDER  ANNE.  [chap,  xxiii. 

not  ye  first  time  I  dissented  from  some  of  my  brethren ;  and  never 
saw  cause  to  repent  of  it.  The  ladys  here  send  you  their  duty. 
God  keep  us  in  his  holy  feare. 

"  Your  Lordshipp's  most  affece  friend  and  Br, 

"T.  B.  &W. 

"N<uh.     Dec.  18  "  (1703). 

[The  "  occasional  bills  "  were  those  against  "  occasional  conformity,"  which  had 
been  brought  forward  by  the  Tory  party  in  1703  in  order  to  prevent  the  evasion  of 
the  Test  Acts  by  a  single  act  of  communion  in  the  Church  of  England,  while  the 
holder  of  office  continued  in  all  other  respects  to  act  as  an  avowed  Nonconformist. 
Ken,  I  apprehend,  would  have  been  in  favour  of  the  Bills  as  long  as  the  Test 
Act  remained  unrepealed.  I  incline  to  think,  however,  that  the  experience  of 
the  working  of  the  Test  Act  would  have  made  him  willing  enough  to  see  it 
repealed.  The  view  of  Kidder's  character  implied  in  the  possibility,  if  Hooper 
had  not  accepted,  of  another  "  Latitudinarian  Traditour  "  being  imposed  on  his 
flock,  agrees  with  what  we  have  already  seen  more  than  once  (p.  60).  One  notes 
the  freedom  of  thought  which  sees  in  the  urgent  necessities  of  the  time  a  reason  for 
dispensing  with  "antient  canons."  He  too  was  learning  to  say  with  Tillotson  that 
"Charity  was  above  rubrics,"  that  the  Salus  Ecclesits  was  more  authoritative 
even  than  her  canons.  His  first  thought  seems  to  have  been  that  of  accept- 
ing Hooper  as  a  "  coadjutor,"  as  Valerius  had  accepted  Augustine,  without  a 
formal  resignation.  Already,  however,  he  begins  to  hear  the  mutterings  of  the 
storm  which,  before  many  days,  was  to  burst  upon  his  head.  That,  however, 
will  not  change  his  purpose,  will  rather  lead  to  its  taking  a  stronger  and  more 
definite  form.  He  looks  back  on  the  line  that  the  objectors  had  taken  in  other 
matters,  such,  e.g.,  as  the  consecration  of  Hickes  and  Wagstaffe,  and  has  never 
regretted  that  he  chose  another  line  of  action  for  himself.  The  "  ladys  "  of  the 
last  sentence  but  one  are  the  Misses  Kemeys  of  Naish  Court,  with  whom  he 
went  to  spend  Christmas  (p.  129).] 

Two  days  pass  and  we  have  another  letter  to  Hooper. 


LETTER  LVI. 

For  the  Eight  Rev.  Father  in   God,  George,  Lord  Bishop  of 

St.  Asaph. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 
1 '  My  very  good  Lord, 
' '  The  last  post  brought  me  ye  news  wch  I  earnestly  expected,  and 
wch  your  lordshippe's  letter  gave  me  hope  of,  and  I  heartily  con- 
gratulate yfi  diocese  of  Bath  and  Wells  of  your  translation,  for  it 
was  ye  good  of  ye  flock,  and  not  my  friendshippe  for  yourselfe,  w' * 
made  me  desire  to  see  you  in  yc  pastorall  chaire,  where  I  know  you 
will  zealously  '  contend  for  ye  faith  once  delivered  to  ye  saints?  wdl  in 
these  latitudinarian  times  is  in  great  danger  to  be  lost.     I  could 


a.d.  1702-1705.]  CLAMOURS  AGAINST  KEN* S  ACTIOS.    135 

easily  forsee  yl,  by  my  concerne  for  you,  I  should  incurre  ye  dis- 
pleasure of  some  of  my  brethren,  but  this  is  not  ye  first  instance  in 
wch  I  have  dissented  from  them,  and  never  had  cause  to  repent  of 
it ;  and  ye  good  of  ye  diocese  supersedes  all  other  considerations. 
I  have  another  wish  for  ye  good  of  ye  diocese  you  are  to  leave,  and 
it  is  y*  Dr.  Edwards  might  succeed  you  there,  though  he  is  a  person 
whome  I  doe  not  know  so  much  as  by  sight.  My  best  respects  to 
your  good  lady,  whose  paines  I  can  ye  more  tenderly  condole,  from 
what  I  feele  dayly  myself e.     God  keepe  us  in  his  holy  feare. 

"My  good  Lord, 
"Your  Lordshippe's  most  affectionately, 

"T.  K. 

"Dec.  20th  "  (1703). 

[The  whole  matter  now  seemed  to  be  settled.  The  Conge  tfelire,  dated 
January  7th,  did  not  reach  the  Chapter  of  Wells  till  January  19th,  170| ;  hut  vir- 
tually the  translation  was  already  accomplished.  The  storm  is  still  gathering,  but 
the  good  of  the  diocese  supersedes  all  other  considerations.  Of  the  Dr.  Edwards 
whom  Ken  wishes  to  succeed  Hooper  at  St.  Asaph's,  I  am  unable  to  give  any  cer- 
tain information.  He  may  have  been  Jonathan  Edwards  who  wrote  against 
Socinianism,  and  who  was  elected  Principal  of  Jesus  College,  Oxford,  in  1686. 
Another  eminent  divine  of  that  name  was  John  Edwards,  of  St.  John's  College, 
Cambridge,  but  as  he  was  an  extreme  Calvinist,  and  had  not  been  on  good  terms 
with  Gunning  and  Turner,  when  they  were  Masters  of  St.  John's,  he  is  not  likely 
to  have  been  within  the  range  of  Ken's  sympathies.  Beveridge  was  Hooper's 
actual  successor.] 

Three  months  passed  before  the  next  extant  letter.  In  the 
meantime  the  storm  which  we  have  seen  gathering  and  of  which 
Hickes's  letters  (pp.  108 — 111)  had  given  premonitory  symp- 
toms, burst  in  all  its  violence.  The  Jacobite  section  of  the 
Non- Jurors  both  in  Bristol  and  London,  were  vehement  in  their 
language.  To  them  Ken  himself  seemed  a  "  Latitudinarian 
traditour"  abandoning  the  position  which  was  the  stronghold 
of  the  Non- jurors.  A  letter  printed  by  Hound  from  the 
Tanner  MSS.,  undated,  and  with  neither  address  nor  signature, 
but  belonging  apparently  to  this  period,  is  worth  printing  as 
showing  the  kind  of  language  which  they  used,  when  they  heard 
of  Ken's  willingness  to  accept  Hooper  as  his  successor: 

"Bev1.  Sr. 

"  On  this  day  seven-night,  I  received  yr  kind  letter,  in  which  the 

melancholy  account  of  Bp.  K.  added  to  the   affliction  of  the  day. 

I  had  but  too  great  reason  to  believe  all  you  say  of  him  before  yrs 

came  to  me,  but  I  was  willing  (if  the  History  were  undoubtedly 

k  2 


136    KEN  AND  XOX-JURORS  UNDER  AXXE.  [chap,  xxiii. 

true,)  to  have  it  from  so  good  and  authentic  an  hand.  When  I  saw 
him  before  Xmas,  he  gave  me  great  occasion  to  suspect  his  declina- 
tion, for  that  to  my  surprise,  he  told  me,  he  would  resign  his  Bprick 
to  Dr  H.  for  the  preservation  of  the  faith,  now  in  danger.  I  told 
him  practical  doctrines  were  as  much  in  danger  as  those  of  our 
necessary  belief,  and  that  however  sound  Dr  H.  was  in  those,  (which 
I  thought  was  very  questionable,  in  relation  particularly,  at  present, 
to  the  nintli  article  of  the  Creed,)  yet  his  Lordship  could  not  say  he 
was  sound  as  to  moral  doctrines,  and  that  his  very  acceptance  of  the 
diocess  of  Se.  Asaph,  on  the  terms  of  the  present  govnt,  was  an 
evident  proof  of  it,  and  that  he  might  as  well  have  resigned  before 
to  Dl.  K.  We  had  a  great  deal  of  discourse,  which,  with  submission, 
I  thought  incoherent,  and  his  temper  I  found,  as  you  well  observe, 
impatient  of  contradiction ;  however  with  that  modesty  and  defer- 
ence, which  I  then  owed  unto  him  and  his  character,  I  could  not 
forbear  replying.  The  last  week  I  attended  the  good  family,  in 
which  Bp.  K.  used  to  be  when  in  these  parts,  and  in  which  he  was 
when  I  saw  him  last,  I  talked  with  those  ladies  some  time  about 
this  unhappy  business ;  upon  reasoning  with  them,  they  could  not 
but  agree  with  me,  that  the  Bp.  was  in  the  wrong  ;  but  I  find  them 
so  wedded  to  an  opinion  of  his  great  piety  and  charity,  that  I  fear 
it  will  be  difficult  to  dissuade  them  from  communicating  with  him 
whilst  in  the  family,  wherein  he  is  expected  again  before  Lent.  I 
told  them,  as  soon  as  I  should  hear  that  he  was  at  their  house,  I 
would  wait  on  him,  and  tell  him  what  the  world  positively  affirms 
of  him.  If  the  Bp  agree  to  it,  I  will  modestly  beg  his  reasons  for 
acting  thus,  and  if  I  can  answer  them,  I  will  decline  his  communion, 
as  now  himself  encouraging  and  communicating  in  a  schism.  I  am 
told  that  it  is  verily  believed,  that  after  all,  he  will  not  communicate 
with  Bp  H.,  which  seems  to  me  a  greater  inconsistency,  for  it  is 
strange  for  a  Bp  to  deliver  up  his  flock  to  another,  with  whom  he 
thinks  it  a  sin  to  communicate  himself.  I  am  informed  likewise, 
that  the  Bp  of  N.  hath  encouraged,  and  congratulated  Bp  K.  on  his 
cession  to  Bp  H.  and  that  by  a  letter  sent  lately  to  him.  I  am  fully 
persuaded  it  is  an  arrant  calumny,  or  a  mistake.  I  told  the  person 
informing  me,  that  probably  the  Bp  of  N.  might  rejoice,  that  since  a 
schismatick  must  be  placed  at  Wells,  a  person  otherwise  so  accept- 
able as  Dl  H.  would  be  the  man,  but  that  the  Bp  of  N.  shd  any  ways 
persuade  the  Bp  of  B.  &  W.  to  concur,  in  the  least,  in  such  an  act 
himself,  is  past  my  belief.  I  thought  fit  to  acquaint  you  with  this 
story,  that  justice  may  be  done  to  that  good  Bp,  and  so  I  submit  it 
to  what  uso  you  shall  please  to  make  of  it,  begging  your  direction 
in  this,  or  any  other  affair  of  this  nature.     I  have  since  a  letter  from 


a.d.  1702—1705.]         DETRACTIONS  RUDE.  137 

Bp  K.  subscribed  T.  K.  I  have  laboured  for  some  months  past  to 
bring  a  young  lady  of  quality  off  from  the  schismatical  churches 
entirely.  I  have  talked,  and  wrote  to  that  purpose,  but  poor  Bp  K. 
hath  undone  more  in  one  word,  than  I  was  likely  to  do  in  ten 
thousand,  for  he  allowed  that  liberty,  that  strange  occasional  con- 
formity, and  so  the  Lady  is  confirmed  in  her  amphibious  devotion. 
God  be  merciful  to  this  poor  Church.  The  delusion  and  infatuation 
spreads  wider,  and  wider.  This  poor  gentleman's  lapse  is  occasion 
of  great  lamentation  unto  us,  and  laughter  to  our  enemies.  It  con- 
firms more  the  otherwise  well  inclined  in  their  schism,  hardening 
the  obstinate  schismatick,  and,  I  fear,  gives  occasion  to  the  profest 
enemies  of  God  to  blaspheme  more  abundantly,  and  as  for  my  own 
part,  it  is  a  double  affliction  to  think  that  I  must  be  necessitated, 
to  forsake  his  communion  who  received  me  by  absolution  to  the 
peace  and  unity  of  the  Church  ;  but  I  must  doe  it,  if  that  father 
hath  fallen  himself  into  those  errors,  out  of  which  (I  dayly  bless 
God)  I  am  retrieved.  I  congratulate  the  recovery  of  yr  Lady's 
health,  and  so  does  my  spouse.  I  beg  the  prayers  and  continuance 
of  yr  friendship,  and  am, 

"KevdSir, 

"  Yr  most  devoted." 

[The  writer  is  identified  by  his  reference  to  Ken's  having  received  him  as  a 
penitent  with  a  Mr.  Stamp,  mentioned  by  Hickes  in  his  letter  to  Ken  of  Novem- 
ber 10th,  1701  (p.  Ill),  who  had  then  reported  to  him  the  earlier  symptoms  of 
Ken's  falling  away.  I  conjecture  that  the  letter  was  written  to  Spinckes  (p.  148). 
It  will  be  noted  that  the  writer  saw  Ken  before  Christmas,  at  Naish  Court,  that  he 
questioned  Hooper's  orthodoxy,  that  he  found  Ken  impatient  of  contradiction,  that 
Ken  had  then  told  him  that  he  meant  to  resign,  that  some  time  after  this  he  went 
to  Xaish  Court  and  tried,  but  in  vain,  to  persuade  the  Misses  Kemeys  to  join  him 
in  treating  their  friend  as  virtually  excommunicated  ipso  facto  ;  that  he  makes  a 
special  point  of  the  rumour  that  Ken  did  not  mean  to  communicate  with  his  suc- 
cessor. (Seep.  195.)  He  has  heard,  but  cannot  believe,  that  Bishop  Lloyd  has  sig- 
nified his  approval  of  Ken's  action.  He  dwells  on  the  new  signature  T.  K.  (see 
Letter  lvi.  p.  135)  as  showing  that  Ken  no  longer  looked  on  himself  as  being,  either 
canonically  or  legally,  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells.  The  tone  of  contemptuous 
pity,  "the  poor  gentleman's  lapse,"  and  the  like,  indicates  the  kind  of  language 
which  it  was  Ken's  destiny  to  bear  with  whatever  patience  he  could.  The  Dr. 
K.  to  whom  Ken  "might  as  well  have  resigned,''  is,  of  course,  Kidder.] 

Lloyd  had  apparently  answered  Ken's  letter  of  Dec.  20th  by 
expressing  a  general  satisfaction  that  such  a  man  as  Hooper 
had  been  appointed  to  succeed  Kidder  ;  and  Ken  was  naturally 
glad  to  find  that  he  had  his  friend's  approval  as  a  set-off  against 
the  reproaches  with  which  the  more  violent  section  of  the  Xon- 


1  ;h    KEN  AND  XOX-JURORS  UNDER  AXXF.  [chap,  x.xitt. 

jurors  were  assailing  him.  According  to  his  usual  custom  at 
Holy  Seasons,  he  spent  his  Christmas,  as  we  have  seen,  with 
the  Kemeys  sisters  at  Naish,  and  from  thence  wrote  again  to 
Lloyd. 

LETTER  LVII. 
"  For  Mrs.  Hannah  Lloyd. 
"  All  Glory  he  to  God. 
"  My  good  Lord  and  Br, 
"  I  am  in  debt  to  you  for  the  last  post.     It  is  no  small  satisfaction 
to  me,  that  you  approve  of  my  choice,  in  good  earnest.     I  had  such 
experience  of  one  before,  who,  instead  of  keeping  the  flock  within 
the  fold,  encouraged  them  to  stray — that  I  was  afraid  of  a  traditour, 
and  in  such  a  time  as  this,  thought  I  could  not  do  a  greater  kind- 
ness to  the  diocese,  than  in  procuring  it  one  of  the  most  valuable 
men  in  the  church,  and  one  who  was  so  very  able  to  defend  the 
depositum,  which  seemes  to  me  to  be  in  the  utmost  danger.      The 
good  ladys  here  present  their  best  respects  to  your  Lordship  ;    and 
begge  your  blessing.    I  beseech  God  to  send  you   and   yours  u 
happy  new  year,  and  to  keep  us  in  his  reverential  love. 

"  Your  Lordship's  most  affect:  friend  &  Br, 

"T.  K. 

"Dee.  27"  (1703). 

[Here  we  come  across  a  somewhat  definite  charge  against  Kidder's  administra- 
tion of  his  diocese.  He  had  "encouraged"  his  flock  " to  stray,"  i.e.  had  not 
only  tolerated,  hut  had  patronised  Dissent.  We  are  left  to  guess  to  what  special 
acts  Ken  refers.  Our  Chapter  Acts  show  that  the  Dean  and  Canons  objected  to 
the  haste  with  which  he  admitted  Dissenting  ministers  to  holy  orders,  and  on 
that  ground,  for  a  time,  refused  to  attend  his  ordinations.  The  special  case  on 
which  Kidder  dwells  in  his  Autobiography  was  that  of  a  Mr.  Malarhe,  who  had 
been  a  schoolmaster  in  the  diocese  of  Exeter.  The  Canons  (notably  Creighton, 
the  son  of  the  Bishop)  objected  that  he  was  not  a  graduate,  that  his  testimonials 
were  insufficient,  and  demanded  that  he  should  preach  a  recantation  sermon.  He 
is  said  to  have  been  a  West  Indian,  with  negro  blood  in  him,  and  that  may, 
perhaps,  have  told  against  him  (Cassan,  Bishops  of  Bath  and  Wells,  ii.  pp.  146 — 
153).  Another  case  was  possibly  in  Ken's  mind.  Janney's  Life  of  Penn  (p.  398) 
records  an  instance  in  which  the  great  Quaker  came  to  Wells,  was  mobbed  by 
the  populace,  and  snubbed  by  the  civic  authorities,  till  Kidder  intervened  and 
gave  him  a  license  for  a  room,  in  which  he  and  his  followers,  then  and  after- 
wards, might  meet  in  peace.  One  notes  the  anxiety  which  the  letter  expresses 
for  the  depositum  fidei,  of  which  the  Church  was  the  koepcr,  with  a  forecast 
which  was  verified  by  the  whole  history  of  the  eighteenth  century.  The  men- 
tion of  the  "good  ladys"  shows  that  the  letter  was  written  at  Naish,  and 
though  the  year,  as  usual,  is  not  given,  its  contents  shows  that  it  must  have 


a.d.  1702— 1705.]    CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  LLOYD.     139 

been  written  in  December,  1703.  It  was  probably  about  this  time  that  the  irre- 
concilable Non-juror,  whose  letter  has  just  been  given  (p.  135),  paid  the  visit  to 
Naish  which  he  reports.] 

About  seven  weeks  later  we  have  another  letter  in  the  same 
tone. 

LETTER  LVIII. 

"  For  Mks.  Hannah  Lloyd. 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 
' '  My  very  good  Loed  &  Beothee, 
"  'Though  I  have  nothing  worthy  of  the  postage,  yet  I  thought 
myself  obliged  to  give  your  Lordship  an  account  of  my  motions  :  I 
am  now  at  Sarum,  where  I  have  been  detained  by  a  lame  horse, 
but  hope  to  be  gone,  God  willing,  to-morrow,  and  to  be  at  Nash  on 
Saturday,  or  Monday,  there  to  spend  my  Lent.  You  cannot 
imagine  the  universal  satisfaction  expressed  for  Dr.  Hooper's 
coming  to  my  See ;  and  I  make  no  doubt  but  that  he  will  rescue  the 
diocese  from  the  apostacy  from  '  the  faith  once  delivered  to  the 
saints,'  which  at  present  threatens  us,  and  from  the  spirit  of 
latitudinarianism,  which  is  a  common  sewer  of  all  heresies  imagin- 
able, and  I  am  not  a  little  satisfied,  that  I  have  made  the  best  pro- 
vision for  the  flock,  which  was  possible  in  our  present  circumstances. 
God  keep  us  in  His  holy  fear. 

"Your  Lordship's  most  affecte  friend  &  Br, 

"T.  K. 

"Feb.  21  "  (170|). 

[After  Christmas  tide  was  over  Ken  seems  to  have  gone  again  to  Izaak  "Walton's 
at  Salisbury,  bat  another  visit  to  Naish  was  in  prospect.  The  "good  ladies" 
had,  happily,  not  been  persuaded  to  renounce  his  friendship,  or  to  cease  to  hold 
communion  with  him.  The  tone  is  as  before,  one  of  general  content  with  his  own 
action  and  its  results.  Hooper's  appointment  (he  was  elected  on  Jan.  25th,  but 
was  not  installed  till  April  3rd)  had  given  "  universal  satisfaction."  As  Ken  looked 
back  on  Kidder's  administration  it  seemed  to  him  to  involve  something  like 
apostasy  from  the  true  faith,  leading  to  the  latitudinarian  indifference  which  was, 
not  the  "  fountain-head,"  but  the  "  common  sewer"  of  all  heresies.  One  notes 
how  he  refers  to  his  own  share  in  Hooper's  appointment.  He  had,  in  fact,  been 
responsible  for  that  appointment  in  the  act  of  declining  the  Queen's  offer  for  him- 
self and  asking  Hooper  to  accept  the  Bishopric.  We  note  once  more  the  signature 
T.  K.] 

The  journey  to  Naish  was  accomplished  and  Ken  writes 
again. 


L40     KEN  AND  NON-JURORS  UNDER  ANNE.  [chap,  xxiti. 

LETTER  LIX. 
"To  Mrs.  Hannah  Lloyd. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

11  My  good  Lord  and  dear  Brother, 
"  I  came  not  to  Nash  till  last  night,  being  detained  by  the  way 
by  a  lame  horse,  and  there  I  met  with,  your  letter  of  Janry  25th,  by 
which  I  perceive  my  letter  to  you,  which  gave  you  an  account  of 
my  motions,  miscarried.  I  read  yours  with  very  great  commisera- 
tion of  your  condition  very  painful  and  afflicting,  though  thanks  be 
to  God,  the  paroxysm  was  over  before  you  wrote,  and  I  hope  by 
this  time  you  have  recovered  j^our  spirits,  the  sovereign  support  of 
which  is  a  good  conscience  and  resignation  to  the  Divine  will,  of 
which  I  assure  myself  you  have  a  plentiful  experience ;  my  dis- 
temper, which  is  always  most  domineering  at  spring  and  fall,  has 
threatened  me  with  a  further  assault,  but  thanks  be  to  God,  it  soon 
abated.  I  presume  that  my  successor  has  so  many  avocations,  that 
at  present  he  cannot  make  so  long  an  excursion  as  to  visit  your 
Lordship,  but  will  do  it  when  he  is  at  liberty.  God  keep  us  in  his 
Holy  fear,  and  enable  us  to  improve  all  the  mementoes  he  is  pleased 
to  give  us  of  eternity. 

"My  good  Lord, 
"Your  Lordship's  most  affectionate  friend  &  Brother, 

"K. 

"Nash,  Feb.  27  (170f). 

"  The  good  Ladys  are  your  servants." 

[On  the  same  grounds  as  before,  with  the  addition  of  the  link  with  the  pre- 
vious letter,  of  the  "lame  horse,"  I  assign  the  letter  to  the  February  of  170f. 
Lloyd  had  apparently  been  suffering  from  some  acute  form  of  disease,  and  Ken, 
himself  a  sufferer  from  chronic  pains  of  many  kinds,  was  but  too  well  able  to 
sympathise  with  him.  The  latter  had  hoped,  it  would  seem,  that  his  friend  the 
new  Bishop  would  before  this  have  called  on  Lloyd  and  given  him  whatever 
assurances  were  necessary  to  confirm  his  feeling  of  satisfaction  that  such  a  man 
had  been  appointed.  In  the  absence  of  any  knowledge  of  the  whereabouts  of 
either  of  the  two  we  cannot  tell  what  was  the  "  long  excursion  "  of  which  the 
letter  speaks.  Possibly  Hooper,  though  not  installed  till  April  3rd,  may  have 
already  entered  on  residence  at  "Wells,  or  he  may  have  been  still  at  St.  Asaph, 
and  so  was  unable  to  visit  Lloyd  in  London.] 

The  repose  which  Ken  sought  at  Naish  during  the  Lent 
season  was  unhappily  interrupted,  as  the  unknown  writer  of 
the  letter  given  in  p.  135  had  threatened,  by  more  reproaches, 


a.d.  1702-1705.]   CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  LLOYD.      141 

bitter  and  scornful  in  their  tone,  from  the  more  violent  Non- 
jurors, both  at  London  and  Bristol.  He  turns  to  Lloyd, 
obviously  in  the  full  confidence  that  he  will  gi\e  him  his 
sympathy  and  support. 

LETTER  LX. 

"  To  Mrs.  Haxxah  Lloyd. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

1 '  My  good  Lord  aistd  dear  Br, 

"Your  last  came  to  me  yesterday  in  the  morning,  blessed  be 
God,  who  has  given  you  ease,  and  sanctified  your  affliction  to  you. 
All  here  send  most  kind  remembrances  to  your  Lordshijppe,  and  to 
their  good  friends  with  you,  to  which  I  add  my  owne.  The  Jaco- 
bites at  Bristoll,  fomented  by  those  at  London,  are  thoroughly 
enraged  against  me  for  my  Cession  to  one,  whom  all  mankind,  be- 
sides themselves,  have  a  high  esteem  of,  and  one  most  able  and 
willing  to  preserve  the  Deposition,  and  under  whose  care  /assure  my- 
self that  the  Diocese  will  be  secured  from  the  Latitudinarian  Con- 
tagion. Our  Br  of  Gl:  [Gloucester]  is  doing  the  same  thing,  having 
surrendered  his  cure  of  souls  at  Standish  to  his  curate,  who,  I  pre- 
sume, is  by  this  time  possessed  of  it.  But  the  same  persons,  who 
inveigh  against  me,  take  no  notice  of  him.  I  am  threatened  with  some- 
thing to  be  printed  against  me  :  I  believe  they  had  better 
let  me  alone.  If  I  should  produce  the  frequent  letters  a  cer- 
taine  person  wrote  to  me,  for  near  two  yeares  together,  to  impor- 
tune me  to  consent  to  Clandestine  C.  [Consecrations]  they  would 
discover  the  temper  of  the  man,  and  the  zeal  he  shewed  to 
make  the  Schism  incurable,  which  I  was  always  for  moderating, 
foreseeing  how  fatal  it  would  prove.  As  long  as  L  have  your  appro- 
hat  ion,  and  the  example  of  our  other  Br ,  L  have  little  regard  for  the 
passion  of  others  ;  I  thank  God  that  I  have  reposed  the  flock  in  safe 
hands,  which  is  a  great  ease  to  me,  and  I  have  preserved  them  from 
a  wolfe,  that  might  have  invaded  them.  All  who  condemn  me,  owne 
that  Death  legitimates  an  intruder,  and  L know  no  reason,  hut  that  volun- 
tary Cession,  and  that  for  the  apparent  preservation  of  the  whole  flock,  to 
one  who  will  not  intrude,  may  he  as  effectuall  as  death. 

"God  keepe  us  in  His  holy  feare. 

"  My  good  Lord, 
"  Your  Lordshipp's  most  affect:  Friend  and  Br, 

"T.  B.  &  W. 

"March  1th  "  (170f). 


i  i:     KEN  AND  NON-JURORS  UNDER  ANNE.  [chap.  xxm. 

[It  will  be  seen  that  now  Ken  speaks  of  his  "  cession  "  as  a  thing  which,  if  not 
formally  executed,  was  virtually  a  thing  accomplished,  and  separates  himself 
altogether  from  the  "  Jacobite  "  section  of  the  Non-jurors.  He  strengthens  his 
position  by  the  example  of  Frampton,  who,  though  he  had  not  resigned  his 
bishopric,  had  taken  that  course  as  regarded  his  cure  of  souls  at  Standish.  He 
looks  to  Hickes  (I  take  him  to  be  the  "  certain  person  ")  as  the  chief  agent  in 
promoting  the  attacks  to  which  he  had  been  subject,  and  looks  back  with  satis- 
faction to  the  part  he  had  taken  in  1693,  in  resisting  his  proposals  for  the 
clandestine  consecration  of  two  Non-juring  Bishops,  in  order  to  perpetuate  the 
Episcopal  succession  in  that  body  as  a  distinct  Church  standing  apart  from  the 
Established  Church  of  England.  As  yet  he  feels  sure  he  has  Lloyd's  approval, 
and  can  rest  upon  Frampton's  example,  and  so  he  cares  little  for  the  opinion  of 
others.  He  falls  back  upon  the  general  principle  admitted  by  all  canonists,  urged 
afterwards  by  Dodwell,  that  "Death  legitimates  an  intruder,"  and  that  "  volun- 
tary cession  "  has  in  such  a  case,  the  same  effect  as  death."  (See  pp.  191 — 4.) 
Hickes,  in  his  letter  of  Nov.  10th,  1701  (pp.  Ill,  137),  had  urged  that  Ken  could 
not  canonically  resign  without  the  consent  of  the  Primus  {i.e.  Bishop  Lloyd),  and 
that  if  he  did  so,  many  Non-jurors  would  become  Papists.] 

Lloyd's  answer,  which,  with  a  view  to  the  correspondence 
which  follows,  it  will  be  well  to  give  in  full,  seems  to  show  that 
he  had  listened  to  the  reproaches  with  which  Ken  had  been 
assailed,  and  began  to  think  that  he  had  been  acting  too 
precipitately  in  indicating  his  approval  of  Hooper's  appoint- 
ment. If  he  was  satisfied  with  regard  to  the  man,  it  did  not 
follow  that  he  approved  of  Ken's  acting  as  he  had  done,  with- 
out consulting  those  with  whom  he  was  associated. 


"  To  Bisnor  Ken. 

1 '  My  good  Lord  and  Deare  Brother, 
"  I  have  your  dispatch  of  the  7th  current  now  before  me.  I  must 
own  the  obligations  your  Lordship  and  the  good  ladyes  att  Nash 
have  layd  upon  me,  for  your  good  wishes  to  me  and  my  family.  I 
was  sensibly  grieved,  (when  I  read  your  letter)  for  the  noyse  and  out- 
cryes,  made  both  at  Bristol,  and  here  above  (also  .*),  upon  the  account 
of  your  Cession.  How  a  sudden  passion  may  carry  and  transport 
some  men  at  Bristoll  I  know  not ;  but  I  am  sure  I  have  not  heard 
any  of  the  brethren  here,  say  anything  disrespectf ull  of  your  person, 
or  your  character,  unlesse  what  amounts  to  no  more  than  this,  viz. 
that  they  seemed  offended,  because  your  conduct,  in  and  about  the 
<  Session,  was  not  managed  communi  consensu.  To  obviate  this  objec- 
tion, I  took  the  freedom  to  write  unto  you,  and  to  desire  you,  not 


a.d.  1702—1705.]   CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  LLOYD.       143 

to  quit  your  charge,  until  we  might  (for  our  mutual  satisfaction) 
meet,  and  consult  upon  that  weighty  case,  lest  we  should  doe  any- 
thing that  might  hurt  the  Church,  or  wound  the  minds  of  our 
brethren.  To  this,  you  were  pleased  to  inform  me,  that  your  Lord- 
ship was  fully  satisfyed  in  the  merits  of  the  person,  that  was  to 
succeed  you,  and  named  the  reverend  Dr.  Hooper.  I  was  apprised 
of  his  piety,  learning  and  good  temper,  and  if  my  approbation  would  have 
signified  anything  I  did  then  say,  and  doe  now  say  the  same,  viz.  in  my 
poore  opinion  you  could  not  have  desired,  or  wished  for,  a  worthier  or  Jitter 
person  for  your  successor,  and  thereupon  wished  that  a  double  portion  of 
his  predecessor' s  spirit  might  rest  on  him.  Thus,  my  Lord,  I  have 
plainly  laid  before  your  Lordship,  all  the  account  I  know  of,  re- 
lating to  this  matter,  both  to  satisfy  your  Lordship  of  what  I  am 
apprised  of,  and  to  prevent  (if  possible)  the  groundless  surmises  of 
those  who  are  apt  to  take  fire  without  due  materialls.  With  all 
respects  and  service  to  your  Lordship,  and  to  the  good  ladyes  att 
Nash, 

"I  remain  your  Lordship's 

"  Affectionate  Brother,  and  humble  Servant, 

"Wm.  NOE: 
"March  14*A,  170£." 

[The  chief  point  in  Lloyd's  letter  is  the  reference  to  the  fact  that  in  a  previous 
letter  he  had  written  in  accordance  -with  Hickes's  view,  as  given  in  the  letter  of 
Nov.  10th,  1701  (pp.  Ill,  137),  to  desire  Ken  not  to  quit  his  charge  till  the  whole 
question  of  what  was  best  to  be  done,  as  affairs  then  stood,  had  been  dis- 
cussed by  the  leaders  of  the  party.  Against  Hooper  personally  he  has  not  a  word 
to  say.  No  one  could  be  named  as  fitter  for  the  Episcopate,  but  he  is  not  pre- 
pared at  present  to  commit  himself  to  more.] 

To  this  Ken  replies — 


LETTER  LXI. 
11  To  Mrs.  Hannah  Lloyd. 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 
"  My  good  Loed  and  dear  Beothee, 
' '  Among  other  things  which  are  vehemently  laid  to  my  charge, 
one  is,  that  against  your  advice,  and  entreaties,  I  would  obstinately 
go  my  own  way ;  against  this,  I  owne,  that  you  had  wrote  to  me  to 
deferre  my  Cession,  but  that  the  nature  of  the  thing  would  not  permit  it, 
and  if  I  had  not  given  my  consent  that  post,  I  might  have  had  a  Hireling 
and  not  a  Shepherd,  and  I  wrott  to  you  to  that  purpose,  and  that 


144     KEN  A  XD  NON-JURORS  UNDER  AXXE.  [chap,  xxttt. 

after  I  had  receded,  your  Lordship  approved  of  what  I  had  done, 
and  that  /  had  by  me  your  letter*,  which  congratulated  my  choice,  to 
attest  it ;  and  that  in  your  last,  you  seem  to  lay  to  heart  the  danger 
in  which  the  Dcpositum  is,  as  much  as  myself,  and  which  was  the 
sole  motive  which  inclined  me,  and  you  expresse  your  sense  of  the  hard- 
nesse  of  the  Work  to  stem  the  strong  current  which  runns  against  the  Church. 
in  which  you  have  the  concurrent  testimonies  of  all  sober  men. 
Sure  I  am,  if  people  will  duly  weigh  all  circumstances,  no  well- 
minded  man  can  blame  me.  I  am  told  from  London,  that  'tis  urged 
that  by  my  action  I  condemn  their  conduct,  but  how  I  know  not : — 
if  any  of  them  had  a  Cure  of  Souls,  and  could  transfer  it  into  like 
hands,  as  I  have  done,  I  should  exhort  them  to  recede,  as  well  as 
myself,  for  the  common  good  of  the  flock,  without  making  a  bar- 
gaine  with  the  successor  for  a  pension,  as  I  fear  some  have  done 
who  blame  me.  The  Ladys  here  are,  God  be  thanked,  very  well, 
and  present  their  respects  to  yourself  and  family.  God  keep  us  in 
His  Holy  feare  and  prepare  us  for  a  happy  eternity. 

"My  dear  Ld, 
"  Your  Lordship's  most  affectionate  Brother, 

"T.  B.  &  W. 

<•  March  20th,  I70f." 

[Ken  seems  to  feel  that  there  had  been  a  certain  amount  of  trimming  on 
Lloyd's  part.  It  was  true  that  he  had  urged  delay,  hut  after  Ken  had  told  him 
that  delay  would  only  lead  to  the  very  evil  he  sought  to  avoid,  he  had  still  written 
in  the  language  not  of  remonstrance,  hut  of  congratulation.  Ken,  it  will  seem, 
is  still  with  the  ladies  of  Naish.  I  am  unable  to  identify  the  persons  of  whom 
Ken  speaks  as  having  resigned,  and  made  a  bargain  with  their  successors  for  a 
pension,  and  who,  in  spite  of  this,  were  found  among  those  who  attacked  him.] 

Two  letters  were  written  after  this  by  Lloyd,  which  are  not 
extant.  Their  contents  may,  however,  be  inferred  from  the 
two  which  Ken  wrote  in  return,  and  from  Lloyd's  own 
subsequent  letters.  The  former  began  to  feel  more  and  more 
indignant  at  what  seemed  to  him  the  inconsistency  of  Lloyd's 
more  recent  language  with  that  which  he  had  used  when  he 
first  heard  of  Hooper's  appointment.  That  indignation,  com- 
bined, we  may  well  believe,  with  sharp  bodily  suffering,  and 
with  the  over-sensitiveness  to  which  the  asceticism  of  a  strict 
Lent  not  seldom  exposes  men  of  weak  health  and  nervous 
temperament,  led  him  to  write  strongly,  and,  as  he  afterwards 
felt,  to  "  speak  unadvisedly  with  his  lips." 


a.d.  1702—1705.]   CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  LLOYD.       145 

LETTER  LXII. 
u  To  Mrs.  Hannah  Lloyd. 

"  AU  Glory  be  to  God. 

"  My  good  Lord  and  Brother, 
' '  I  perceive  by  your  two  last  that  your  Lordshippe  is  very  shy  of 
owning  your  approbation  of  my  action,  at  which  I  justly  wonder, 
in  regard  that  your  expressions  signify  it  very  clearly.  I  have  done 
nothing  but  what  may  be  justified  by  primitive  precedents,  and 
which  is  for  the  preservation  of  the  Depositum,  which  ought  chiefly 
to  exhaust  a  Pastour's  zeal,  especially  when  he  is,  in  all  respects, 
disabled  himself e  for  Pastoral  care,  and  that  the  flock  might  have  a 
shepherd,  and  not  a  hireling.  As  for  the  clause  you  mention,  I 
could  give  some  instances,  from  my  own  knowledge,  but  the  persons 
are  dead,  and  I  will  not  name  them.  If  I  had  been  conversant  in 
the  towne,  I  might  possibly  have  heard  of  more.  The  truth  is,  that 
which  provoked  me  to  mention  it,  was  one  of  our  brethren  in  the 
Country,  who  to  a  friend  of  mine  very  much  blamed  my  Cession. 
My  friend  who  heard  him,  presently  replied  to  this  purpose ;  that 
he  should  rather  reflect  on  himselfe,  who  had  been  making  a  bar- 
gain for  an  acquaintance  of  his  who  was  deprived,  which  it  seems 
my  friend  knew,  and  he  was  presently  silenced,  being  told  that  no 
such  thing  was  chargeable  on  me  ;  and  this  passage  coming  to  my 
knowledge,  occasioned  that  clause  in  my  letter.  I  am  not  surprised 
at  the  censures  bestowed  on  me ;  I  foresaw  them  all ;  and,  to  deal 
freely  with  your  Lordshippe,  you  are  not  without  your  share.  'Tis 
not  long  ago  that  a  very  sober  person  expressed  some  dissatisfac- 
tion at  your  suffering  your  son  to  take  all  tests ;  I  reply'd  that  I 
never  heard  you  did  so ;  and  that  it  might  be  a  false  report ;  and  so 
the  discourse  ended.  For  my  own  part,  I  never  did  anything  in  my 
life  more  to  my  satisfaction  than  my  Receding.  It  has  eased  me  of  a 
great  load  which  lay  on  me,  and  has  entirely  loosened  me  from  the 
world  ;  so  that  I  have  now  nothing  to  doe  but  to  think  of  eternity, 
for  which  God  of  His  infinite  mercy  prepare  us. 

1 '  My  good  Lord, 
' '  Your  Lordps  very  affect:  Friend  and  Brother, 

"T.  B.  &  W. 

"  April  1st,  1704." 

[The  mysterious  allusion  to  those  who  had  "  bargained  for  a  pension  "  had 
probably  been  met  by  Lloyd  with  some  doubt  as  to  the  accuracy  of  the  statement. 
Ken  contents  himself  with  saying  that  he  had  not  spoken  without  sufficient 


146    KEN  AND  NON-JURORS  UNDER  ANNE.  [chap.  xxiit. 

grounds.  There  is  no  evidence  to  show  who  were  the  parties  to  the  conversation 
of  which  he  gives  a  summary  :  nor  am  I  able  to  confirm  or  deny  the  statement 
that  Lloyd  had  allowed  his  Bon  to  "  take  all  tests;'  including  of  course  the  latest 
test  of  the  Abjuration  Oath.  The  last  sentence  of  the  letter,  as  indicating  Ken's 
desire  to  give  the  rest  of  his  life,  free  from  all  worldly  cares,  to  preparation  for 
the  end,  is  eminently  characteristic.  I  cannot  explain  his  return  to  the  old  form 
of  signature  in  this  and  the  two  previous  letters.  It  may  have  been  simply  an 
instance  of  the  force  of  habit.] 

This  was  followed  up,  without  waiting  for  an  answer,  by  yet 
another,  written  in  still  keener  language  of  complaint. 

LETTER  LXIII. 
11  To  Mrs.  Hannah  Lloyd. 
''All  Glory  be  to  God. 
"  My  very  good  Lord  and  dear  Brother, 
"Though  I  wrote  to  your  Lordship  last,  yett  I  am  in  a  manner 
bound  to  write  again,  to  let  you  know  that  the  ferment  against  me 
rises  higher  and  higher,  insomuch  that  when  the  neighbours  at 
Bristol  come  hither,  they  manifestly  insult  me,  and  though  you  are 
pleased  to  tell  me  that  others  kindled  this  flame,  and  not  yourself, 
I  must  take  the  freedome  to  tell  you  that  it  is  yourself  have  most 
contributed  to  it.     For  'tis  still  vehemently  urged  against  me,  that 
I  acted  quite  contrary  to  your  earnest  remonstrances,  which  you 
know  to  be  false.     If  I  did,  I  do  not  remember  that  I  ever  put  my- 
self into  your  keeping,  and  was  to  do  nothing  but  by  your  direction  ; 
but  you  yourself  can  acquit  me  in  that  particular,  by  only  relating 
matter  of   fact.      But  I  find  there  is  a  flat  contradiction  between 
them   and  me ;  I  affirm  you  approved  my  action,  and  they  flatly 
deny  it,  and  affirm  the  quite  contrary,  and  that  increases  their  zeal : 
now  I  calmly  appeal  to  you  to  let  me  know  the  literaU  importance 
of  this  expression,  for  I  will  only  mention  this  :   '  /  heartily  congra- 
tulate your  choice,  and  wish  a  double  portion  of  your  spirit  may  rest  upon 
the  head  and  heart  of  your  Successor,  for  I  trust  he  ivill  act  valiantly,  and 
becoming  his  station:     If  this  does  not  signify  an  approbation,  and 
more  than  that,  a  congratulation,  both  of  my  action  and  the  person, 
to  the  height,  I  am  much  mistaken.    Sure  you  would  not  have  used 
this  language,  if  you  had  thought  my  successour,  as  you  style  him, 
a  schismatical  Bishop.    No,  good  Brother,  your  native  thoughts  wore  the 
same  with  mine:  but  when  you  heard  a  cry  against  me,  you  flew  to  the 
distinction  of  Person  and   Cession,  and  'tis  from  thence  that  the  fury 
against  me  was  raised  for  doing  an  act  which,  according  to  the  best  of  my 
judgment,  appeared  truly  primitive  and  charitable,  and  I  may  add,  neces- 


ad.  1702—1705.]   CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  LLOYD.       147 

sari/.  This  is  not  all ;  the  heat  against  me  is  furnished  with  fresh 
fuel  from  the  town,  and  that  by  your  communicating  my  letters, 
which  I  am  charged  with  here.  This  is  hard  usage  ;  sure  I  am, 
that  I  have  never  showed  }'Our  letters  to  my  angry  neighbours, 
being  unwilling  to  expose  private  correspondence,  which,  when  ex- 
posed, is  easily  misrepresented,  and  exaggerated,  and  if  I  had  done 
it,  I  verily  believe  that  the  like  heat  would  be  raised  against  your- 
self. Sure  I  am,  had  you  acted  uniformly  to  the  expressions  you 
used  to  me,  this  storm  had  quite  allayed,  or  at  least  very  much 
moderated.  Upon  the  whole  matter  I, — who  desire  nothing  more  than 
in  retreat  quietly  to  serve  God,  to  pray  for  my  brethren,  which  I  daily  do, 
and  to  mind  only  my  latter  end, — seeing  my  letters  do  but  make  more 
trouble,  desire  to  be  excused  from  writing  for  the  future,  for  I  find  it  much 
easier  for  me  silently  to  endure  the  passion  of  others,  than  to  endeavour  to 
mitigate  it.  I  beseech  God  to  make  us  wise  for  eternity. 
"  Your  Lordships  very  affect:  Brother, 

"T.  B.  and  W. 
"  April  5th"  (1704). 

[Fresh  attacks  from  the  Jacobites  of  Bristol,  who  came  to  Naish  Court  and 
made  free  use  of  Lloyd's  name,  Stamp,  probably,  being  their  leader,  roused  Ken's 
spirit  once  more  to  a  fiery  heat  of  indignation.  He  was  charged  with  having  acted 
contrary  to  Lloyd's  remonstrances.  He  falls  back  on  the  language  of  congratu- 
lation which  Lloyd  had  used,  and  which  seemed  to  him  to  imply  approval.  He 
charges  Lloyd  with  recanting  that  approval  under  pressure  from  without.  He 
is  hurt  that  his  own  letters  should  have  been  shown  by  Lloyd,  without  his  leave, 
to  his  opponents,  but  will  not  follow  his  example.  As  it  is  he  prefers  to  break 
off  all  further  correspondence,  and  to  give  himself  wholly  to  a  life  of  prayer. 
He  can  "endure,"  even  where  he  fails  to  "mitigate"  the  passions  of  his 
accusers.] 

A  letter  like  this  naturally  roused  Lloyd  to  a  like  heat,  and 
he  answered  in  a  verbosa  et  grandis  epistola,  of  which,  con- 
trary to  his  usual  custom,  he  kept  a  copy,  which  we  find  accord- 
ingly in  the  Williams'  collection  of  his  MSS.  It  is  too  long 
to  reproduce  in  full,  but  I  give  some  extracts  that  will  suffici- 
ently show  its  character. 

To  Bishop  Ken. 

"  My  good  Lord  and  dear  Brother, 

"  I  was  so  amazed  at  the  perusall  of  your  two  (one  of  the  1st  and 

the  other  of  the  5th  current),  that  I  could  not  but  wonder  that  a 

person  of  your  character  and  profession  could  give  way  to,  and  be 

hurried  on  by,  such  vehement  passion  and  injurious  reflexions.  .   . 

.  .  You  take  upon  you  to  charge,  censure,  and  condemn  me,  with- 


148  KEN  AND  XOX-JURORS  UXBER  AXXE.    [chap.  xxin. 

out  any  proof  or  evidence,  nay,  without  allowing  me  the  liberty  to 
defend  myself  from  those  rash  and  reproachful  calumnys  laid  to  my 

charge Wherefore  I  take  the  freedom  to  lay  before  you  the 

matter  of  fact  as  it  passed  between  me  and   Mr.   Stamp " 

Lloyd  then  complains  that  ' '  he  has  been  drawn  into  that  unhappy 
contest  wholly  against  his  will."  He  goes  through  his  correspond- 
ence with  Ken,  including  the  letters  given  above,  of  December  6th 
and  18th,  in  which  Ken  had  announced  that  he  had  urged  Hooper 
to  accept  his  bishopric  and  thought  of  appointing  him  as  his  coad- 
jutor, and  then  refers  to  his  own  answers  to  them,  from  which  he 
quotes  passages  to  show  that  he  had  urged  his  friend  not  to  ' '  act 
precipitately"  and  had  never  gone  beyond  an  approval  of  Hooper's 
personal  fitness.  So  matters  rested,  he  goes  on  to  say,  till  the 
beginning  of  February.  Then  Mr.  Stamp  went  to  Naish  Court  and 
was  told  by  Ken  that  Lloyd  approved  of  his  cession.  Stamp,  as 
we  have  seen,  doubted  the  statement,  and  wrote  to  his  London 
correspondent  (apparently  Spinckes)  to  inquire.  Lloyd  stated,  in 
answer  to  the  inquiry,  that  "  he  had  nothing  more  to  say,"  that  he 
"  meddled  not  with  the  Cession,  that  he  still  congratulated  Ken  on 
having  such  a  man  as  Hooper  as  his  successor."  After  this  Spinckes 
brought  him  another  letter  from  Stamp,  reporting  his  contention 
with  Ken,  with  all  the  "indecent  passions  "  and  " vehement  repar- 
tees "  that  had  passed  between  them.  He  adds  that  he  knew  of  an 
earlier  correspondence  between  Ken  and  Francis  Turner,  of  Ely,  in 
which  the  former  had  spoken  of  Ken's  inclination  to  resign  his  charge 
into  the  hands  of  the  Dean  and  Chapter  of  Wells.1  This  led  him  to 
warn  Ken  against  precipitate  action.  After  all  this,  Lloyd  says,  he 
did  not  expect  to  be  so  severely  handled  as  he  had  been  in  Ken's 
last  letter.  He  protests  against  the  charge  that  he  has  done  any- 
thing to  "kindle  a  fire"  between  Ken  and  his  neighbours.  He 
denies  that  he  had  ever  done  more  in  the  way  of  showing  Ken's 
letters  than  read  one  passage  of  that  of  December  6th  to  Spinckes. 
He  repudiates  the  notion  that  he  ever  wished  Ken  to  "  put  him- 
self into  his  keeping"  (see  p.  122),  and  adds  *'  What  stuff  is  this  ?  " 
For  the  future  he  "  will  not  be  further  concerned  in  this  business." 

The  letter  is  dated  April  11th.      On  May  1st  Ken  writes  his 
answer.     The  first  vehemence  of  indignation  had  calmed  down, 

1  The  intention  thus  described  rested,  probably,  on  the  old  idea  that  the  Dean  and 
Chapter  were  the  guardians  of  the  temporalities  of  a  bishopric  during  the  vacancy. 
Ken  would  not  recognise  Kidder  as  a  canonical  Bishop,  but  was  willing  apparently 
to  let  the  Dean  and  Chapter  act  as  they  thought  tit  on  receiving  his  cession. 
Some  curious  questions  might  have  arisen  had  he  carried  his  purpose  into  action. 


a.d.   1702—1705.]  "MEA   CULPA:'  149 

and  he  was  ready,  as  in  other  like  cases,  e.g.  that  to  Dodwell 
(p.  42),  to  confess  and  ask  pardon  for  his  fault. 


LETTER  LXIV. 

il  To  Mrs.  Hannah  Lloyd. 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"  My  very  good  Lord  and  Brother, 
"  Your  Lordship's  was  sent  to  me  to  Poulshot  last  night,  I  con- 
fess when  I  wrote  my  last  I  was  heated,  and  provoked  to  a  great  degree, 
and  if  my  provocation  transported  me  to  any  indecent  expressions,  I  beg 
your  pardon,  which  you  will,  I  hope,  the  more  readily  grant,  because  you 
seem  to  have  been  in  the  like  passion  when  you  wrote,  and  because  I  intend 
to  give  you  no  further  trouble.  You  must  give  me  leave  to  be  sensible 
when  I  am  insulted,  which  I  can  very  easily  forgive.  Every  day 
encreases  the  satisfaction  I  have  in  providing  so  well  for  my  flock. 
God  keep  us  in  His  holy  fear,  and  make  us  wise  for  eternity. 
"Your  Lordship's  very  affectionate  Friend  and  Br, 

"T.  K. 

"  May  1st  (1704)." 

[The  letter  tells  its  own  tale  and  requires  no  comment.      It  has  been  painful 
to  trace,  in  its  details  of  mutual  reproaches,  the  sharpness  of  the  contention  which 
divided  the  two  friends,  but  we  may  rest  in  the  conviction  that,  as  with  the       < 
"  paroxysm"  of  a  like  feeling  which  parted  Paul  from  Barnabas,  so  here,  the 
separation  was  but  for  a  time,  though,  as  yet,  the  soreness  still  continued.] 

So  far  Ken's  mind  was  at  rest.  It  was  painful  for  him  to 
have  had  to  differ  from  one  whose  friendship  he  valued  as  he 
valued  Lloyd's.  The  attacks  of  the  more  violent  and  irreconcil- 
able members  of  the  party  he  was  content  to  bear  in  silence. 
He  found  his  consolation  in  the  thought  that  the  flock,  for 
whom  he  cared  so  tenderly  that  he  would  fain  have  laid  down 
his  life  for  their  sake — we  remember  the  motto,  Pastor  bonus 
dot  animam  pro  ovibus,  which  he  chose  for  his  episcopal  coat  of 
arms — for  whom  he  had  actually  laid  down  his  office  and  all  that 
it  involved,  which  was  dearer  to  him  than  life,  were  now  under 
the  guidance  of  a  faithful  and  true  shepherd.  Compensation 
of  another  kind  was  found  in  the  action  of  that  successor. 
Hooper,  in  accepting  the  Bishopric,  had  asked  the  Queen  to 
allow  him  to  retain  the  Precentorship  of  Exeter  in  commendam 
that  he  might  hand  over  the  income  (£200  per  annum)  to  Ken. 

VOL.    II.  L 


150      REN  AND  XOX-JURORS  UNDER  AXXE.    [chap,  xxiii. 

The  Queen  was  much  pleased  with  the  proposal  and  thanked 
Hooper  for  suggesting  it.  Trelawney,  however,  who  was  then 
Bishop  of  Exeter,  objected  to  this  arrangement.  Godolphin, 
then  Lord  Treasurer,  the  husband  of  the  Mrs.  Godolphin 
(Margaret  Blagge,  whose  life  was  written  by  Evelyn)  interposed 
with  a  suggestion  which  met  the  difficulty  and  which  the 
Queen  approved,  that  Hooper  should  resign  the  Precentorship, 
and  that  Ken  should  have  a  pension  of  £200  from  the  Treasury. 
This  was  accordingly  acted  on,  and  Hooper  wrote  to  tell  Ken 
of  the  Queen's  bounty.1     Here  is  the  answer  to  that  letter. 

LETTER  LX  V. 

To  Bishop  Hooper. 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"  My  good  Lord, 

"  Your  Lordshippe  gave  me  a  wonderfull  surprise  when  you 
informed  me  y*  ye  Queen  had  been  pleased  to  settle  a  very  liberal 
pension  on  me.  I  beseech  God  to  accumulate  the  blessings  of  both 
lives  on  her  Majesty  for  her  royal  bounty  to  me,  so  perfectly  free 
and  unexpected  ;  and  I  beseech  God  abundantly  to  reward  my  Lord 
Treasurer,  who  inclined  her  to  be  thus  gratious  to  me,  and  give  him 
a  plentiful  measure  of  wisdom  from  above. 

"  My  Lord,  lett  it  not  shock  your  native  modesty,  if  I  make  this 
just  acknowledgment,  y*  though  ye  sense  of  her  Majesty's  favour  in 
ye  pension  is  deservedly  great,  yett  her  choosing  you  for  my  suc- 
cessor gave  me  much  more  satisfaction  ;  as  my  concerne  for  ye  eternal 
welfare  of  ye  flock  exceeded  all  regard  for  my  own  temporall  advan- 
tage, being  as  truely  conscious  of  my  own  infirmitys,  as  I  am 
assured  of  your  excellent  abilitys,  of  wch  ye  diocese,  even  at  your 
first  appearance,  signally  reaped  ye  fruits.  God  of  His  infinite 
goodness  keep  us  in  His  reverential  love,  and  make  us  wise  for 
eternity. 

"My  Lord, 

"  Your  Lordship's  most  affectionate 
"Friend  &  Brother, 

"Tiio.  Ken.     L.  B.  &  W. 

"[Late  Bath  and  Wells.] 
"June  1st,  1704." 

[It  is  noticeable  that  Ken  is  not  deterred  by  any  theories  of  hereditary  rights 
from  acknowledging  Anne  as  a  Queen.     He  had  refused  the  Abjuration  Oaths, 

1  Proivse  MS.  in  Anderdon,  p.  "29. 


a.d.  1702—1705.]     LIGHT  AT  EVENTIDE.  151 

and  had  expressed  a  vehement  dislike  to  the  Act  of  Attainder  against  the  Pre- 
tender. I  do  not  imagine  that  he  ever  shared  the  doubts  that  had  been  raised  as 
to  the  parentage  of  that  prince.  He  probably  looked  on  him  as  James's  son  and 
successor,  but  he  had  in  the  Convention  voted  for  the  resolution  that  excluded 
a  Roman  Catholic  sovereign  from  the  government  of  England,  and  his  claim 
was  therefore  in  abeyance,  and  Anne  was  accordingly  something  more,  from 
Ken's  point  of  view,  than  merely  a  Queen  de  facto.  He  was  grateful  to  her  for 
her  bounty.  He  was  yet  more  grateful  to  her  for  having  followed  his  counsel 
when  he  suggested  Hooper  as  a  fit  successor.] 

The  addition  of  this  income  to  the  £80  annuity  which  Ken 
received  from  Lord  Weymouth,  must  have  made  the  last  seven 
years  of  his  life  a  time  of  greater  comfort  than  he  had  known 
during  the  fourteen  years  that  had  passed  since  his  deprivation. 
Hooper,  with  an  insight  into  his  friend's  character  (the  same 
now  as  it  had  been  when  he  used  to  empty  his  pockets  in  alms 
when  he  went  for  a  walk  in  his  Oxford  days — i.  52),  insisted 
that  he  should  consider  the  additional  income  as  held  in  trust 
primarily  for  himself.  He  would  not  allow  him  "  to  give  it 
all  away,  which  he  was  so  charitable  as  to  be  always  doing  ;  so 
that  his  habit  was  mean,  and  he  had  but  a  poor  horse  to  carry 
him  about,  which  made  Hooper  entreat  him  to  lay  out  some- 
thing for  himself,  and  from  that  time  he  appeared  in  every- 
thing according  to  his  condition."1 

An  anecdote  communicated  to  Mr.  Anderdon  (p.  734)  by  Dr. 
Routh,  the  President  of  Magdalen,  is  interesting  as  an  illus- 
tration of  the  "  mean  habit "  just  mentioned. 

"  Bishop  Ken  was  staying  in  Gloucestershire,  near  Badminton, 
the  seat  of  the  Duke  of  Beaufort,  with  whom  he  was  acquainted. 
The  Bishop  being  an  early  riser,  called  one  morning  to  pay  his 
respects  to  the  Duke.  The  Duke  was  not  stirring ;  but  Ken  was 
received  by  the  Chaplain,  who  believing  him  to  be  a  Clergyman 
from  the  neighbourhood,  invited  him  to  breakfast.  Whilst  they 
were  so  engaged,  the  Duke  entered, — and  immediately,  on  seeing 
the  Bishop,  fell  on  his  knees,  and  asked  his  blessing.  The  Chap- 
lain, surprised  when  he  found  the  distinction  of  his  visitor,  began 
to  apologise  for  the  manner  in  which  he  had  received  him  ;  but  was 
stopped  by  the  Bishop  declaring  the  obligation  to  be  entirely  on 
his  side,  who  had  been  so  hospitably  entertained." 

The  following  letter  makes  it  probable  that  the  visit    to 

1  Prowse  MS.  in  Anderdon,  p.  731. 

l2 


152      KEX  AXD  XOX-JURORS  UNDER  AXXE.   [chap.  xxra. 

Badminton  was  in  the  autumn  of  1704,  when  Ken  was  in  that 
part  of  England. 

LETTER  LXVI. 
"For  the  Bishop  of  Norwich. 
"  All  Glory  he  to  God. 
"  My  very  good  Lord, 
"  I  made,  as  I  told  you  I  intended,  a  visit  to  our  good  Brother  of 
Gloucester,  who  was  not  a  little  joyed  to  see  me.    He  is  very  cheer- 
ful, and  heing  past  eighty,  does  not  only  daily  expect,  hut,  like  St. 
Paul,  longs  for,  his  dissolution.    He  has  many  infirmities  of  old  age, 
but  his  eyes  are  very  good,  and  he  uses  no  spectacles.     With  all 
the  tenderness  imaginable  he  remembers  your  Lordship.     Dr.  Bull 
being  in  my  way,  I  called  upon  him,  which  he  took  the  more  kindly, 
because  he  thought,  we  had  as  much  abandonned  him,  as  he  seems 
to  have  abandonned  us,  and  the  respect  I  paid  him,  I  perceive,  sur- 
prised him,  and  the  rather,  because  he  never  has  taken  any  notice  of 
our  deprived  brethren  :  but  he  has  reason  to  value  his  old  friends, 
for  his  new  have  little  regarded  him.     My  best  respects  to  your 
good  lady.    I  beseech  God  to  keep  us  in  His  holy  fear,  and  to  make 
us  wise  for  eternity. 

"  Your  Lordship's  most  affect:  Brother, 

"THO.  B.  &  W. 

"Sept.  17th"  (1704). 

[Frampton  was,  as  we  have  seen,  one  of  Ken's  dearest  friends,  of  all  the  Non- 
juring  divines  the  most  like-minded  with  himself.  It  must  have  "been  a  refresh- 
ment to  Ken,  after  the  controversies  and  strife  of  tongues  of  the  early  months  of 
the  year  to  find  himself  with  one  from  whom  he  had  never  "been  for  a  moment 
divided,  either  in  thought  or  action,  and  who  was  passing  the  last  days  of  his  life, 
as  Ken  did,  in  writing  hymns  and  meditations.  Bull,  the  author  of  the  Defensio 
Fidei  Niccence  and  the  Harmonia  Evatigclica,  appears  for  the  first  time  as  in  the 
circle  of  Ken's  friends,  hut  his  two  great  works  were  precisely  such  as  Ken  would 
value  as  a  defence  of  the  depositum  fidei.  The  latter  work,  hy  the  way,  had 
"been  authoritatively  condemned  hy  Morlcy  in  1669,  hut  this  had  not  hindered  Ken 
from  cultivating  Bull's  friendship,  or  from  studying  and  admiring  his  works. 
The  Defensio  had  indeed  received  the  praises,  not  only  of  Anglican  divines,  but 
of  the  great  theologians  of  the  Gallican  and  Latin  Churches,  notably  of  Bossuet, 
to  whom  it  had  been  sent  by  Robert  Nelson.  Bull,  like  Hooper,  had  taken  the 
oaths ;  but  Ken,  as  in  Hooper's  case,  never  thought  less  well  of  the  man,  because, 
in  that  matter,  he  had  taken  another  courso  than  he  had  felt  himself  constrained 
to  take.  Bull  at  this  time  was  rector  of  Avening,  in  Gloucestershire,  a  living 
worth  £200  per  annum,  and  in  private  patronage.  His  "new  friends,"  as 
Ken  remarks,  the  Government  of  the  day,  had  not  done  much  for  him.     It  was 


a.d.  1702—1705.]     SYMPATHY  WITH  SUFFERERS.         153 

not  till  1705  that  he  was  promoted,  at  the  age  of  seventy-one,  to  the  see  of  St. 
David's,  on  Bishop  Watson's  deprivation.  He  died  in  1709.  It  is,  I  think,  worth 
noting  that  Bull  was  a  native  of  Wells,  and  had  heen  educated  at  the  Grammar 
or  Blue  School  there,  and  that  this  may  have  made  another  link  between  the  two 
men.  The  letter  is  the  last  extant  addressed  to  Lloyd,  and  it  is  a  pleasant  ending 
to  the  correspondence.  The  bitterness  had  passed  away.  The  friendship  of 
earlier  days  returned,  and  for  both  there  was  light  at  eventide.  The  letter  is 
given  by  Round  as  in  the  series  of  letters  of  1702,  but  Anderdon  (p.  732)  says  that 
it  is  endorsed  by  Lloyd  with  the  date  given  above.     See  Letter  xlviii,  p.  126.] 

And,  as  to  Hooper,  all  went  as  he  could  wish.  Learning,  tact, 
kindness,  soundness  in  the  faith  endeared  him  to  the  diocese  as 
they  had  endeared  him  to  Ken.  The  following  letter  has  no 
public  interest,  but  I  print  it  as  throwing  light  on  the  relations 
between  the  two  men.  Ken  feels  that  he  can  write  freely  to 
his  friend  about  a  sick  man's  troubles,  in  the  full  faith  that  he 
will  sympathise  and  help. 


LETTER  LXVII. 
"  To  Bishop  Hooper. 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 

' '  My  very  good  Lord, 
"  I  have  sent  my  servant  to  begge  of  your  Lordshippe  two  or 
three  bottles  of  canary  for  or  sick  friend,  wch  ye  Doctour  comends  to 
him.  Your  Lordshippe  gave  ye  whole  family  so  seasonable  and 
sensible  a  consolation,  y*  it  revived  ye  whole  family,  and  it  gave  me 
a  very  great  satisfaction  to  see  my  friend  doe  an  act  of  so  great,  so 
free,  and  so  well-timed  charity.  Ye  good  man  is  full  of  resignation 
to  ye  divine  will,  and  has  an  humble  confidence  of  a  blessed  immor- 
tality. He  has  slepped  this  night  as  well  as  could  be  expected,  and 
is  asleepe  now,  and  his  pulse,  wch  for  some  days  was  unperceivable, 
is  now  become  tolerable.  He  has  strength  to  turne  in  his  bed,  as 
weak  as  he  is,  and  to  expectorate,  and  is  sensibly  mended ;  and  I 
hope  God  will  restore  him,  wch  will  be  a  blessing  next  to  miraculous. 
He  has  his  understanding  perfectly.  My  best  respects  to  your  good 
lady,  and  to  ye  three  young  gentlewomen,  and  to  Mr.  Guilford.  I 
beseech  God  to  make  us  wise  for  eternity. 

"  My  good  Lord, 
u  Your  Lordshipp's  most  affectionate  Friend  and  Br, 

"THO.  KEN,  L.  B.  &  W. 

"Oct.  6th"  (1704). 


154      KEN  AND  XOX- JURORS  UNDER  ANNE.    [chap,  xxiii. 

[I  am  unable  to  identify  the  "  sick  friend,"  on  behalf  of  whom  Ken  wrote, 
or  Mr.  Guilford,  to  whom  he  sends  greeting.  The  signature,  L.  B.  &  \V. 
(late  Bath  and  "Wells),  is  significant  as  a  practical  confirmation  of  his  cession. 
The  u  three  young  gentlewomen "  were  probably  Hooper's  daughters,  one  of 
whom,  Abigail,  afterwards  Mrs.  Prowse,  wrote  the  MS.  memoir  of  her  father 
which  has  been  often  referred  to.] 

The  separation  from  the  JSTon -jurors  who  were  bent  on  per- 
petuating the  schism  was  now  complete.  There  was  a  lull 
after  the  storm,  and  even  they  ceased  from  troubling,  and  the 
weary  soul  of  the  devout  Bishop  could  at  last  find  rest. 
During  the  reign  of  Anne  the  policy  of  the  party  was  one  of 
expectation.  They  hoped  that  something  might  be  done  before 
her  death  that  would  undo  the  Act  of  Settlement.  They  and 
the  statesmen  and  others,  Bolingbroke  and  Atterbury  and 
their  associates  who  acted  with  them,  worked  upon  the  Queen's 
affection  for  her  brother,  and  but  for  her  death  on  August  1st, 
1714,  which  defeated  their  plans,  he,  and  not  George  I.,  might 
have  been  proclaimed  as  King  of  England.  In  the  mean- 
time the  air  was  calmer.  There  were  few  conspiracies.  The 
excitement  of  Sacheverell's  sermon  (1709)  and  the  trial  that 
followed  turned  the  passions  of  men  into  another  channel. 
It  was  not  till  near  the  close  of  Ken's  life  that  he  once 
more  decided  on  a  course  by  which  he  separated  himself 
more  completely  than  ever  from  the  Non -jurors,  and  re- 
turned into  full  communion  with  the  Church  from  which  he 
had  been  self-excluded.  The  history  of  that  step  will  come 
before  us  more  fully  in  a  later  chapter. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

EPISODES    IN    PRIVATE    LIFE,    A.D.   1695 1710. 

"  The  Saint's  is  not  the  Hero's  praise ; 
This  I  have  found,  and  learn 
Not  to  malign  Heaven's  humblest  ways, 
Nor  its  least  boon  to  spurn.' ' 

J.  M.  Newman. 

In  the  course  of  the  inquiries,  the  result  of  which  is  embodied 
in  the  present  volume,  I  have  come  across  some  incidents  in 
Ken's  life  which  seem  to  me  to  have  a  special  interest,  as 
throwing  light  both  on  his  own  character,  and  on  the  relations 
in  which  he  stood  to  the  more  devout  section  of  the  Non -jurors. 
It  was  natural  that  they  should  turn  to  him,  as  their  spiritual 
guide,  for  comfort  and  counsel.  It  was  natural  that  he,  as  a 
lover  of  souls,  should  sympathise  with  their  sorrows,  should 
find  in  his  intercourse  with  them  a  satisfaction  which  he  could 
not  find  in  his  intercourse  with  the  more  irreconcilable  section 
of  the  same  party,  the  writers  of  scurrilous  pamphlets,  the 
plotters  and  conspirators  against  the  de  facto  Government,  the 
men  who  were  bent  on  perpetuating  the  schism  which  he 
sought  the  first  opportunity  of  bringing  to  an  end.  To  these 
episodes  of  his  private  life,  accordingly,  I  devote  the  present 
chapter. 

I.    "  The  Student-Penitent  of  1695." 

A  small  volume  bearing  this  title  was  published  in  1875,  by 
the  late  Rev.  F.  E.  Paget,  Rector  of  Elford.  It  purported 
to  give  letters  and  other  documents  of  that  date,  which  were 
in  the  possession  of  the  descendants  of  a  Non-juring  family. 
The  Editor  stated  in  his  Preface  that  he  had  altered  names 


156  EPISODES  IN  PRIVATE  LIFE.      [chap.  xxiv. 

throughout  so  as  to  prevent  identification.  The  narrative  thus 
introduced  had  for  its  hero  a  Robert,  or  Robin,  the  third  son 
of  a  Cavalier  father,  Theobald  Yerdun,  of  Verdun  Court  (no 
county  named),  who  had  suffered  much,  in  person  and  property, 
in  the  time  of  the  Rebellion.  Mr.  Yerdun  had  also  a  house  in 
Leicester  Fields,  London,  in  which  Robin  was  born  in  1678. 
His  mother  was  of  the  house  of  Delamayne,  and  her  brother 
was  a  canon  of  Westminster.  Robin,  as  a  boy,  had  been 
brought  up  devoutly,  was  frank,  open,  and  affectionate.  At 
the  age  of  sixteen  or  seventeen,  when  the  death  of  his  two 
elder  brothers  had  centred  the  hopes  of  his  family  on  him, 
after  being  under  Busby,  or  Busby's  successor,  Knipe,  at  West- 
minster, he  went  to  Oxford.  The  name  of  the  College  is  given 
as  All  Saints,  on  the  principle  of  guarding  against  identifica- 
tion, and  in  like  manner,  his  chief  Oxford  friend  is  the  Rev. 
Nathaniel  Dod,  Tutor  of  St.  Peter's.  He  finds  his  way  into  a 
somewhat  "fast"  set,  runs  up  bills  for  other  than  necessary 
expenses,  and  buys  books  which  include,  mingled  with  classics 
and  divinity,  the  literature  represented  by  St.  Evremond's  Essays, 
Ovid's  EpistleSy  and  Love  Letters  in  three  volumes.  He  makes 
an  attempt  to  join  some  comrades  in  escaping  from  College,  for 
a  cock-fight,  by  getting  out  of  window  on  a  ladder.  The 
ladder  falls  and  brings  him  down  with  it,  and  his  ribs  are 
fractured.  He  has  to  bear  many  months  of  suffering,  and  at 
last  dies  in  July,  1696.  The  better  thoughts  of  early  years 
come  back  to  him,  and  he  becomes  the  "  Student  Penitent "  of 
the  title  of  the  book.  He  writes  affectionate  letters  to  his 
mother  and  sisters,  and  to  a  college  friend  who  had  sought  to 
keep  him  from  evil.  The  President  of  his  College  and  others 
report  that  his  patience  is  exemplary  and  edifying.  He  is  led 
to  keep  a  diary,  in  which  he  enters  his  meditations  and  prayers, 
and  passages  from  the  devotional  books  of  Kettlewell  and  other 
writers.  His  family,  it  is  said,  were  intimately  connected  with 
the  Non-juring  clergy.  Among  the  correspondence  which  the 
book  reproduces  there  is  a  letter,  purporting  to  come  from 
Ken,  which  is  so  entirely  after  his  manner  that  any  one 
familiar  with  his  style  would  either  receive  it  as  genuine,  or 
recognise  it  as  an  admirable  imitation.  When  the  book  ap- 
peared, it  attracted  a  fair  measure  of  attention,  but  some  of  the 


a.d.  1695—1710.]        TEE  STUDEXT-PEXITENT.  157 

reviewers,  as  e.g.  in  the  Guardian,  hinted  a  suspicion  that  it 
belonged  to  the  category  of  fiction  rather  than  of  fact.  The 
modernised  spelling  throughout,  and  a  touch  of  modernism  of 
style  as  well  as  spelling  here  and  there  in  the  Diary,  gave  some 
colour  to  the  suspicion. 

I  was  able,  through  the  kindness  of  the  surviving  members 
of  Mr.  Paget's  family,  to  ascertain  that  the  book  rested  on  a 
solid  foundation  of  fact,  and  ultimately  to  get  at  the  name  of 
the  student.  By  permission  of  the  late  Sir  Frederick  Graham, 
Bart.,  of  Netherby,  the  representative  of  the  family,  I  am 
enabled  to  give  the  story  with  more  fulness  than  it  has  been 
given  before,  and  to  trace  the  connexion  between  the  "  Student 
Penitent's  "  family  and  Bishop  Ken. 

The  father  of  the  Penitent  was  a  Colonel  James  Graham, 
or,  as  the  family  spelt  it,  Grahme,  whom  we  meet  with,  once 
and  again,  in  Evelyn's  Diary.  On  July  8th,  1675,  he  records 
the  fact  that  "  Mr.  James  Graham,  since  Privy  Purse  to 
the  Duke  of  York,"  was  "  exceedingly  in  love  with  Dorothy, 
daughter  of  Mrs.  Howard,  of  Berkeley  House,  one  of  the 
Maids  of  Honour  to  the  Queen,  and  grand- daughter  of 
the  first  Earl  of  Berkshire;"  that  the  mother  "not  much 
favouring  it,"  Evelyn's  advice  was  asked,  and  he  "  spoke  to 
the  advantage  of  the  young  gentleman."  The  marriage 
took  place  a  few  months  afterwards.  A  sister  of  the  lady 
whom  Colonel  Graham  thus  won  as  a  bride  was  married, 
on  November  11th,  1677,  to  Sir  Gabriel  Sylvius,  who  has 
met  us  an  English  Envoy  at  the  Hague  (i.  142),  "and  the 
supper,"  Evelyn  adds,  "was  provided  at  Mr.  Graham's." 
Evelyn  dedicates  to  her  his  Life  of  Mrs.  Godolphin.  In  Sep- 
tember, 1685,  Evelyn,  on  his  way  with  Pepys  to  meet  the 
King  at  Portsmouth,  visits  the  Grahams  at  their  house  near 
Bagshot,  and  pays  another  visit  to  her,  in  company  with 
Lady  Clarendon,  on  October  22.  When  the  Revolution  came, 
Colonel  Graham  remained  faithful  to  the  fallen  house.  The 
family  had  probably  known  Ken  in  earlier  days  (some  such 
intimacy  is  implied  in  the  letter  to  Mr.  Graham,  given  in 
i.  173),  and  it  was  natural  that,  when  the  great  sorrow  of 
which  the  narrative  tells  us  fell  on  them,  they  should  look 
to  him  for  comfort.     The  man  who  had  told  the  tale  of  Hym- 


158  EPISODES  IX  PRIVATE  LIFE.      [chap.  rav. 

notheo's  temptations,  who  had  guided  the  scholars  of  Win- 
chester in  the  paths  of  peace,  was  not  slow  to  answer  the  call. 

So  it  is  that  in  the  story  of  the  Student  Penitent  Mr.  Dod, 
the  Oxford  tutor,  writes  to  Theobald  Verdun,  i.e.  to  Colonel 
Graham,  suggesting  that  "  my  Lord  Bishop  "  should  discover 
the  truth  to  Mrs.  Graham,  u  and  at  the  same  time  comfort  and 
advise  her"  (p.  88),  and  asks  him  to  show  the  letter  to  "my 
Lord,"  i.e.  to  Ken.  On  March  14th,  169G,  Robin's  sister,  Lucy, 
writes  to  him,  and  sends  (p.  101)  a  copy  of  the  letter  which 
"my  Lord  Bishop  of  B.  and  W."  has  written  to  her  mother. 
It  will  be  admitted,  I  think,  that  there  is  good  reason  for 
reproducing  it.     It  is  followed  by  a  letter  from  Kettlewell : — 


LETTER  IX  VIII. 
11  To  Mrs.  Graham. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"  My  worthy  dear  Friend, 
"  I  have  heard  from  Ld  W(eymouth)  of  your  great  trouble,  and 
so  hasten  to  assure  you  of  my  continual  and  hearty  prayers.  God 
of  His  infinite  goodness  multiply  His  blessings  on  you  and  yours, 
and  enable  us  all  to  do  and  suffer  nis  holy  will,  and  fit  us  for  all 
Tie  designs  us  to  undergo.  Tell  your  Bobin,1  that  I  think  much  of 
him,  and  pray  God  to  make  all  his  bed  in  his  sickness.  And  read 
to  him  what  follows.  'Be  sure,  my  good  youth,  that  He  Who 
in  His  wisdom  knoweth  what  is  best  for  thee,  hath  laid  this  dis- 
temper on  thee  for  thy  good,  to  humble  and  reform  thee.  Pray 
Him,  if  He  will,  to  divert  this  sickness  from  thee,  when  it  has 
done  its  sanctifying  work  :  but  in  this,  and  all  else,  pray,  that  His 
will,  not  thine,  be  done.  And  therefore,  if  the  sickness  grow  on 
thee,  try  to  submit  willingly  to  His  afflicting  Hand,  Who  chastiseth 
those  whom  He  loveth,  yet  lays  no  more  on  them  than  they  are 
able  to  bear.  It  may  be  that  He  will  yet  raise  thee  up ;  but 
prepare  thyself  lest  He  should  not.  And  to  that  end,  pray  above 
all  things,  that  He  would  wean  thy  affections  from  earth,  and  fill 
thee  with  ardent  desires  after  heaven  ;  that  ne  would  fit  thee 
for  Himself,  and  then,  when  lie  pleaseth,  call  thee  to  joys  un- 
speakable, and  full  of  glory,  for  His  Son  Jesus'  sake.  I  send  you 
my  benediction.' 

1  The  "penitent's"  real  name  was  Richard. 


THE  STUDENT-PENITENT.  159 

"  Dear  Madam,  my  best  respects  to  your  husband  and  dear  miss. 
God  keep  us  in  His  reverential  love,  and  mindful  of  eternity. 
"  My  good  Lady, 
"  Your  Ladyship's  affectionate  friend  and  brother, 

"THOS.  B&  W. 
"From  Longleate." 

[The  "  dear  miss  "  is,  of  course,  Robin's  sister,  who  was  afterwards  Countess  of 
Suffolk  and  Berkshire.     It  is  undated,  but  fits  in  to  March,  1696.] 

Mr.  Dod  reports  that  Lucy's  letter  and  "the  messages  from 
my  Lord  Bishop  and  good  Mr.  Kettlewell  were  a  continual 
feast "  to  his  pupil.  And  Hobin  sends,  in  a  letter  to  his  parents, 
that  was  not  to  be  opened  till  after  his  death,  "  his  humble 
duty  and  great  gratitude  to  them."  Kettlewell,  it  would  seem, 
had  often  been  in  personal  intercourse  with  the  family,  and 
had  spoken  in  Robin's  presence  of  the  "  heathenishness  "  of 
the  times.  In  a  letter  written  shortly  before  his  death  Robin 
speaks  of  "  that  day  when  our  dear  Lord  Bishop  (it  is 
obvious  that  he  speaks  of  Ken)  took  that  long  ride  over  the 
Downs,"  on  purpose  to  see  his  brother,  who  was  then  dying 
from  a  fall  from  his  horse.  He  died  between  July  11th  and 
16th,  1696.  I  can  scarcely  doubt  that  Ken  must  have  thought 
over  some  of  the  parallelisms  which  his  life  presented  to  that 
of  his  own  Hymnotheo.  That  "  ride  over  the  Downs  "  (Bag- 
shot  Heath  ?)  may  have  had  a  far-off  parallel  in  the  Apostle's 
ride  over  the  passes  of  the  Taurus.1 

1  As  these  sheets  are  passing  through  the  press  I  have  been  favoured  by  Mr. 
Howard  Paget,  of  Elford,  near  Tamworth,  with  permission  to  extract  some 
further  particulars  from  a  privately  printed  volume  compiled  by  his  father,  the 
Rev.  F.  E.  Paget,  and  bearing  the  title  of  Ashstead  and  its  Howard  Possessors. 
Ashstead  is  in  Surrey,  not  far  from  Epsom.  It  appears  that  the  mother  of  Mr. 
Graham's  (or  Grahme  as  they  spelt  the  name)  wife  was  the  widow  of  William 
Howard,  grandson  of  the  Earl  of  Berkshire.  Evelyn  (June  30th,  1669),  relates 
that  he  accompanied  her  on  a  journey  of  pleasure  with  her  daughter  Dorothy, 
and  Mrs.  (i.e.  Miss),  Margaret  Blagg,  the  future  Mrs.  Godolphin.  On  June  10, 
1673,  he  receives  Dorothy  at  Sayes  Court.  In  July,  1675,  he  accompanies  them  to 
Oxford,  at  what  would  now  be  called  the  Commemoration  time,  and  takes  them  to 
see  the  colleges  and  "  all  the  academic  exercises."  It  is  in  this  journey  that  James 
Graham  appears  as  above.  The  lady  whom  he  loved  was  ' '  not  only  a  great  beauty, 
but  a  most  virtuous  and  excellent  creature,  worthy  to  have  been  the  wife  of 
the  best  of  men."  All  Evelyn's  sympathies  were  with  the  young  lovers,  and  the 
marriage  was  mainly  brought  about  through  his  influence.     James  Graham  was 


160  EPISODES  IN  PRIVATE  LIVE.      [chap.  xxiv. 

II.  The  Tragedy  of  Statfoi.d. 

The  village  of  Statfold,  in  Staffordshire,  is  about  three  miles 
from  Drayton  Manor,  now  the  property  of  Sir  Robert  Peel, 
but  then  belonging  to  Lord  Weymouth,  Ken's  friend  and  host, 
at  which,  as  at  Longleat,  the  Bishop  was  a  welcome  visitor. 
A  small  church,  now  in  ruins,  with  a  stone  altar  and  an 
old  worm-eaten  oak  pulpit,  was  practically  the  chapel  of 
the  squire's  house,  and  the  squire  of  the  last  ten  years  of 
the  seventeenth  century  was  a  Francis  Wolferstan.  The 
family  had  been  settled  there  for  some  generations,  and  a 
collateral  descendant  is  in  possession  now.  Francis  "Wolferstan 
was  a  strong  Jacobite,  refused  to  take  the  oaths  to  William  and 
Mary,  wrote  of  the  former  as  "  Mynheer  with  his  stolen  crown," 
and,  though  he  kept  clear  of  conspiracies,  withdrew  from  the 
communion  of  the  Church,  in  consequence  of  the  "  usurpation 
of  the  pseudo-Bishop,"  and  the  "  immorall  prayers  "  in  which 
he  could  no  longer  join,  was  excluded  from  the  bench  of  Ma- 
gistrates, and  suffered  "  from  the  doubling  of  his  poll-tax  by 
the  Commissioners,"  in  consequence  of  his  opinions.     He  dined 

a  son  of  Sir  George  Graham  of  Netherby.  His  elder  brother,  Richard,  was 
created  Viscount  Preston  by  James  II.,  was  Secretary  of  State,  1688,  attainted 
and  condemned  to  death,  1690,  and  pardoned  in  1691.  James  was  educated  at 
Westminster,  and  then  at  Christ  Church.  He  served  in  the  army,  in  the 
war  in  which  Charles  II.  and  Louis  XIV.  were  allied  against  Holland,  under 
Monmouth  and  Turcnne.  In  1679  he  and  his  wife  had  apartments  in  St.  James's 
Palace,  and  in  1685  they  had  also  a  country  house  at  Bagshot,  where  Evelyn 
(September  15th,  1685),  visited  them.  He  was  at  that  time  Lieutenant  of  Windsor 
Castle  and  Forest.  In  all  the  family  troubles,  notably  in  those  of  the  illness 
and  death  of  their  three  sons,  Ken  was  their  never- failing  adviser  and  consoler. 
An  elder  brother,  Henry,  married  the  widow  of  the  second  Earl  of  Dcrwcnt- 
water,  an  illegitimate  son  of  Charles  II.  by  "Moll  Davis  "  the  actress,  within  a 
year  after  her  husband's  execution,  and  a  younger  brother,  William,  Chaplain 
and  Clerk  of  the  Closet  to  Queen  Anne,  after  holding  a  '  golden  '  stall  at  Durham 
with  the  Deanery  of  Carlisle,  succeeded  Ealph  Bathurst  as  Dean  of  Wells  in 
1704.  His  grandson  assumed  the  baronetcy,  which  had  been  forfeited  by  Vis- 
count Preston's  attainder,  in  1738,  the  Scotch  title  having  expired  on  the  death 
of  the  Viscount's  grandson  in  that  year.  When  James  II.  left  London  for 
Rochester,  in  his  flight  from  Whitehall,  the  auditor  of  the  Exchequer,  Sir.  T. 
Howard,  refused  to  advance  any  money,  and  Colonel  James  Graham  lent  the 
king  £6,000,  which  was  repaid  by  a  transfer  of  stock  which  James  had  bought, 
is  Duke,  in  fcbe  Mast  India  and  African  Company.  This  he  sold  for  £10,000,  but 
the  Companies  afterwards  got  a  decree  in  the  Exchequer,  and  compelled  him  to 
refund.     It  may  be  noted  as  one  of  the  small  facts  which  .sometimes  refresh  us 


a.d.  1695—1710.]       THE  TRAGEDY  OF  STATFOZI).  161 

often  with  Lord  Weymouth.  He  was,  after  the  manner  of  his 
class,  a  devout  High  Churchman,  and  noted  in  his  Prayer-book 
the  coincidences  with  events  in  his  own  personal  life,  or  in  the 
history  of  the  nation,  which  had  presented  themselves  in  the 
Psalms  of  the  day.1  His  temper  seems  to  have  been  hasty; 
his  will  strong  and  inflexible.  His  eldest  son,  then  twenty-five, 
appears  to  have  inherited  something  of  his  father's  tempera- 
ment. He  fell  in  love  with  Sarah,  the  daughter  of  George 
Antrobus,  the  master  of  the  grammar  school  at  Tarn  worth, 
also  about  three  miles  from  Statfold.  The  disparity  of  social 
position  would  have  been  enough  to  rouse  his  father's  opposi- 

as  we  track  the  records  of  revolutions,  that  James,  in  his  departure,  did  not  forget 
the  domestics  whom  he  left  at  "Whitehall,  and  that  a  memorandum  in  the  Levens 
papers  contains  a  list  of  gifts,  from  ten  guineas  to  one,  amounting  to  over  a 
hundred,  that  were  made  "by  James's  orders.  To  Graham  James  wrote  to  give 
the  first  news  of  his  arrival  at  Boulogne.  He  also  confided  to  him  his  ser- 
vice of  plate,  the  books  of  devotions  and  prayers,  and  the  altar  plate  in  his  chapel 
at  Whitehall,  all  which  Graham  was  to  receive  from  the  well-known  Chiffinch, 
and,  at  a  later  date,  his  pictures,  the  latter  being  received  from  "William  III. 
The  fate  of  the  plate  has  not  been  traced.  The  pictures  are  now  at  Charlton, 
near  Malmesbury,  a  seat  of  the  Earl  of  Berkshire,  who  married  Graham's 
daughter.  Not  long  after  the  death  of  the  "  Student  Penitent "  his  father  seems 
to  have  left  Bagsbot,  and  to  have  lived  at  the  family  seat  of  Levens,  in  "Westmore- 
land. His  wife,  Dorothy,  died  in  1700.  He  married  again  in  1702,  and  his  second 
wife  died  in  1709.  He  himself  survived  till  1730.  Following  in  the  footsteps  of 
Ken,  though  a  Non-juror,  he  kept  clear  of  all  plots,  and  was  never  molested  with 
any  cbarge  of  treason.  He  was  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  Lord  Weymouth,  and 
the  letters  of  the  latter  to  him  always  end  with  messages  of  warm  affection  and 
inquiry  from  Ken.  The  "Student  Penitent"  was  matriculated  (Oct.  11,  1695), 
at  University  College,  of  which  Dr.  Charlett,  of  whom  we  read  much  in  Hearne, 
was  then  Master.  His  tutor,  "Mr.  Dod,"  I  identify  with  Hugh  Todd,  Fellow 
of  University  College,  who  was  Prebendary  of  Carlisle,  and  had  the  living  of 
Penrith  given  him  by  Viscount  Preston,  the  "  Student  Penitent's  "  uncle. 
(Hearne  ii.,  72.)  His  name  does  not  appear  as  tutor  to  any  other  undergraduate 
besides  Richard  Grahme,  who  is  matriculated  as  under  his  special  care,  and  pro- 
bably, therefore,  he  took  charge  of  him  as  a  friend  of  the  family.  Richard  Graham, 
the  Penitent,  was  buried  in  the  chapel  of  University  College.  The  library  at  Levens 
contains  many  gift  books  from  Kettlewell  to  Col.  Graham.  It  also  contains  most 
of  the  books  charged  by  the  Oxford  bookseller,  to  "  Mr.  Richard  Grahme,  Un . 
Coll.,  Oxon,"  above  referred  to.  The  whole  story,  as  told  by  Mr.  Paget  in  the 
volume  from  which  I  have  taken  this  epitome,  seems  to  me  a  singularly  interest- 
ing episode  in  the  byways  of  history. 

1  Some  of  these  are,  I  think,  worth  quoting.  (1)  Ps.  xxv :  on  the  Easter 
Sunday  after  he  was  shut  out  from  communion.  (2)  Ps.  lv.  12,  13  :  "after  the 
doubling  of  his  tax,"  the  Commissioners,  I  presume,  including  some  who  had 
been  his  personal  friends,  and  (3)  Ps.  lxxix.,  "when  many  loyal  persons  were 
committed  to  the  Tower  and  other  prisons  (1692)  for  high  treason." 


162  EPISODES  IX  PRIVATE  LIVE.      [chap.  xxiy. 

tion.  It  was,  as  we  may  well  imagine,  not  diminished  by  the 
fact  that  Sarah  Antrobus's  father  was  a  Williamite  and.  a 
Whig.  Her  sister  Ruth  married  the  well-known  William 
Whiston,  who  had  been  at  Tamworth  school.  The  lovers 
carried  on  a  clandestine  correspondence,  in  which  they  poured 
out  their  hearts  to  each  other,  and  which  still,  as  copied 
into  a  book  by  the  lover's  sister  Anne,  afterwards  Lady 
Egerton,  after  all  was  over,  through  their  discoloured  paper 
and  faded  ink,  breathe  words  of  wild  love  and  passionate  com- 
plaint. There  is,  I  believe,  no  reason  for  thinking  that  there 
had  been  a  private  marriage,  but  the  lover  writes  to  his  beloved 
as  "his  own,"  "his  wife,"  whom  he  will  one  day  acknowledge. 
He  complains  bitterly  of  his  father's  harshness.  At  last, 
in  September,  1698,  the  climax  came.  Hot,  fierce  words  passed 
between  the  father  and  the  son.1  The  son  retired  to  his  room, 
but  when  morning  came  the  room  was  empty.  No  written  words 
were  found  to  indicate  where  he  had  gone,  or  what  was  the 
motive  of  his  departure.  No  line  ever  came  either  to  his  father 
or  his  sister  (his  mother  died  in  1673,  long  before  the  tragic  story 
began),  to  tell  them  where  he  was,  alive  or  dead.  All  that  is 
known  afterwards  is  that  Shawe's  Staffordshire  records  the  fact 
that  he  died  of  small  pox  in  London,  in  1698  or  99,  and  was 
buried,  as  "unmarried,"  at  St.  Giles's  in  the  Fields.  The 
shadow  of  a  lost  heir  rested  on  the  Statfold  home,  and  his  name 
seldom  passed  the  lips  of  either  father  or  sister.  What  became 
of  Sarah  I  have  been  unable  to  trace.  At  last,  when  nearly 
nine  years  had  passed,  in  May,  1707,  below  the  corner  of  a  mat 
under  which  it  had  been  thrust,  and  which  had  never  since  been 
touched,  there  was  found  a  letter  written  to  Sarah  Antrobus, 
in  bitter  heat  of  spirit,  on  the  morning  of  the  young  man's 
departure.  He  could  bear  his  father's  reproaches  no  longer. 
"  The  horror  of  present  circumstances  is  not  to  be  conceived, 
nor  can  be  paralleled,  except  in  Hell.  What  will  be  the  issue, 
Heaven  only  knows,  but  death  is  better  than  damnation." 

And  across  this  scene  of  tragic  horrors  there  flits  for  a  mo- 
ment the  '  calm  ghost '  of  Ken.  The  father  sadly  and  sternly 
copies  the  letter,  as  closing  the  whole  history,  and  reviews, 
at   the  end  of  the  other  letters  in  his  daughter's  volume,  the 

1  He  writes  to  Surah  on  Aug.  5,  1G98,  that  M  Hell  had  broken  loose  on  him." 


a.d.  1695—1710.]     THE  TRAGEDY  OF  STATFOLD.  163 

events  which  were  bringing  his  grey  hairs  with  sorrow  to  the 
grave.  He  dwells  on  his  son's  headlong  recklessness.  He  had 
been  misled  by  evil  advisers,  and  "  knew  not  what  he  said  or 
did."  He  had  turned  a  deaf  ear  to  "the  checks  of  his  own 
conscience,  and  his  father's,  and  that  apostolical  Bishop  of  B. 
and  Wells',  warnings  and  admonitions."  A  New  Testament  of 
1679,  belonging  to  the  sister,  with  a  portrait  of  Charles  II., 
still  remains,  with  marginal  memoranda  recording  that  on 
October  31,  1697,  the  good  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells  (the 
Non-juring  family,  of  course,  still  recognised  him  in  that 
character)  had  preached  on  Matthew  xix.  16,  17.  Ken,  like 
Frampton,  was  apparently  allowed,  without  interference  from 
William's  Government,  to  officiate  where  he  could  find  a  church 
open  to  him  (it  is  recorded  in  the  letters,  on  one  occasion,  that 
"he  gave  the  sacrament"),  and  probably,  like  his  brother 
Bishop,  either  omitted  the  State  prayers  altogether,  or  left  them 
to  be  read  by  the  parish  clergyman,  and  preached  as  he  thought 
best  for  the  edification  of  his  hearers.  It  is  a  natural  infer- 
ence from  the  facts  of  the  case  that  he  was  staying  at  the  time 
at  Lord  Weymouth's  house,  Drayton  Manor,  and  that  his  inter- 
vention was  sought  for  by  the  distressed  family  at  Statfold.  It 
must  have  been,  we  may  believe,  one  of  the  secret  sorrows  of  his 
life  that  he  could  not  in  this  case,  as  in  that  of  the  Student 
Penitent,  see  any  fruit  of  his  labours.  We  can  picture  to  our- 
selves the  kind  of  sermon  which  he,  knowing  the  sorrows  of 
the  house,  would  preach  as  he  spoke  of  the  young  ruler  who 
sought  for  "  eternal  life,"  and  boasted  that  he  had  kept  all  the 
commandments  of  the  second  table,  the  fifth  included,  from 
his  youth  up,  and  can  imagine,  without  much  risk  of  error, 
the  very  different  feelings  with  which  father,  son,  and  sister 
listened  to  it.1 

III.   Lewis  Southcombe,   Penitent. 

In  a  small  volume  of  Latin  hymns  and  poems,  on  sacred 
subjects,  in  Ken's  Library  at  Longleat,  bearing  the  title  of 
Oblectamenta  Pia,  the  following  dedication  is  found  written  on 
the  fly-leaf: — 

1  I  am  indebted  for  the  facts  in  this  section  to  my  friend  Miss  F.  E.  Wolferstan. 


104  EPISODES  IN  PRIVATE  LIFE.     [chap.  xxiv. 

Prulsv-B  Sanctimonle 
Pr^esuli, 

CoXKESSORI    InTEGERRIMO, 

Gloriosissimo, 
Afflictissim^e  Matris  Ecclesle 

PATRI,    AnIMABUS    (TVfXTraOovvTl, 
DoM.   JESU    O-Tty/xao-l    OrNATISSIMO, 

Doctori  Seraphico  Angelico, 

In  Christo  Patri 

Thomue 

Episcopo  Bathon.  et  Wellen. 

huncce  llbellultjm 

(ovSe  kolkov  /i€ya) 

D.  D.  D. 

Ex  Amatoribus  amantissimus, 

e  flliis  obseqtjentissimus, 

e  cljltoribus  officiosissimus, 

Devotissimus, 

ad  quodvis 

Amoris,  ObedientivE,  Honoris 

munus  obeundum 

Paratissimus. 

TJ210TJIEUS. 

It  was  natural,  looking  to  the  warm,  devoted  affection  thus 
expressed,  to  inquire  whether  it  were  possible  to  identify  the 
"  Timotheus"  who  thus  pours  out  his  heart  as  ready  for  any  task 
to  which  Ken  may  set  him.  I  was  unable  to  find  any  one  within 
the  horizon  of  Ken's  personal  friendships  with  that  Christian 
name,  and  was  led  accordingly  to  think  of  it  as  chosen  by  the 
writer  to  express  the  relation  in  which  he  wished  to  stand  to 
Ken.  He  was  indebted  to  him  as  Timothy  was  indebted  to 
St.  Paul.  The  choice  of  the  name  might  obviously  be  sug- 
gested by  the  "  Philotheus  "  of  Ken's  Manual  for  Winchester 
Scholars,  He  owed  his  spiritual  life  to  Ken.  He  desired  to 
be  as  his  true  son  in  the  faith,  to  be  likeminded  with  him  in 
all  things.  The  title-page  does  not  give  the  author's  name,  but 
inquiries  led  me  to  identify  him1  with  a  Lewis  Southcombe, 
who  at  times  Latinised  his  surname  in  the  form  of  de  Vallo 

<■  especially  Rev.  W.  Macray,  in  Notes  and  Queries,  6th  S.  xi.  p.  12. 


a.d.  1695—1710.]   LEWIS  SOUTHCOMBE,  PENITENT.      165 

Australi,  and  who  wrote,  as  in  the  work  in  question,  Latin 
hymns  and  poems  in  a  spirit  in  which  Ken  would  find  much 
that  was  congenial  to  his  own.1  His  history  was  a  somewhat 
remarkable  one.  He  had,  at  first,  taken  his  place  among  the 
ranks  of  the  Non-jurors,  guided,  we  may  well  believe,  by  Ken's 
example.  Like  Ken,  however,  he  was  able  to  see  both  sides  of 
the  question.  The  scholar,  like  the  master,  wavered  and  fluctu- 
ated, and  at  last,  like  many  others,2  persuaded  himself  that  he 
might  rightly  take  the  oaths  which  he  had  at  first  refused. 
Before  long,  however,  he  went  back  to  his  old  position,  accused 
himself  of  having  been  led  by  unworthy  motives,  and  sought 
for  re-admission  into  the  communion  of  the  deprived  clergy 
from  whom  he  had  thus  separated  himself.  There  are,  as 
will  appear  in  the  course  of  this  narrative,  sufficient  grounds 
for  identifying  Lewis  Southcombe  with  the  "Mr.  S.,"  whose 
confession  and  retractation  are  given  in  full  in  KettlewelPs 
Life  (pp.  141 — 149).  He  had  applied  to  Kettlewell  for  guid- 
ance, and  had  received  an  answer  which  led  him  to  the  con- 
clusion that  the  oath  which  he  had  taken  was  an  unlawful 
one,  that  the  successors  of  the  deprived  Bishops  were  schis- 
matical,  and  that  the  prayers  for  William  and  Mary  were 
'  immoral.'  He  addresses  his  retractation  to  Lloyd,  as  Sancroft's 
Vicar-General  (1693),  and  was  received  into  communion  by  him. 
It  extends  over  five  folio  pages,  and  covers  the  whole  ground 
of  the  disputed  positions  between  the  Jurors  and  the  Non- 
jurors. He  relates  how  he  had  been  halting  between  two 
opinions,  how  he  had  omitted  all  names  in  the  "  State  Prayers  " 
of  the  Prayer  Book,  how  he  had  refused  to  read  the  Services 
appointed  for  Fast-days  and  Thanksgiving-days  by  the  de 
facto  Government,  but  had  asked  another  clergyman,  who  could 
do  it  with  a  clear  conscience,  to  take  his  place.  He  could 
not  reconcile  himself  any  longer  to  this  evasion  of  the  diffi- 

1  The  motto  on  the  title-page  is  sufficiently  interesting  as  reflecting  the  mind 
of  Ken.  I  give  it  from  the  second  edition  (1716)  :  "  Magis  spectat  Deus  quanto 
quidque  amove  fiat  quam  quantum  id  ipsum  sit.  Multum  facit  qui  multum  diligit." 
The  work  is  described  as  "  Ab  Ecclesia  Catholicce  sacerdote  anachoretd."  The 
preface  ends  with  the  following  address  to  the  reader:  "  Quceso  te,  mi  Frater, 
memineris  mei  cum,  Jejuniis,  lachrymis,  precibus,  rem  tuam  strenue  apud  Deum 
agis." 

2  Compare  the  case  of  the  other  "penitent,"  probably  Stamp,  in  p.  137. 
VOL.    II.  M 


L66  EPISODES  IX  PRIVATE  LIFE.     [chap.  xxiv. 

culiy,  or  to  the  so-called  '  immoral  prayers.'  He  could 
not  hold  himself  absolved  from  his  allegiance  to  his  lawful 
sovereign,  or  from  the  duty  of  continuing  to  pray  for  him.  He 
asks  for  a  full  restitution  to  the  peace  and  communion  of  the 
Church,  as  represented  by  Sancroft  and  the  other  Non-juring 
Bishops.  The  whole  document  is  interesting  as  showing  the 
difficulties  in  which  men  of  a  sensitive  conscience — there  is  no 
indication  of  anything  else  throughout — were  involved  in  their 
new  position.  He  states  further  that  he  had  written  to  the 
Lord  Bishop  of  ,  giving  him  an  account  of  his  proceed- 
ings. He  adds  that,  by  way  of  atonement  for  his  past  errors, 
he  was  ready,  if  called  upon  by  his  'lawful  superiors,'  to 
resign  his  living,  and  to  employ  whatever  had  accrued  from  it 
during  the  time  of  the  compliance  which  he  now  held  to  be 
unlawful,  partly  on  the  poor,  and  partly  in  beautifying  the 
chancel  of  his  church  at  Rose  Ash,  Devon.1 

The  last  fact  presents  an  argument  from  undesigned  coinci- 
dences, tending  to  the  identification  of  Kettlewell's  Mr.  S 

with  the  *  Lewis  Southcombe,  Penitent '  (the  name  appears  in 
Kettlewell's  list  of  Non-juring  clergy  in  this  form),  who  was 
Ken's  "  Timotheu8."  The  chancel  of  the  church  at  Rose  Ash 
was  restored  by  him.  He  gave  the  Communion  plate  now  in  use. 
The  bells  of  the  church  were  re-cast  in  his  time,  and  probably 
at  his  expense.  A  chapel  at  Honiton,  a  hamlet  near  South 
Molton,  was  rebuilt.  The  parish  registers  contain  no  record 
of  the  events  of  1689 — 91.  His  signature  appears  to  the  entries 
of  burials  in  every  year,  from  his  appointment  in  1 675  to  his 
death  in  1733.  He  wrote  other  volumes  of  Latin  verse,  chiefly, 
like  the  Oblectammtas  devotional,  and  another  book  under  the 
title  of  CEdipus  Judaicus.  His  son  and  successor  records  his  death 
iu  the  register,  with  the  statement  that  he  "  had  been  the  most 
vigilant  incumbent  of  the  parish  and  most  faithful  instructor 
of  his  flock  for  above  fifty-seven  years,"  and  that  he  had  been 
buried  in  the  Honiton  Chapel.  It  may  be  presumed  that  he 
was  allowed  to  continue  in  his  living  as  having  once  taken  the 

1  Latbbury  (Non-jurors,  p.  299)  gives  a  history  of  Thomas  Brett,  afterwards  R 
Non-juring  Bishop,  which,  presents  a  strong  resemblance  to  Southoombe's.  He 
look  the  oath  under  William  and  Anne,  had  scruples  on  tin  accession  of  George  I., 
and  wa>  reo  Lved  by  Eickes  as  a  penitent. 


a.d.  1695— 1710.]  LEWIS  SOUTHCOMBE,  PENITENT.       167 

oaths,  and  that  the  government  did  not  know,  or  chose  to  ig- 
nore, his  subsequent  retractation,  and  his  omission  of  the  names 
of  William  and  Mary  in  the  Church  Services  afterwards.  Fol- 
lowing in  Ken's  footsteps  he  sought  only  to  live  in  peace  and 
in  works  of  charity,  kept  aloof  from  all  conspiracies,  or  acts 
of  disobedience  to  the  powers  that  be,  and  was  therefore  left 
undisturbed,  as  Frampton  was  at  Standish.  The  fact  may  be 
noted  as  an  instance  of  the  general  leniency  of  "William's 
government.  Looking  to  the  warm  affection  of  the  language 
in  which  he  addressed  Ken,  it  is,  I  think,  natural  to  infer  that 
he  was  the  Bishop  to  whom  he  says  in  his  Retractation,  that 
he  had  written  a  full  account  of  the  circumstances  of  the  case, 
and  by  whose  advice,  as  well  as  Kettlewell's,  he  had  been 
guided.  It  will  be  admitted,  I  think,  that  the  relations  between 
the  two  men  have  sufficient  interest  to  deserve  being  rescued 
from  oblivion.1  Lewis  Southcombe  takes  his  place  side  by  side 
with  Ambrose  Bonwicke  (p.  258),  among  the  young  men  who 
looked  to  the  deprived  Bishop  with  a  reverential  love. 

IV.   The  Ladies  of  Naish  Court. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  Ken,  in  the  correspondence  after 
his  deprivation,  makes  frequent  mention  of  his  visits  to  the 
"  ladies  of  Naish,"  the  two  Misses  Kemeys.  In  one  letter  of 
November  24th,  1707  (Letter  lxxvi.),  he  describes  them  as  "  two 
good  virgins  beyond  Bristol,  where  there  is  a  kind  of  nunnery, 
and  with  whom  I  usually  abide  during  my  Lord's  absence." 

1  I  am  indebted  for  the  information  contained  in  this  narrative  to  the  Rev.  H. 
Granger  Southcombe,  the  present  rector  of  Rose  Ash.,  and  a  lineal  descendant  of 
the  "Penitent."  The  living  has  belonged  to  the  family  ever  since  1655,  and 
the  present  incumbent  is  the  seventh  rector  of  the  name.  An  interesting  de- 
scription of  the  church,  with  fuller  details  of  the  ornamentation  of  the  chancel 
than  I  have  space  for,  may  be  found  in  the  Western  Antiquary  for  April,  1884. 
The  decorations  include  scriptural  texts  (Ps.  lxxii.  1,  2  ;  Isa.  xlix.  23  ;  1  Tim. 
ii.  1,  2)  on  the  relation  of  Kings  to  the  Church,  and,  in  sixteen  compartments,  a 
brief  history  of  the  Twelve  Apostles,  and  of  St.  Paul,  St.  Stephen,  St.  Mark,  and 
St.  Luke,  which  is  unique  in  English  church  decoration.  A  triangular  board 
surmounts  the  chancel  screen  with  the  royal  arms,  including  the  white  horse  of 
Hanover  and  Gr.  R.  on  one  side,  and  on  the  other  a  private  coat-of-arms  with 
Q.  A.  (Queen  Anne  ?).  It  would  appear  from  this  as  if  the  Penitent,  like  Ken, 
had,  after  William's  death,  recognised  the  de  facto  sovereign. 

m2 


168       '  EPISODES  IX  PRIVATE  LIFE.      [chap.  xxiy. 

Dr.  Thomas  Smith,  to  whom   this  letter  was  addressed,  writes 
in  reply  as  follows  : — 

"  The  Christmas  festival  now  approaching,  I  presume  that  you 
have  made  your  retreat  from  the  noise  and  hurry  of  a  palace,  open 
to  all  comers  of  fashion  &  quality,  to  the  private  seat  of  the  good 
1  <adyes,  wch  has  a  better  pretense  to  the  title  of  a  Religious  House  than 
those  so  called  in  Popish  countryes,  where  superstition,  opinion  of 
merit,  and  forced  vowes,  take  off  very  much  from  the  pure  spirit  of 
devotion,  and  render  their  restraint  tedious  and  irkesome.  But  these 
good  Ladyes  are  happy  under  your  conduct,  and  are,  by  an  uninter- 
rupted course  of  piety,  elevated  above  all  the  gaudy  pompes  and 
vanities  of  the  world,  and  enjoy  all  the  comforts  and  satisfactions 
and  serenity  of  mind  to  be  wished  for  and  attained,  on  this  side  of 
heaven,  in  their  solitudes ;  and  I  cannot  but  looke  upon  you  as 
another  St.  Hierome,  conversing  with  the  devout  Ladies  at  Bethle- 
hem, instructing  and  confirming  their  faith,  and  directing  their  con- 
sciences in  the  methods  of  true  spiritual  life,  and  enflaming  their 
souls  with  seraphic  notions  of  God,  and  of  Christ,  and  of  the  other 
world,  and  especially  by  the  most  convincing  evidence  &  demon- 
stration of  example." 

I  was  naturally  anxious  to  learn  more  than  had  been  given 
in  the  scanty  notices  of  previous  biographers  of  the  good  ladies 
with  whom  Ken  had  been  on  terms  of  such  affectionate  inti- 
macy, and  thanks  to  information  supplied  by  the  late  Rev.  F. 
Browne  and  Mr.  St.  David  Kemeys  Tynte,  a  member  of  the 
family  to  which  they  belonged,  I  am  able  to  fill  up  the  outlines 
of  their  history  with  somewhat  fuller  information. 

The  ladies  in  question,  Mary  and  Anne  Kemeys,  were  the 
daughters  of  Sir  Charles  Kemeys,  of  Cefn  Mably,  Glamorgan- 
shire, a  distinguished  Cavalier,  who  was  knighted  at  Oxford, 
June  13,  1643.  Their  grandfather,  Sir  Nicholas  Kemeys,  a 
gentleman  distinguished  for  his  loyalty  to  Charles  I.,  was 
created  a  baronet,  May  13,  1G42,  and  was  slain  in  the  defence  of 
Chepstow  Castle,  May  25,  1648.  Their  mother  was  Margaret, 
daughter  of  Sir  George  Whit  more,  who  was  Lord  Mayor  of 
London  in  1 631—2.     She  died  July  26,  1683. 

After  her  death  the  two  sisters  went  to  reside  at  Naish,  or 
Naish  Court,  in  the  parish  of  Clapton-in-Gordano,  about  a 
mile   from  Porlishead.      The  house  remains,  apparently  with 


a.d.  1695— 1710.]     THE  LADIES  OF  NAISH.  169 

little  alteration,  as  it  was  in  their  time,  and  commands  a  fine 
view  of  the  Bristol  Channel  and  the  Welsh  coast.  Here  they 
established  a  kind  of  nunnery  or  Anglican  sisterhood,1  of  the 
Little  Gidding  type,  and,  on  account  of  their  charitable  works, 
were  popularly  known  as  the  '  good  ladies '  of  Naish.  They 
took  charge,  besides,  of  two  nieces,  Jane  and  Mary,  daughters 
of  their  brother,  Sir  Charles  Kemeys,  third  baronet.  The  latter 
seems  to  have  been  more  or  less  imbecile,  and  died  single. 
Jane  married  Sir  John  Tynte,  of  Halswell,  Somerset,  second 
baronet  of  the  name,  from  Naish  Court,  on  December  25,  1704, 
and  Colonel  Kemeys  Tynte,  of  Halswell,  is  the  present  repre- 
sentative of  both  families. 

Mary  died  October  5,  1708,  leaving  all  her  property  to  her 
sister  Anne,  who  died  on  December  21st  of  the  same  year. 
The  will  of  the  latter  calls  for  a  fuller  notice,  and  throws  light 
on  Ken's  relations  to  both  the  sisters. 

She  leaves  "  to  my  truly  honoured  and  respected  friend,  Dr. 
Ken,  the  deprived  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  £100,  which  I 
humbly  entreat  him  to  accept  as  a  small  token  of  the  great 
duty  and  affection  which  my  said  sister  and  I  bore  him." 
Farther  on  we  have  another  legacy  to  Ken  of  £200,  "  to 
be  distributed  by  him  among  the  deprived  and  Non-jurant 
clergy,  and  5s.  to  as  many  poor  women  as  I  am  years  old." 
Finally,  she  directs  that  out  of  her  residuary  estate,  if  any, 
£100  more  should  be  given  to  Ken,  and  £100  amongst  the 
deprived  clergy. 

A  marble  tablet  to  the  memory  of  the  two  sisters,  in  the 
church  of  Clapton-in-Gordano,  bears  the  following  inscription, 
believed  to  have  been  written  by  Ken.  Internal  evidence 
seems  to  me  to  confirm  the  family  tradition  : — 

"Mary,  Anne,  Kemeys,  sisters,  who  both  chose 
The  better  part,  wise  virgins,  here  repose ; 


1  I  have  already  noticed  (i.  259  n.)  the  fact  that  the  sisterhood  at  Naish  was  pro- 
bably a  reproduction  of  Pavilion's  "  Begents,"  in  the  diocese  of  Alet.  I  find 
what  seems  to  me  an  idealised  picture  of  the  life  of  such  a  sisterhood  in  Ken's 
three  poems  of  Psyche  or  Magdalum,  Sion  or  Philothea,  Urania  or  the  Spouse's 
Garden.  If  I  am  right,  the  work  of  the  sisters  included  the  restoration  of  peni- 
tents, as  well  as  other  works  of  love  and  practices  of  devotion. 


170  EPISODES  IX  PRIVATE  LIFE.       [ohap.  xxiv. 

Mary  first  crowned,  Anne  languished  till  possess' d 
Of  yc  same  grave,  of  ye  same  mansion  blest." 
"By  their  Friend." 

One  thinks  that  that  Christmas  of  1708  must  have  been  to 
Ken  a  time  of  special  sadness.  The  two  friends  wTith  whom 
for  many  years  he  had  held  sweet  converse  were  taken  from  him. 
There  was  a  home  the  less  for  him,  and  that  home  was  one  spe- 
cially adapted  to  his  nature.  There,  probably,  more  than  in  other 
places,  he  could  expand  freely.  He  was  made  much  of,  and  his 
infirmities  were  cared  for.  He  was  welcomed  as  a  spiritual 
director,1  and  could  speak,  as  a  son  of  consolation,  words  of 
comfort  and  counsel  to  those  who  needed  it.  He  was  certain 
to  find  there  those  who  would  listen  with  devout  reverence  to 
his  hymns  and  "  seraphic  meditations."  Happily  for  him  the 
separation  was  not  to  be  long.  His  store  in  Paradise  was 
growing,  and  he  himself  was  nearing  the  gates  thereof. 

Two  letters,  as  usual  with  no  year  in  the  date,  may  rightly, 
I  think,  be  referred  to  this  period,  and  connected  with  this 
history. 

LETTER  LXIX. 

"To  Viscount  Weymouth. 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 
"  My  very  good  Lord, 
"  I  fully  intended  to  be  at  Bath  on  Saturday,  but  ye  mare  your 
Lordshippe  was  pleased  to  lend  me,  fell  y*  afternoon  so  very  ill,  of 
what  they  called  ye  Gripes,  yl  I  feard  she  would  have  dyed, 
and  ye  next  day  I  sent  my  Servant  to  Bath  to  excuse  my 
not  coming,  and  he  brought  me  a  pacquett  from  my  friends 
at  Nash,  who  are  so  worried  by  a  Great  Man,  yl  they  are  in  great 
a  miction,  and  had  not  one  of  their  horses  been  lame,  they  had 
certainly  come  to  Bath  to  meet  me,  to  unload  themselves  to  me, 
whbme  thoy  take  to  be  their  friende,  though  they  well  know  yfc  I 
in  \i  r  medled  with  their  temporal!  affaires.  I  wrott  to  them,  but 
on  second  thoughts,  your  Lordshippe  being  to  stay  at  Bath  all  the 
end  of  ye  weeke,  I  thought  it  proper  for  mo,  if  I  could,  to  visitt  my 

1  On  Die  hypothesis  which  I  have  suggested  above,  Gratian,  the  spiritual  guide 

of  Maijduluni,  would  be  an  idealised  portrait  oi  Ken  himself. 


a.d.  1695—1710.]     THE  LADIES  OF  NAISH.  171 

friends  in  affliction,  and  having  hired  a  horse,  wch  at  this  Season  was 
a  very  difficult  thing  here,  I  have  sent  back  Leven  for  fear  she 
would  be  wanted,  and,  I  hope,  perfectly  recovered,  and  I  intend,  God 
willing,  to  give  a  visit  to  Nash,  and  to  stay  till  Mooneday,  wch  I 
know  will  give  my  friends,  who  are  very  worthy  persons,  a  great 
Satisfaction. 

1 '  I  beseech  God  to  multiply  His  blessings  on  your  Self e  and  all 
your  good  Company  at  Longleat. 

"My  Good  Lord, 
"  Your  Lordshipp's  most  affectionate 
"  Oblig'd  Servant, 

"T.  K. 

"«7«ty4"  (1701?) 

[Ken  writes,  it  will  be  seen,  after  hearing  from  his  friends  at  Naish  Court. 
The  "great  man"  by  whom  they  had  been  "  worried  "  is  perhaps  the  leader  of 
the  Bristol  section  of  the  Non-jurors,  the  writer  of  the  unsigned  letter  in  p.  147. 
It  was  natural,  when  they  were  urged  to  withdraw  from  communion  with  the 
Bishop  to  whose  spiritual  guidance  they  had  looked  for  many  years,  that  they 
should  wish  to  open  their  griefs  to  him,  and  seek  for  further  comfort  and  counsel. 
Possibly,  however,  the  allusion  to  "  temporal  ^affaires"  may  imply  political 
trouble  of  some  kind.  There  is  nothing  to  show  where  the  letter  was  written. 
"  Leven,"  as  the  name  of  Lord  Weymouth's  mare,  suggests  an  association  with 
Colonel  G-rahme,  of  Levens  (p.  161  «.)] 


LETTER  LXX. 

"To  Viscount  Weymouth. 
"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 
"  My  very  good  Loed, 
"  Your  Lordshippe  takes  your  losse  with  so  much  humble  Resig- 
nation to  the  Divine  Will,  y*  I  am  fully  persuaded  God  will  turne 
it  into  a  Blessing,  &  make  you  see  by  happy  experience  y*  it  was 
good  for  you  to  have  been  afflicted.  I  ought  to  have  made  my 
acknowledgment  sooner  for  your  most  obliging  invitation,  but  till 
this  morning  I  could  not  tell  how  to  dispose  of  myself e.  My  friend 
has  left  me  for  herself e  &  her  sister  £200,  &  £300  for  me  to  dis- 
tribute among  the  depriv'd  Clergy.  Her  Trustees  and  Executours 
are  one  Mr  Bastenvil,  a  worthy  Attorney  of  Bristoll,  and  Mrs- 
Matthews,  who  was  some  time  with  Mrs'  Portman,  &  who  was  kins- 
woman to  my  friend,  and  her  Intimate,  and  lived  here  with  her.  I 
presume  that  she  will  not  engage  in  the  Trust,  but  she  will  stay  here 
some  short  time,  &  I,  having  a  most  affectionate  esteeme  for  her, 


172  EPISODES  IN  PRIVATE  LIFE.     [chap.  xxiv. 

have  promised  not  to  leave  her.  The  neice  who  has  for  many  years 
lost  her  understanding  by  convulsive  fitts,  after  having  layn  a  week, 
speechlesse  &  senselesse,  dyed  this  morning,  and  Sir  Charles  Kemeys, 
my  friend's  nephew,  will  have  the  Estate. 

"I  beseech  God  to  send  your  Lordshippe  &  my  Lady  a  happy 
New  Year  &  to  keep  you  in  His  Eeverentiall  Love. 

"  My  Good  Lord, 
"Your  Lordshipp's  most  oblig'd  &  affectionate  Servant 

"THO:  B.  &  W. 

"January  8"  (170|). 

[The  loss  which  Lord  Weymouth  had  sustained  was  the  death  of  his  only  son, 
Henry,  the  husband  of  Mrs.  Thynne,  of  Leweston,  and  the  father  of  the  two 
children  for  whom  Ken  wrote  the  poems  which  are  given  in  this  chapter,  on 
Dec  20,  1708,  about  a  fortnight  before  the  date  of  the  letter.  Ken  reports,  it 
will  be  seen,  the  death  of  Anne  Kemeys,  and  her  testamentary  dispositions  in  his 
favour.  The  imbecile  niece  did  not  long  survive  her  aunt.  I  am  unable  to  give 
any  account  of  the  Mrs.  Matthews  for  whom  Ken  expresses  so  warm  an  esteem, 
beyond  the  conjecture  that  she  is  the  "  very  worthy  dear  Friend,"  Mrs.  Margaret 
Matthews,  dwelling  in  Cardiff,  to  whom  he  leaves,  in  his  will  (p.  209),  "My 
wooden  cup  lined  with  gold,  and  Lord  Clarendon's  History,  in  six  volumes,  in  red 
Turkey  guilt"  {i.e.  in  what  we  call  "red  morocco").  The  locality,  Cardiff,  fits 
in,  happily  enough,  with  the  "Welsh  origin  of  the  two  ladies  of  Cefn  Mably,  in 
(ilamorganshire.  I  take  it  that  "Mrs."  stands,  as  usual  at  that  date,  for  our 
modern  "  Miss,"  and  that  she  was  an  unmarried  lady,  probably  one  of  the  Naish 
sisterhood.     The  letter  was  written  apparently  at  Naish.] 


Y.  Ken  and  Elizabeth  Rowe. 

Among  the  minor  lights  of  literature  in  the  eighteenth  cen- 
tury a  fairly  honourable  place  may  be  assigned  to  the  lady  whose 
name  stands  at  the  head  of  this  section.  The  relation  in  which 
she  stood  to  Ken  furnishes  another  instance  of  the  satisfaction 
which,  like  Cowper,  he  found  in  the  friendship  of  devout 
women,  all  the  more  interesting  because  the  friend,  in  this 
case,  belonged  to  a  school  of  religious  thought  in  many  ways 
far  removed  from  his  own,  or  from  that  of  the  "  good  virgins  " 
of  Naish. 

Elizabeth  Rowe  (born  1674)  was  the  daughter  of  Walter 
Singer,  of  Ilchester,  where  he  had  been  imprisoned  for  Non- 
conformity. After  his  wife's  death  he  removed  to  Frome, 
where  his  family  is  still  worthily  represented  by  the  Mr. 
Singer  whose  fame  is  in  all  the  churches  as  an  artist  in  ecclesi- 


a.d.  1695-1710.]         ELIZABETH  ROWE.  173 

astical  metal  work,  and  to  whom  I  am  indebted  for  the  drawing 
of  Ken's  paten  and  chalice  engraved  in  this  volume.  He  was 
known  as  a  man  "inflexible  in  temper  and  yet  of  catholic 
spirit."  He  was  visited  and  held  in  much  respect  by  Lord 
Weymouth. 

His  daughter  Elizabeth  began  at  an  early  age  to  give  pro- 
mise of  her  future  excellence.  She  wrote  verses  when  she  was 
twelve  years  old  ;  and  Mr.  Thynne,  Lord  Weymouth's  son, 
taught  her  French  and  Italian.  She  corresponded  on  friendly 
terms  and  on  literary  subjects  with  Prior,  the  poet,  and  pub- 
lished "Poems  on  Several  Occasions,  by  Philomela,''  in  1696. 
In  1710  she  married  Thomas  Rowe,  the  son  of  a  Nonconformist 
minister,  who,  after  five  years  of  a  happy  union,  died  in  1715. 
She  then  returned  to  Frome,  published  Friendship  in  Death, 
or  Letters  from  the  Dead  to  the  Living  (a  work  which,  to  some 
extent,  anticipates  the  Letters  from  Hell,  recently  edited  by 
Dr.  George  MacDonald)  in  1728 ;  Letters,  Moral  and  Enter- 
taining, in  1733  ;  and  a  poem  on  the  History  of  Joseph,  in  1736. 
She  often  visited  the  Hon.  Mrs.  Thynne  at  Leweston  and  in 
London,  and  the  Duchess  of  Somerset  (a  daughter  of  the  Mr. 
Thynne  who  had  taught  her  Italian),  and  died  in  February, 
1737.  Her  Devout  Exercises,  and  Miscellaneous  Works,  were 
edited  after  her  death  by  Dr.  Isaac  Watts.1 

It  is  a  pleasant  surprise  to  find  a  bishop  of  the  high  Anglican 
type,  like  Ken,  on  terms  of  friendly  intimacy  with  the  Noncon- 
formist poetess.  He  visited  the  Singer  family  "  very  frequently, 
sometimes  once  a  week."  She  wrote  at  his  suggestion  a  verse 
paraphrase  of  Job  xxxviii.  It  seems  probable  enough  that  the 
Italian  lessons  were  given  by  Mr.  Thynne  with  his  approval, 
if  not  at  his  suggestion.  We  may  enrol  her  name,  I  think, 
with  some  satisfaction,  in  the  long  list  of  those  who  owed  to 
him  much  that  was  noblest  and  most  precious  in  their  lives. 
The  friendship  between  the  two  is,  at  any  rate,  worth  noting  as 
an  instance  of  Ken's  largeness  of  heart,  and  of  his  power  to 
sympathise  with  all  who,  however  much  they  might  differ  from 
him  as  to  forms  of  worship  or  modes  of  ecclesiastical  polity, 
were,  in  his  judgment,  seeking  the  kingdom  of  God  and  His 
righteousness. 

1  The  facts  are  chiefly  taken  from  Burder's  Memoirs  of  Pious  Women,  1815. 


1 74  EPIB ODES  IX  PRIVA TE  LIFE.      [chap.  xxiv. 

VI.  Ken's  "  Lyra  Innocentum." 

Among  the  documents  connected  with  Ken  which  have  come 
to  light  since  the  publication  of  Mr.  Anderdon's  Life,  few  are 
more  interesting  than  the  collection  of  devout  poems  written 
by  him,  in  the  form  of  letters  to  two  granddaughters  of  Lord 
Weymouth's — Frances,  afterwards  Duchess  of  Somerset,  and 
Mary,  afterwards  Lady  Brooke.  They  were  the  daughters  of 
the  Mr.  Henry  Thynne,1  to  whom  Ken  had  sent,  in  1685,  copies  of 
his  Winchester  Manual  and  his  Practice  of  Divine  Love  (i.  pp. 
204,  286),  and  whom  we  have  recently  met  as  Elizabeth  Rowe's 
tutor  in  Italian.  In  reading  them  we  feel,  if  I  mistake  not, 
that  Ken  in  his  old  age  was  qualis  ab  incepto ;  still,  as  when  he 
wrote  the  two  books  just  named,  and  his  Manual  for  the  boys  at 
Winchester,  and  his  Directions  for  Prayers  for  the  little  ones  of 
his  diocese,  watching  with  a  special  interest  over  the  souls  of 
children,  finding  in  their  innocency  a  refuge  from  the  strife 
of  tongues,  and  leading  them  in  their  early  years  to  lisp  the 
praises  of  the  Father.  He  was  to  the  end  faithful  to  the 
ideal  vocation,  which  he  had  sketched  out  for  himself  in  the 
character  of  Hymnotheo. 

Looking  to  the  fact  that  the  poems  have  never  before 
appeared  in  print,  it  is,  I  think,  worth  while  to  give  them 
in  extenso  : — 

1. 

"  Fan.  Dear  Molly,  say,  what  shall  we  teach 
Our  Brother  when  he  aims  at  speech  ? 

Moll.  Dear  Fan,  it  must  be  our  first  task 
To  teach  him  blessing  how  to  ask. 

Fan.  No,  Molly,  we  our  Parents  dear, 

Next  to  great  God,  must  still  revere. 
God  ought  to  tincture  first  his  thought, 
As  we,  you  know,  at  first  were  taught. 

Moll.  We'll  make  it,  Fanny,  then  our  care 

To  teach  him  first  our  Saviour's  prayer. 

1  Mrs.  Henry  Thynne  (d.  1725)  lived  after  her  husband's  death  at  Lewcston, 
near  Sherborne,  where  Ken  was  often  her  guest,  and  where  he  spent  the  winter 
preceding  his  death.  She  inherited  the  estate  from  her  father,  Sir  George  Strode. 
Tin:  house  was  entirely  rebuilt  in  1802,  but  the  chapel,  now  disused,  remains 
in  mm  h  the  same  state  as  in  Ken's  time.  Her  chaplain  in  Ken's  time  was  a 
Mr.  John  Martin.     (Letter  from  the  Kev.  C.  H.  Mayo  to  E.  H.  P.). 


a.d.  1695-1710.]    KEN'S  "LYRA  INNOCFXTIU3L"  175 

Fan.  No,  Molly,  that's  too  long  as  yet, 

"We'll  teach  him  well  by  heart  to  get 
'  Glory  to  God,'  and  soon  He'll  try 
Blessing  to  ask,  like  you  &  I. 
Moll.  0  my  dear  Fanny,  'tis  most  true 

God  first  must  have  his  glory  due. 
Fan.  Moll,  first  &  last  to  God  each  day, 
We  all  our  lives  must  glory  pay. 
"Bemember  me  to  Mr.  Martin,  Mrs.  Bothery  &  her  daughter  & 
to  nurse.' 

ii  The  Blessing  of  God  rest  on  you  both  &  on  your  Brother. 

"  TH.  B  &  W." 

2. 

1 '  My  dear  Chickens, 

Moll.  Of  children  who  e'er  sucked  the  breast 

Who  think  you,  Fanny,  were  most  blest  ? 

Fan.  Those,  Molly,  whom,  to  Jesus  brought, 
Up  in  His  tender  arms  he  caught, 
Laid  gracious  hands  upon  each  head, 
And  Benedictions  on  them  shed. 

Moll.  In  children  what  did  Jesus  find 

That  he  to  them  should  be  thus  kind  ? 

Fan.  The  children  who  to  Jesus  came, 

Were  taught  to  praise  God's  holy  name  : 

They  humble  were,  &  learn' d  to  pray, 

God  &  their  parents  to  obey, 

Were  inoffensive  &  sincere, 

And  from  transgressions  wilfull  clear. 

Moll.  If  then  we  live  like  them,  we  may 
By  God  be  bless' d  as  well  as  they. 

Fan.  True,  Molly,  &  when  old  we  grow, 
The  less  the  world  &  sin  we  know. 
The  more  like  children  we  remain, 
The  greater  blessings  we  shall  gain. 

1 '  Miss  Fanny  must  teach  her  sister  to  say  her  part. 

"  THO.  B.  &  W." 

1  Mr.  Martin  was,  as  stated  above,  chaplain  at  Leweston.  The  late  Mr.  H.  C. 
Rothery  informed  me  that  a  branch  of  his  family  was  settled  in  Ken's  time  at  Car- 
diff, and  I  think  it  probable,  therefore,  that  Mrs.  Rothery  may  have  come  from 
that  neighbourhood,  and  have  been,  like  Mrs.  Matthews,  a  friend  of  the  ladies 
of  Naish,  another  of  the  "  devout  women  "  who  were  under  Ken's  guidance. 
Comp.  i.  4,  for  Ken's  thoughts  as  to  the  first  steps  of  religious  education. t 


176  EPISODES  IX  PRIVATE  LIFE.      [chap.  xxtv. 

3. 
"All  glory  be  to  God. 
"  My  best  Chickex, 

Jesus,  while  He  on  earth  remain'd, 
Was  by  two  sisters  entertain' d  : 
Martha  &  Mary  they  were  named, 
Both  with  the  love  of  God  inflamed. 
Martha  was  full  of  studious  care, 
A  decent  dinner  to  prepare : 
Mary  sat  down  at  Jesus'  feet, 
Of  heavenly  things  to  hear  him  treat. 
Jesus,  of  each  who  saw  the  heart 
Said  Mary  chose  the  better  part.' 
Things  earthly  mod'rate  thought  require  ; 
Things  heavenly  claim  our  chief  desire. 
Yet  holy  souls  both  sisters  join, 
Subjecting  earthly  to  divine. 

"Your  most  affectionate  friend, 

"THO.  B.  ft  W. 
"My  blessing  to  your  brother  and  sister." 

4. 

1 '  All  glory  be  to  God. 
Unbounded  is  God  everywhere, 
In  heavenly  orbes,  earth,  ocean,  air  ; 
We  all  day  long  &  all  the  night 

Are  in  His  sight. 
Since  then  Great  God  is  everywhere, 
"We  to  offend  our  Judge  should  fear, 
To  whose  just  omnipresent  eye 

Hearts  open  lie. 

"  Dear  Miss, 

"TH.  B.  ft  W." 
5. 

"All  glory  be  to  God. 
"  My  dearest  Chicken, 

The  Son  of  God,  in  flesh  debased,2 
Young  children  in  his  arms  embraced, 
His  hands  upon  their  heads  he  laid, 
While  for  their  happiness  he  prayed. 
1  The  poem  raggetta  a  comparison  with  the  epitaph  on  the  two  ladies  of  Naish 
-ivt  ii  in  p,  1G9.  2  "  Debased  "  —  humbled. 


a.d.  1695—1710.]     KJS1PS  "LYRA  MNOCENTIUM."         177 

And  now  He  is  enthroned  on  high, 
He  keeps  good  children  in  His  eye. 
When'er  He  sees  a  virtnons  child, 
"With  wilful  evil  not  denied, 
Devout,  obedient,  humble,  meek, 
Who  no  untruth  dares  ever  speak, 
Who  daily  for  God's  blessings  prays,1 
That  child  shall  here  by  him  be  bless'd, 
And  in  His  arms  in  heaven  shall  rest. 
Old  saints,  now  in  the  heavenly  sphere, 
Lived  all  like  little  children  here. 

"  The  blessing  of  God  rest  on  you. 

"  TH.  B.  &  W. 
"  My  blessing  to  your  brother  &  sister." 


6. 
11  All  glory  be  to  God. 

"  My  best  Chickex, 

Job  naked,  with  his  children  dead, 
With  Satan's  boils  all  overspread, 
While  on  the  ashes  he  reclined, 

With  will  resigned, 
More  happy  was,  though  left  alone, 
Than  Solomon  upon  his  throne, 
Enjoying  pleasures  of  each  lust 

To  feast  the  gust. 
Job  had  God's  love  &  conscience  clear, 
Which  all  afflictions  could  endear. 
Solomon's  joys,  vexations  vain, 

Procured  his  bane. 
Happy  is  she  who,  when  a  child, 
By  the  false  world  lives  unbeguiled, 
Whose  chiefest  care  is  to  fulfill 

God's  gracious  will. 
Give  my  blessing  to  your  brother  &  sister. 

"  Dear  Miss,  God  bless  you, 

"TH.  B.  &  W. 

1  A  line  seems  missing  in  the  copy  sent  to  me. 


178  EPISODES  IN  Pill  V  ATE  J  AVE.      [chap.  xxiv. 

7. 

"Dear  Miss, 

Thrice  happy  child  who,  when  she's  young, 
To  sing  God's  praise  employs  her  tongue, 
"Who  with  truth  heavenly  stores  her  thought, 
And  keeps  in  mind  the  good  she's  taught. 
Who  early  learns  to  do  God's  will, 
And  dreads  to  think,  speak,  practice  ill ; 
Who  from  the  tender  duty  here 
She  renders  to  her  parents'  dear, 
Learns  that  pure  reverential  love, 
Which  she  must  give  to  God  above. 

"  Your  affectionate  friend, 

"K." 

[The  poems,  it  will  be  seen,  are  undated.  [I  am  inclined  to  refer  them  to  a 
period  shortly  before  or  after  the  death  of  their  father  in  December,  1708.  At 
that  date  Mary,  the  younger  sister,  was  six  years  old  ;  she  died  in  1720.] 

The  Poems,  which  are  in  Ken's  own  hand,  were  purchased 
for  the  Bodleian  Library,  in  1884,  from  the  collection  of 
Thomas  Percy,  Bishop  of  Dromore,  editor  of  the  well-known 
Be/iques  of  Ancient  English  Poetry.  They  are  now  printed  for 
the  first  time.  How  they  came  into  his  possession  I  have  not 
been  able  to  learn.  I  conjecture  that  the  final  signature  K. 
indicates  a  date  after  Ken's  resignation  in  1704,  but,  as  in  the 
letters  to  Dr.  Smith  (chap,  xxv.),  the  signature  "B.  and  W." 
seems  to  have  been  often  used,  even  to  the  last. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

LITERARY    CORRESPONDENCE   WITH   DR.  THOMAS   SMITH. 

A  series  of  letters  passed  in  the  years  1706—1709  between 
Ken  and  the  Dr.  Thomas  Smith  whom  we  have  met  with  in  an 
earlier  stage  of  Ken's  life  (p.  168,  i.  282).  Smith  was  born  in 
1638,  and  entered  Queen's  College,  Oxford,  in  1657.  It  is 
probable  that  Ken's  friendship  with  him  began  in  their  under- 
graduate life.  He  was  elected  Fellow  of  Magdalen,  Oxford,  in 
1666,  and  spent  three  years  at  Constantinople  (1668 — 1671)  as 
Chaplain  to  the  English  Ambassador  there,  Sir  Daniel  Harvey. 
He  was  a  man  of  learning,  of  the  Hearne  and  Dodwell  type, 
and  his  name  appears  frequently  in  the  Diary  and  correspon- 
dence of  the  former.  His  knowledge  of  Hebrew  led  to  his 
being  popularly  known  as  '  Rabbi '  Smith.  It  was  intended,  in 
1679,  that  he  should  edit  the  Alexandrian  Codex,  then  in  the 
King's  Library,  and,  though  that  project  fell  through,  he  was 
asked  by  Bishops  Pearson,  Fell,  and  Lloyd  (of  St.  Asaph)  to 
visit  the  monastery  at  Mount  Athos,  and  other  places  in  the 
East,  with  a  view  to  collecting  MSS.  of  the  Greek  Fathers. 
He  did  not  accept  the  offer,  and  remained  in  England,  pub- 
lishing Latin  works  on  the  Manners,  Religion,  and  Government 
of  the  Turks,  in  1678  ;  sm  Account  of  the  Greek  Church,  and  Lives 
of  Camden,  Usher,  Cosin,  Patrick  Young,  Dr.  John  Dee,  and 
others.  In  1688  he  was  conspicuous  as  the  only  Fellow  of  Mag- 
dalen who  was  in  favour  of  submission  to  James  II.'s  action 
(p.  108).  Even  he,  however,  felt  that  he  must  draw  the  line 
somewhere,  and  he  refused  to  acknowledge  Giffard,  the  Roman 
Catholic  President  whom  James  appointed  on  Parker's  death, 
and   who  was  one  of  the  four  Bishops  in  partibus  that  were 


180      CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  BR.  SMITH.      [<  iiai\  xxv. 

named  by  the  King  as  Vicars  Apostolic,  and  the  Fellows 
of  the  same  communion  who  came  in  with  him.  He  was 
accordingly  deprived  in  August,  1688,  but  was  restored  in  the 
October  of  the  same  year,  when  James  sought  to  avert  the 
coming  crisis  by  some  hasty  steps  of  amendment.  On  "William 
and  Mary's  accession  he  refused  to  take  the  oaths,  and  was 
accordingly  again  deprived.  He  seems,  like  Ken  and  Fitz- 
william,  to  have  led  as  quiet  a  life  as  it  was  possible  for  a  Non- 
juror to  lead,  avoiding  conspiracies,  and  occupying  himself 
with  his  literary  tasks.     He  died  May  11,  1710. * 

The  letters  have,  it  will  be  seen,  the  interest  of  presenting 
Ken's  character  under  an  aspect,  of  which  hitherto  we  have 
seen  but  little,  as  a  man  of  general  reading  and  culture.  They 
bring  out,  as  it  seems  to  me,  with  peculiar  vividness,  the  refine- 
ment and  gentlemanliness  of  his  character.  For  this  reason  I 
reproduce  the  correspondence  here.  I  give  Ken's  letters  in  full, 
but  the  exigencies  of  space  compel  me  to  epitomise  Smith's. 
The  correspondence  opens  with  a  letter  from  the  latter 

To  Bishop  Ken. 

Smith  sends  a  volume  lately  printed  in  Holland,  probably  the 
"  Vita  quoriindam  eruditissimorum  et  illustrium  virorum  "  (1707),  men- 
tioned above.  He  complains  that  the  Dutch  editor  "has  mangled 
his  'copy,'"2  on  pretence  that  they  contained  reflections  on  the 
transactions  of  the  late  times ;  in  particular  that  they  had  cancelled 
a  passage  in  which  he  had  spoken  of  Sancroft  as  "  invictum  Ecclesia 
Anglican®  confessor  em,  of  his  own  deprivation  in  nupera  fatal/  is  fa 
rerum  apud  nos  catastrophe,  and  the  like;  "which  would  not  pass 
muster  among  the  Dutch  Dominees  and  the  Huguenots."  He  speaks 
of  having  sought,  in  the  Lives  of  Usher  and  Cosin,  to  "do  right  to 
the  memory  of  the  blessed  Saint  and  Martyr,  King  Charles  I.,"  and 
of  having  done  some  service  to  religion  in  that  of  John  Dee,  in  ex- 
posing  "magic,  witchcraft,  and  other  works  of  the  devil."  Dated 
December  ID,  1706. 

1  For  an  earlier  letter  of  Ken's  to  Smith,  see  p.  107. 

2  So  in  a  Letter  1"  Eearne  (November  9,  170G)  Smith  states  that  he  is  dissatisfied 
with  the  Dutch  printers,  chiefly  fox  their  "mangling  and  Leaving  out"  para- 
graph! distasteful  to  the  Dutch  and  French  Presbyterians  in  llolland.  (Heame, 
i.  307).     I  iind  the  volume  among  Ken's  books  at  Wells. 


a.d.  1706— 1709.]        BUTCH  DOMINEES.  181 

LETTER  LXXI. 

To  Dr.  Smith. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"My  worthy  good  Friend, 
"  I  should  sooner  have  returned  you  my  thanks  for  the  excellent 
present  you  designed  for  me,  and  withall  should  have  condoled  with 
you  for  the  injurious  treatment,  which  your  book  has  met  with,  but 
that  it  is  not  yet  come  to  my  hands.  This  night  I  expect  it,  or,  at 
the  farthest,  to-morrow  morning.  I  am  of  opinion  that  the  Domi- 
nees  are  not  to  be  blamed ;  they  are  too  Calvinisticall  to  be  in  league 
with  those  who  oppose  you.  There  is  a  remarkable  scripturient 
person,  who  keeps  correspondence  with  your  adversaries  here,  as 
appears  by  what  is  published,  who  to  gratify  his  paymasters,  might 
easily  do  you  the  unkindnesse,  but  this  is  onely  my  conjecture  at  a 
distance.  I  wish  that  you  had  sent  your  copy  to  Dr.  Cockbourne  ; 
I  believe  that  he  would  have  done  you  right,  and  he  may  yet  print 
a  sheet,  to  be  bound  up  with  the  book,  which  may  supply  what  is 
omitted,  and  might  rectify  the  wilf  ull  mistakes  they  have  made  who 
printed.  Mr.  Harbin  corresponds  with  him.  I  most  heartily  wish 
you  a  new  yeare,  &  beseech  God  to  keep  us  in  his  reverential  love. 
' '  Your  truely  affect:  friend  &  Br, 

"  THO.  B.  &  W. 

"Bee.  SOth"  (1706). 

[Ken  seems  to  exonerate  the  "Dominees,"  or  Dutch  divines  from  Smith's 
censures.  His  opponents  were  of  another  school,  probably,  Ken  means,  of  that 
of  the  English  latitudinarian  Whigs.  I  fail  to  identify  the  "scripturient 
person."  The  Dr.  Cockbourne  I  conjecture  to  be  a  Scotch  Episcopal  divine  of 
that  name  who  took  a  D.D.  at  Oxford,  May  25,  1709.  He  had  been  pastor  of 
an  English  church  at  Amsterdam  since  1688,  and  Ken  naturally  wishes  that 
Smith  had  entrusted  his  "copy,"  in  the  printer's  sense,  to  his  care.  (Hearne  i., 
p.  202).  He  was  a  friend  of  Harbin's,  and  would  have  done  his  work  faithfully. 
Queen  Anne  presented  him  to  an  English  living,  and  this  was  the  occasion  of  the 
Oxford  D.D.] 

LETTER  LXXII. 

To  Dr.  Smith. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"  My  worthy  dear  Friend, 
"  I  returne  you  many  thanks  for  your  last  very  valuable  present. 
I  remember  that  when  I  read  the  first  edition  of  the  lamentable 
persecution  of  the  great  good  man  to  whom  you  have  worthily  done 

VOL.  II.  N 


182     CORRESPOXDFXCF  JTITIT  DR.  SMITH.      [chap.  xxv. 

justice,  it  made  me  sad,  and  the  second  reading  revived  the  same 
sad  thoughts,  but  the  afflicted  Patriarch  is  happy  in  this,  that  God 
has  moved  you  to  embalme  his  memory.  Living  so  long  and  so 
much  in  the  country,  I  have  no  charitable  contributions  put  into  my 
hands,  but  of  my  owne  I  can  spare  you  the  contents  of  the  following 
note,  which,  you  would  oblige  me  by  accepting.  I  beseech  God  to 
keep  us  in  his  reverential  love,  and  mindfull  of  eternity. 
"Your  most  affect,  friend  and  Br, 

"THO.  B.  &  W. 

"May2M"  (1707). 

[The  context  suggests  that  the  valuable  present  was  a  copy  of  a  second  edition 
of  Smith's  book.  The  "  Patriarch  "  is,  of  course,  Sancroft.  One  can  picture  to 
one's  self  the  feelings  with  which  Ken  would  read  that  history  of  a  past  that  had 
faded  into  the  dim  distance.  The  "  note  "  enclosed  (amount  not  stated),  not  from 
funds  given  to  him  specially  for  distribution,  but  from  his  own  money,  indicates 
what  use  Ken  made  of  the  comparative  opulence  of  his  £200  per  annum  pension.] 

To    Bishop    Ken. 

Smith  thanks  Ken  for  his  gift.  Twelve  years  ago  he  had  con- 
templated a  life  of  Mary,  Queen  of  Scots,  vindicating  her  memory 
against  those  "furious  incendiaries "  who  attacked  it,  and  had 
collected  materials,  but  was  deterred  from  finishing  it  by  the  cost. 
It  is  too  late  to  return  to  it  now,  and  the  work  has  been  undertaken 
by  Mr.  Crawford,  Her  Majesty's  historiographer  to  the  Kingdom  of 
Scotland,  "  of  which  title  he  is  since  deprived,"  but  he  cannot  judge 
how  far  he  is  competent  for  the  task.  At  all  events  he  is  "of 
good  principles,  and  a  great  enemy  of  the  covenanting  Lords  Kirk- 
men  of  that  age."  He  (Smith)  is  now  arranging  his  correspon- 
dence and  collections  of  materials  supplied  by  deceased  friends. 
Dated,  June  7th,  1707. 

LETTER  LXXIIL 

To  Dr.  Smith. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

1 '  My  worthy  dear  Friend, 
"  Your  letter  was  sent  beyond  Bristol,  where  I  had  been,  when  I 
was  come  away,  so  that  I  had  it  not  till  some  time  after  I  returned 
to  Longleat.  I  give  you  thanks  for  your  kind  acceptance  of  the 
little  I  could  doe  for  you.  If  you  want  me  at  any  time,  I  entreat 
you  to  let  me  know  it.  I  discours'd  with  my  Lord  concerning  }'ou. 
He  has  a  just  value  for  you,  and  has  sent  you  a  token.  If  you  will 
call  on  Mr.  Brome  the  bookseller,  ho  has  ten  pounds  for  you,  for 


a.d.  1706-1709.]       QUEEN  ELIZABETH.  183 

which,  by  this  good  Lord's  order,  I  sent  him  a  note.  As  for  your 
design  in  writing  the  life  of  the  Q.  of  Sc.  I  am  not  sorry  for  your 
disappointment,  for  you  would  have  been  engaged  to  have  made 
some  severe  reflections,  though  just,  on  Q.  Eliz.  which  would  have 
given  offence,  she  being  the  darling  of  the  people,  and  I  had  rather 
that  the  odium  should  fall  on  another  than  on  yourself.  Mr.  Harbin 
has  papers  by  him  which  will  give  great  light  into  the  history,  and 
a  letter  of  Q.  E.  herself,  to  excite  her  keeper  to  assassinate  her,  of 
which  he  will  give  you  an  account,  if  need  be,  and  which  ought  to 
be  published  by  the  writer  whome  you  mention,  and  who,  with  your 
directions,  may  be  enabled  to  perfect  his  designe.  I  perceive  that 
we  are  much  of  an  age,  for  next  month  I  shall  be  in  my  seventieth 
year.  I  beseech  God  to  keep  us  in  his  reverential  love,  and  mind- 
full  of  eternity. 

"  Your's  very  affectionately, 

"THO.  B.  &  W. 

"June  28"  (1707). 

[Ken  was  obviously  not  an  admirer  of  Elizabeth.  Harbin  had  apparently 
found  the  letter  which  suggested  assassination,  among  the  Longleat  papers, 
but  Ken  is  not  sorry  that  the  odium  of  publishing  should  not  rest  on  his 
correspondent.  Brome  was  the  publisher  of  Ken's  Manual.  Smith  had  asked, 
in  his  previous  letter,  that  Harbin  would  send  him  Mr.  Burkin's  unpublished 
MSS.  at  Longleat,  which  Lord  Weymouth  had  promised  him.  Letter  xxxvii. 
shows  that  Ken  had  introduced  Harbin  to  Smith  as  one  likely  to  be  a  friend  of 
congenial  temperament,  engaged  in  like  studies.] 

To   Bishop    Kex. 

Smith  thanks  the  Bishop  for  his  good  offices  with  Lord  Wey- 
mouth. He  would  fain  have  written  to  that  "  good  Lord,"  but 
thought  it  might  be  "more  offensive  than  agreeable."  He  had  not 
intended,  when  he  spoke  of  his  money  troubles,  to  suggest  that  he 
needed  help,  but  he  is  very  glad  to  receive  it.  He  had  purposed  in 
his  history  to  expose  the  schismatical  and  seditious  principles  of  the 
Scotch  Presbyterians,  but  would  have  had  "  a  tender  regard  to  the 
fame  of  Elizabeth."  "Rag ion  di  Stato,  and  the  incessant,  importunate, 
and  united  addresses  of  Parliament  and  people,  and  opinions  of 
judges  and  lawyers  will,  I  feare,  be  no  good  plea  at  the  barre  of 
God's  tribunal,  but  we  may  charitably  hope  that  some  graines  of 
allowance  may  be  put  in  the  other  scale,  to  take  off  from  the  weight 
of  her  scarce  justifiable  severity."  He  knows  her  letter  to  Sir 
Amias  Paulet,  "  which  choques  me  more  than  all  the  imputations  " 
of  the  Papists.  "It  is  a  curious  fact  that  the  register  of  the  com- 
mission by  which  Queen  Mary  was  tried,  placed  in  the  Exchequer 

n  2 


184       CORRESPOXDEXCE  WITH  DR.  SMITE,     [chap.  xxv. 

Office  by  Lord  Burghley  in  1595,  was  withdrawn  by  order  of  King 
James  in  1603,  and  never  restored,  though  demanded."  The  King 
apparently  took  care  that  the  record  should  ' '  never  appear  in  after- 
times  to  the  infamy  of  his  mother."     Dated,  July  5th,  1707. 


LETTER  LXXIV. 

To  Dr.  Smith. 
"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"  My  worthy  good  Friend, 
"You  need  not  write  to  this  good  Lord,  lest  your  acknowledg- 
ments shock  his  modesty,  as  his  present  did  yours,  and  I  dare  say 
that  he  has  so  great  an  esteem  of  you,  that  he  would  on  all  occa- 
sions generously  assist  you.  He  tells  me  that  he  has  papers  which 
will  justify  all  the  severe  reflections  which  can  be  made  on  Q.  E.,  of 
which  I  presume  that  Mr.  Harbin  has  given  you  an  account,  or  will 
do  it  whenever  you  shall  desire  it,  though  considering  how  much  an 
impartial  relation  will  disgust  the  prevailing  many,  I  wish  it  rather 
published  by  another  than  by  yourself e,  she  is  so  much  the  Heroine 
of  the  Multitude.  I  doubt  not  but  that  she  had  many  and  great 
provocations,  but  the  way  she  took  to  free  herself  will  not  appear 
excusable.  I  entreat  you  to  let  me  know  with  the  freedom  of  a 
friend,  when  you  are  in  any  streight,  or  want  supplys,  to  carry  on 
your  labours  of  love  for  the  publick.  God  keep  us  in  his  reverential 
love,  and  mindful  of  eternity. 

"  Your  truely  affect:  friend  and  Br, 

"  THO.  B.  &  W. 
July  nth1*  (1707). 

[Ken's  judgment,  based  on  what  he  is  told  of  the  Longleat  documents,  is  still 
strongly  adverse  to  Elizabeth  ;  but  he  cannot  desire  that  his  friend  should  incur 
the  odium  of  exposing  her.  "  No  scandal  against  Queen  Elizabeth  "  seemed  to  him 
a  safe  rule  of  action  in  the  then  state  of  public  feeling.  The  animus  of  one  who 
always  held  it  more  blessed  to  give  than  to  receive,  appears  strongly  in  the 
penultimate  sentence.] 

LETTER  LXXV. 

To  the  Same. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"  My  worthy  good  Friend, 
"  My  poor  sister  Ken  is  now  in  great  affliction  for  the  losse  of  her 
onely  son,  who  dyed  at  Cyprus,  &  I  entreat  your  charity,  which  I 


a.d.  1706-1709.]    DEATH  OF  KEN'S  NEPHEW.  185 

know  is  truly  evangelicall,  to  visit  her,  &  to  apply  such  ghostly 
lenitives  to  her  sorrow,  as  may  set  her  at  ease,  or,  at  least,  very 
much  moderate  her  passion.  When  my  Lord  comes  to  town,  you 
will  be  a  welcome  visitant  to  him,  he  having  a  just  value  for  you. 
God  keep  us  in  his  Holy  fear,  &  wise  for  eternity. 

"  Your  truely  affect:  friend  and  Br, 

"  THO.  B.  &  W. 

"  Oct.  25  "  (1707). 

[The  nephew  who  died  in  Cyprus  was  the  only  son  of  Ion  Ken,  the  Bishop's 
brother,  who  was  treasurer  of  the  East  India  Company.  Letter  viii.  suggests  that 
the  latter  had  died  in  1684.  The  Athenceum  of  March  24th,  1879,  contains  a 
review  of  Thomson's  "  Through  Cyprus  with  the  Camera"  (1878),  and  quotes  a 
passage  describing  the  church  of  St.  Lazarus,  at  Larnaca,  in  which  there  is  a 
memorial  of  John  Ken,  of  London,  merchant,  born  February  6,  1672,  died 
July  12,  1707,  in  excellent  preservation.  The  other  monuments  of  the  church 
are  chiefly  Venetian.] 

To   Bishop  Ken. 

Smith  lost  no  time  in  visiting  the  bereaved  mother  whom  Ken 
had  commended  to  him.  Her  religion  and  piety  have  taught  her  to 
submit  with  all  Christian  patience  to  these  sad  inflictions  of  Provi- 
dence. When  Lord  Weymouth  next  comes  to  town  he  will  call 
on  him.  Things  in  London  appear  of  a  "  sickly  and  frightful  com- 
plexion." The  "  hand  of  God  is  punishing  us  for  our  horrible 
wickedness."  Others  may  dream  "of  triumph  in  the  next  cam- 
paign," but  we  are  plunging  deeper  into  guilt  and  labour  under  a 
judicial  infatuation.  The  year  1707,  it  may  be  noted,  had  been  full 
of  failures  and  disasters,  crowned  by  the  wreck  of  Sir  Cloudesley 
Shovel's  fleet  off  the  Scilly  Isles,  on  October  22nd.  Smith  was 
not  likely  to  look  on  the  passing  of  the  '  Union  with  Scotland '  Act, 
May  1st,  as  a  set-off  against  these.     Dated,  November,  1707. 


LETTER  LXXVI. 
To  Dr.  Smith. 
"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"  My  worthy  dear  Friend, 
"I  beseech  God  to  reward  you  for  your  charitable  visitts  to  my 
sister,  who,  I  hope,  by  this  time,  has  overcome  her  passion.  I  deferred 
writing  to  you  till  the  family  removed,  intending  to  send  by  good 
Mr.  Jenkins,  from  whom  you  will  receive  five  pounds,  as  a  token  of 
the  real  respect  I  have  for  you.     I  can,  thanks  be  to  God,  very  well 


186       CORRESPOXDEXCE  WITH  DR.  SMITH,     [chap.  xxv. 

spare  it,  and  I  entreat  yon  to  oblige  me  by  accepting  it.  I  intend, 
God  willing,  to  spend  the  winter  with  two  good  virgins  beyond 
Bristol,  where  there  is  a  kind  of  nnnnery,  and  with  whome  I  usu- 
ally abide  in  my  Lord's  absense.  God  keep  us  in  his  reverential 
love,  and  make  us  wise  for  eternity. 

"  Your  most  affect:  Mend  and  Br, 

"THO.  B.  &  W. 

"Xov.24th"  (1707). 

[The  letter  tells  its  own  tale  and  needs  no  explanation,  but  we  may  note  the 
fact  that  Ken  usually  stayed  with  the  ladies  of  Naish  whenever  Lord  Weymouth 
was  not  at  Longleat.  Mr.  Jenkins  remains  unidentified,  but  the  name  appears 
as  one  of  the  witnesses  to  Ken's  will  (p.  209).  The  vicar  of  Frome  of  that  date 
bore  the  name  of  Jenkyns.  He  was  a  lineal  ancestor  of  Richard  Jenkyns, 
Master  of  Balliol,  and  Dean  of  Wells  (1845 — 54).     Comp.  Lett,  lxxviii.] 

To   Bishop   Ken. 

Smith  begins  with  the  passage  quoted  in  page  168,  on  the  life  of 
the  "Beligious  House  "  at  Naish.  He  is  confounded,  "  stuptto  e  stor- 
dito,"  at  Ken's  fresh  act  of  bounty  to  him.  He  thinks  himself  bound 
to  tell  him,  though  he  will  not  refuse  his  gift,  that  he  has  been  for 
nineteen  years,  since  his  deprivation,  supported  by  a  brother  with 
whom  he  lives,  and  that  his  literary  labours  and  the  gifts  of  friends 
put  him  beyond  the  reach  of  poverty.  He  mentions,  in  a  P.S.,  that 
he  had  seen  Lord  Weymouth,  and  had  been  much  impressed  with 
the  goodness  of  his  character,  as  one  who  had  learnt  fully  the 
lesson  that  "it  was  more  blessed  to  give  than  to  receive,"  and 
would  scarcely  suffer  himself  to  be  thanked  for  his  liberality. 
Dated,  December  20th,  1707. 

LETTER  LXXVII. 

To  Dr.  Smith. 

11  All  Glory  be  to  God. 
"  My  worthy  dear  Friend, 
"Till  I  was  settled  with  the  good  virgins,  of  whom  you  have 
such  respectful  thoughts,  and  whose  habitation  I  reach'd  not  till 
last  night,  I  deferred  to  send  you  my  acknowledgments  for  your 
obliging  acceptance  of  the  little  present  which  I  sent  you.  I  am 
very  glad  that  you  were  with  ye  good  lord ;  he  does  really  conduct 
his  life  by  the  divine  maxim  recorded  by  St.  Paul,  &  he  is  truly 
rich  in  good  works,  <&  indeed,  so  are  his  near  relations ;  munificence 
seoms  to  be  the  family  virtue,  &  traduced  to  their  posterity.    I  know 


a.d.  1706— 1709.]  KEN  AT  NAISR.  187 

that  you  are  so  fully  employed,  &  so  rich,  in  good  works  of  another 
nature,  which  yet  are  a  charity  to  the  publick,  y*  I  make  a  scruple 
of  giving  you  any  long  diversion  from  your  studies.  I  beseech 
God  to  send  you  a  happy  new  year,  &  to  prosper  your  labours  of 
love,  in  which,  I  know,  you  spend  your  time. 

"Goodsr, 
"  Your  most  affect:  friend  and  Br, 

"  THO.  B.  &  W. 
"Dec.  2Stk "(1707). 

[The  "good  virgins "  are,  of  course,  the  Naish  ladies.  Ken,  like  Lord 
Weymouth,  thinks  that  he  has  to  thank  his  friend  for  accepting  his  gifts.  The 
"near  relations"  of  the  "good  lord,"  are,  probably,  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Thynne,  of 
Leweston,  near  Sherborne,  with  whom  Ken  often  stayed.  One  notes  his  use  of 
"  traduced,"  as  often  also  in  his  poems,  in  its  strict  etymological  sense.] 

To  Bishop  Ken. 

Smith  has  been  reluctant  to  trouble  Ken  with  letters  during  his 
season  of  retirement.  He  did  not  wish  to  interrupt  his  intercessions 
for  the  "  poore  harassed  and  afflicted  clergy,"  who  had  "  kept  them- 
selves clear  from  the  pollutions  of  false  and  wicked  oaths,  and 
other  gnostic  practices."  Yet,  after  all,  "  their  sufferings  were  light 
as  compared  with  those  of  their  predecessors,  between  1641  and 
1660."  He  thanks  God,  that  in  spite  of  his  infirmities  and  his 
anxieties  for  his  country,  he  can  still  "do  some  service  to  learning 
and  the  concerns  of  our  common  Christianity."  He  would  gladly 
take  any  opportunity  of  seeing  Ken,  should  anything  bring  him 
within  reach.     Dated,  April,  1708. 

LETTER  LXXVIII. 
To  Dr.  Smith. 
"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 
"  My  worthy  dear  Friend, 
"  I  should  be  ashamed  to  lett  your  letter  lye  so  long  without 
thankful  acknowledgment,  but  that  I  received  it  not  till  Friday 
evening  ye  14th,  from  good  Mr.  Jenkins.   I  not  coming  to  Longleate 
till  then,  by  reason  of  the  illness  of  my  horse.    I  could  not,  without 
great  fraternall  sympathy,  hear  of  your  late  troubles,  but  I  make 
no  doubt,  but  that  they  were  sent  you  from  the  benigne  direction 
of  providence,  to  quicken  those  graces,  which  otherwise  might  have 
layn  dormant,  and  I  am  confident  that  you  have  experimented  y*  it 
was  good  for  you  to  have  been  in  trouble,  and  I  hope  that  our 


188       CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  DR.  SMITH,     [chap.  xxv. 

brethren  will  copy  the  example  you  have  given  them.  I  have  no 
inclination  to  the  Towne ;  it  neither  agrees  with  my  healthe  nor 
temper,  but  if  anything  should  draw  me  up,  my  good  friend  shall 
be  sure  to  be  one  of  the  first,  to  whom  I  would  pay  my  respects.  I 
thank  God,  that  I  am  unmolested  in  the  country,  &  I  hope  I  shall 
continue  so,  and  one  would  think  that  our  yeares  &  our  profession, 
and  course  of  life,  would  give  no  occasion  for  the  least  suspition. 
I  beseech  God  to  prosper  your  labours  of  love  for  the  publick,  and 
to  keep  us  both  mindful  of  eternity. 

"Good  Dr. 
"  Your  most  affectionate  friend  &  £r, 

"THO.  B.  &  W. 

"May  16*A"  (1708). 

[The  hope  that  "  our  brethren  "  will  follow  Smith's  example,  i.e.  will  give 
themselves  to  useful  studies  instead  of  plunging  into  plots  or  publishing  railing 
accusations,  strikes  one  as  eminently  characteristic.  So  also  is  the  continued 
dislike  to  the  idea  of  visiting' London  (see  pp.  121,  122).  As  far  as  I  can  gather,  Ken 
never  went  there,  except  for  Kettlewell's  funeral,  in  1695,  after  his  depiivation. 
He  seems  to  have  been  unlucky  in  his  horses.     See  Letters  lviii.,  lix.'J 

To  the  Bishop   of  Bath  and   Wells. 

Smith  has  left  with  Brome,  Ken's  publisher,  a  copy  of  his 
edition  of  the  Epistles  of  Ignatius,  which  he  offers  as  a"  sincere, 
but  poor,  acknowledgment "  of  his  many  obligations.  He  refers  to  a 
recent  gift  which  he  had  received  from  Ken,  looking  to  his  "  narrow 
circumstances,"  and  his  own  sufficiency,  "  with  great  reluctance." 
He  recommends  to  his  charity  "Lady  D.  and  her  two  daughters,"1 
left  very  destitute  by  the  death  of  that  loyal  gentleman,  Sir  E.  D." 
He  hopes  Ken  will  represent  their  case  to  Lord  Weymouth.  He  is 
suffering  "  great  uneasiness  both  in  mind  and  body."  Dated, 
February,  170*. 

LETTER  LXXIX. 

To  Dr.  Smith. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 

1 '  MY  WORTHY  DEAR  FRIEND, 

"  I  return  you  many  thanks  for  the  most  valuable  present  you 
sent  me,  and  I  entreat  you  to  permit  me  to  send  von.  no*  and 
some  testimony  of  my  esteem,  which  I  can  well 

1  Ken'i  oexl  I  tte    g  i    □  e   ■     Dutton.     1  find  a  Sir  Hal 

Baronet,  of  Sherborne,  Gloucestershire,  bu  in  1721. 


a.d.  1706— 1709.]  LADY  BUTTON,  189 

considering  your  labours  of  love  &  learning,  all  your  friends  can 
give  to  you  is  given  to  the  publick.  I  cannot  tell  whether  I  should 
condole,  or  congratulate,  your  goutish  distemper,  for  some  are  of 
opinion  that  it  prolongs  life,  &  for-  -that  reason,  wish  for  it,  &  your 
\s^  friends  will  be  glad  for  anything  which  will  prolong  a  life  so  very 
useful.  I  am  sorry  for  good  Lady  Dutton  and  her  daughters :  I 
beseech  God  to  support  them.  If,  when  you  go  into  the  city,  you 
call  on  Brome  the  bookseller,  he  will  pay  you  fifty  shillings,  which 
I  design  for  them,  though  I  desire  you  to  make  no  mention  from 
whom  it  came.  I  intend  to  mention  you  to  my  Lord  when  I  have  a 
fair  opportunity.  God  keep  us  in  his  reverential  love,  resigned  to 
his  will,  and  mindful  of  eternity. 

((DearSr, 
"  Your  very  affectionate  Friend  &  Br, 

"THO.  B.  &  W. 

"Feb.  21**"  (170|). 

[The  letter  requires  no  comment,  save  that  it  may  be  almost  taken  as  a 
model  of  refinement  and  delicacy  in  the  art  of  giving.] 

To   the  Bishop   of  Bath  and   Wells. 

Smith  has  seen  Lord  "Weymouth,  but  had  not  the  courage  to 
name  Lady  Dutton  to  him,  yet  he  is  a  hundred  times  more  concerned 
for  them  than  for  himself,  and  will  ask  Ken  therefore  to  name  them 
to  his  host.  He  is  gratified  with  Ken's  acceptance  of  his  Ignatius. 
It  counterbalances  the  fact  that  he  has  no  expectation  of  any  money 
profit  from  it.  The  University  has  only  given  him  forty  copies  in 
quires,  and  after  a  sale  of  about  one  hundred  in  Oxford,  has  sold 
the  remainder  to  a  bookseller.     Dated,  May,  1709. 


LETTER  LXXX. 

For  Dr.  Smith. 

"All  Glory  be  to  God. 
"  My  worthy  dear  Friend, 
1 '  I  have  already  putt  his  Lordshippe  in  mind  of  your  distressed 
Lady,  &  her  two  daughters  ;  but  in  regard  the  Legacy  will  not  be 
suddenly  raised,  I  could  not  further  presse  their  relief  at  present. 
I  am  sorry  that  the  university  made  you  not  a  more  respectfull 
return.  I  heartily  congratulate  you  in  the  happinesse  you  enjoy 
in  a  good  conscience,  which  is  an  anticipation  of  heaven,  &  am 


190      CORRESPONDENCE  WITH  BR.  SMITH,     [chap.  xxv. 

scrupulous  of  taking  up  too  much  of  your  time,  which  you  so  bene- 
ficially employ  for  the  public,  &  for  the  future  generation,  to  whom 
you  will  make  your  memory  pretious.     God  keep  us  in  his  reveren- 
tial love,  resigned  to  his  will,  and  mindfull  of  eternity. 
"  Good  Dr  Smith, 

14  Yours  very  affectionately, 

"THO.  B.  &  W. 

"May  23"  (1709). 

[There  is,  perhaps,  a  touch  of  the  weariness  of  age  and  pain  in  the  brevity  of 
Ken's  answer  to  Smith's  long  letter,  and  in  the  hint,  courteous,  yet  significant, 
that  he  is  scrupulous  as  to  taking  up  too  much  of  his  time.  It  was  the  kind  of 
letter  that  would  naturally  terminate,  or  at  least,  suspend,  the  correspondence. 
And  as  a  matter  of  fact  it  is  the  last  letter  extant.     Smith  died  May  11,  1710. 


KEN  8   PATEN    AND    CHALICE. 
From  a  drawing  by  Mr.  W.  Singer  (see  p.  209). 


CHAPTER  XXVL 

CLOSING   YEARS  AND   DEATH. 

The  years  that  followed  the  embittered  controversy  which  was 
roused  by  Ken's  resignation  of  his  bishopric  were,  as  I  have 
said,  a  time  of  comparative  calm.  But  they  brought  with 
them,  as  was  natural  at  his  age,  the  loss  of  not  a  few  friends, 
which  must  have  made  him  feel  his  loneliness  more  and  more. 
The  two  ladies  of  Naish  died  in  1708  ;  Frampton,  of  all  the 
Bishops  of  the  time  the  one  most  like-minded  with  himself,  and 
whom,  as  we  have  seen,  he  visited  in  his  old  age,  in  the  same 
year ;  Smith,  in  May,  1710.  On  January  1st  of  that  last- 
named  year,  "William  Lloyd,  the  deprived  Bishop  of  Norwich, 
was  called  to  his  rest,  and  his  death  left  Ken  as  the  last  sur- 
vivor of  the  deprived  Bishops.  That  event  brought  about  a 
new  crisis  in  his  relations  with  the  Non-jurors.  He  had,  at 
the  time  of  Kidder's  death,  declared  his  conviction  that  the 
death,  or  cession,  of  a  deprived  bishop  gave  a  legitimate  cha- 
racter to  the  ministrations  of  his  successor,  and  cleared  him 
from  the  guilt  of  schism.  He  had  acted  on  that  principle 
himself.  He  had  looked  on  its  recognition  by  others  as  the 
right  way  to  terminate  the  unhappy  divisions  by  which  the 
Church  was  rent  asunder.  He  had  been  supported  in  that  view, 
shortly  after  his  resignation  in  Hooper's  favour,  by  Dodwell, 
who  in  1705  published  a  book,  the  title  of  which  is,  for  our 
present  purpose,  a  sufficient  epitome  of  its  contents  : — * 

u  A  Case  in  View  Considered :  in  a  Discourse  proving  that  (in  case 
our  present  invalidly  deprived  Fathers  shall  leave  all  their  Sees 
vacant,  either  by  Death   or  Resignation)  we   shall  not  then   be 

1  See  generally  for  the  history  and  correspondence  connected  with  this  chapter, 
Lathbury's  Non-jurors,  chap,  vi, 


192  CLOSIXG  TSARS  AXD  DEATH,     [chap.  xxvi. 

obliged  to  keep  up  our  Separation  from  those  Bishops,  who  are  as 
yet  involved  in  the  Guilt  of  the  present  unhappy  schism." 

His  principle,  to  put  the  matter  in  its  briefest  form,  was  that 
the  intruded  Bishops  were  nuUi  because  they  were  secundi; 
when  they  ceased  to  be  secundi,  their  nullity  also  came,  ipso 
facto,  to  an  end.  He  was  supported  by  Nelson,  Brokesby, 
and  others,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  Hickes,  Wagstaffe,  and 
Collier,  held  that  the  schism,  of  which  the  new  Bishops  had 
been  guilty  in  entering  on  their  sees,  was  not  purged  by  the 
death  or  resignation  of  those  who  had  been  ejected  to  make 
room  for  them.  They  must  acknowledge  their  guilt,  and  be 
restored  by  consent  of  the  Church,  before  they  could  be  accepted 
as  canonically  in  charge  of  their  respective  Dioceses.  The  con- 
troversy waxed  hot,  after  the  fashion  of  such  disputes.  Dod- 
well,  in  1707,  published  "A  Farther  Prospect  of  the  Case  in 
View,  with  Answers  to  Objections."  He  turned  the  tables,  in 
this  again  following  Ken,  upon  Hickes  and  Wagstaffe,  and 
denied  the  validity  of  their  clandestine  consecration.  They 
did  not  even  pretend  to  any  diocesan  authority,  though  they 
claimed  to  perpetuate  the  spiritual  succession,  and  maintained 
that  they  and  the  faithful  remnant  that  followed  them,  were 
the  only  successors  "  in  the  royal  priesthood,  even  to  the  end  of 
the  world. M 

Within  ten  days  after  Lloyd's  death  Dodwell  wrote  to  Ken, 
as  he  tells  Nelson  in  a  letter  dated  January  11th,  170-^,  ask- 
ing him,  "  as  the  only  survivor  of  the  invalidly  deprived  Bishops, 
and  as  thereby  having  it  in  his  power  now  to  free,  not  only  his  pri- 
vate diocese,  bat  the  whole  National  Church  from  the  schism  intro- 
duced by  filling  the  sees,  whether  he  insisted  on  his  rights  as 
diocesan."  "  If,"  he  adds  in  his  letter  to  Nelson,  "  my  Lord 
of  Bath  and  Wells  declare  that  he  will  not  so  far  insist  on  his 
right  as  to  Justine  our  separate  communions  on  his  account,  we 
must  then  enquire  whether  any  claim  appear,  derived  from  his 
deceased  Brethren,  for  keeping  any  one  See  full  which  had  been 
otherwise  vacant  by  their  death ;  and  what  evidence  appears 
for  supporting  that  claim,  and  whether  that  evidence  be  satis- 
factory. "  In  answer  to  Dodwell's  inquiry,  Ken  wrote  as 
folio ws : — 


a.d.  1709—1711.]      KEN  AND  DODWELL.  193 


LETTER  LXXXI. 
To  Hexry  Dodwell. 

"  All  glory  be  to  God. 
"  Good  Mr.  Dodwell, 
11  Where  your  letter  of  Jan.  10th  stopped  by  the  way  I  know  not, 
but  it  came  not  to  me  till  the  last  post  February  9th,  and  in  that 
you  are  pleased  to  ask  me  whether  I  insist  on  my  Episcopal  claim, 
and  my  answer  is  that  I  do  not,  and  that  I  have  no  reason  to  insist 
on  it,  in  regard  that  I  made  a  cession  to  my  present  most  worthy 
successor,  who  came  into  the  field  by  my  free  consent  and  approba- 
tion. As  for  any  clandestine  claim,  my  judgment  was  always  against 
it,  and  I  never  had  nothing  to  do  with  it,  foreseeing  that  it  would 
perpetuate  a  schism  which  I  found  very  afflicting  to  good  people 
scattered  in  the  country,  where  they  could  have  no  divine  office  per- 
formed. I  was  always  tender  of  the  peace  of  the  Church,  especially 
in  this  age  of  irreligion ;  I  always  thought  the  Multitudo  Peccan- 
tium  might  justify  some  relaxations  of  canonical  strictures.  I 
beseech  you  to  present  my  hearty  respects  to  good  Mrs.  Dodwell. 
You  both,  and  your  family,  have  all  along  had  my  daily  prayers. 
God  keep  us  in  his  reverential  love,  and  mindful  of  eternity.  Your 
very  affectionate  friend, 

"THO.  B.  &  W. 

"Feb.  11"(170&). 

[The  letter  was  obviously  written  with,  a  full  knowledge  of  Dodwell' s  reason- 
ing in  the  Case  in  View,  and  was  intended  to  confirm  it  in  the  strongest  possible 
manner.  It  is  a  striking  illustration  of  the  charity  of  Ken's  temper,  that  while 
the  more  violent  Non-jurors,  including  even  Dodwell  himself  at  an  earlier  stage 
of  the  controversy  (p.  42),  were  never  weary  of  quoting  the  text  against  "  follow- 
ing a  multitude  to  do  evil,"  he  sees,  even  in  the  multitudo  peecantium,  a  ground  for 
relaxation  of  ecclesiastical  rules,  and  this,  specially  with  a  view  to  the  "  many 
good  people  "  who,  without  such  relaxation,  would  be  deprived  of  tbe  privilege 
of  attending  divine  offices.  Ken's  letter,  as  usual,  gives  no  year,  but  I  cannot 
doubt  that  I  have  given  the  right  date.] 

This  answer  Dodwell  reports  to  a  friend  on  March  2nd,  and 
says  that  he  has  seen  a  letter  from  Ken  to  another  person,  pro- 
bably Nelson,  on  the  same  subject.  That  letter  we  have,  in 
substance,  in  one  from  Nelson  to  a  friend,  and  as  the  greater 
p  art  of  it  is  in  Ken's  words,  I  number  it  as  one  of  his  : — 


194  CLOSIXG   YEARS  AND  DEATH,     [chap.  xxvi. 

LETTER  LXXXII. 

To  Henry  Dodwell. 
"  Sir, 
"  In  order  to  satisfie  your  enquiry,  I  can  acquaint  you  that  I  have 
received  a  letter  from  Bishop  Ken,  who  assures  me ; 

I  That  he  was  always  against  that  practice  which  he  fore- 
saw would  perpetuate  the  Schism,  and  declared  against  it,  and 
that  he  had  acted  accordingly,  and  would  not  have  it  laid  at 
his  door,  having  made  a  recess  (as  he  says)  for  a  much  more 
worthy  person ;  and  he  apprehends  it  was  always  the  judge- 
ment of  his  Brethren,  that  the  death  of  the  Canonical  Bishops 
would  render  the  Invaders  Canonical,  in  regard  the  Schism  is 
not  to  last  always.' 

"  Afterwards  his  Lordship  adds  this ; 

I I  presume  Mr.  Dodwell,  and  others  with  him,  go  to 
Church,  tho'  I  myself  do  not,  being  a  publick  person ;  but  to 
communicate  with  my  Successor,  in  that  part  of  the  Office 
which  is  unexceptionable,  I  should  make  no  difficulty.' 

''This  letter  I  communicated  to  Mr.  Dodwell,  when  in  town, 
which  he  thought  clear  enough  for  closing  the  Schism,  and  I  sup- 
pose in  a  short  time  he  may  have  one  to  the  same  purpose. 
*  #  *  *  *  * 

"  Your  faithful  humble  Servant, 

"BOB.  NELSON. 

"  Feb.  21  "  (170-&). 

[The  letter  has  the  advantage  of  adding  a  new  fact  to  the  grounds  of  Ken's 
decision.  His  brethren,  the  other  deprived  Bishops,  had  always  held  the  same 
judgment  that  he  did  as  to  the  effect  of  their  death  in  giving  canonical  validity 
to  the  acts  of  the  M  Invaders."  His  own  position,  he  thinks,  is,  in  one  respect, 
different  from  that  of  laymen.  He  still  holds  that  James  II. 's  son  is  the  rightful 
King  of  England,  and,  therefore,  being  a  "public  person,"  does  not  think  it  right 
to  give  an  apparent  sanction  to  the  State  Prayers  in  Matins,  Evensong,  or  Litany, 
by  going  to  church  as  he  advised  others  to  do.  But  he  did  not  hold  that  the 
acknowledgment  of  the  de  facto  sovereign  was  a  sufficient  ground  for  with- 
drawing from  communion  with  the  Established  Church,  and  therefore  proposed 
to  communicate  with  his  successor  "  in  that  part  of  the  office"  (he  meant,  I  pre- 
sume, the  part  that  follows  the  Prayer  for  the  Church  Militant)  at  some  con- 
venient opportunity.     See  p.  196.] 

The  advice  thus  given  decided  the  action  of  the  two  friends 
at  Shottesbrook.  On  the  first  Sunday  in  Lent,  Cherry  and 
Dodwell  went  to  their  parish  church  with  their  families  for  the 


a.d.  1709—1711.]      KEN  AND  BOB  WELL.  195 

first  time  since  their  secession.1  Archbishop  Sharp,  who  had 
taken  a  leading  part  in  bringing  about  the  healing  of  the  schism, 
administered  the  communion  to  Nelson  on  Easter  Day.  The 
bells  rang  out  their  peal  of  joy  for  the  termination  of  the 
schism,  which  had  vexed  the  parish,  as  it  had  vexed  the  nation. 
Their  example  was  followed  by  Nelson,  and  by  other  conspicuous 
laymen  in  London  and  the  country.  Virtually  that  Sunday  was 
memorable  as  the  "beginning  of  the  end"  of  the  Non-juring 
schism,  and  that  beginning,  as  we  have  seen,  was  due  to  Ken's 
influence. 

A  few  weeks  later,  and  Ken,  at  least,  continued  steadfast  in 
his  purpose  thus  announced  : — 


LETTER  LXXXIII. 

To  Henry  Dodwell. 

"All  glory  be   to   God. 

"  My  very  "Worthy  Friend, 
"  I  returne  you  many  thanks,  for  ye  Caution  you  give  me,  y*  my 
Example  should  not  be  mistooke,  lest  it  have  an  ill  influence  on 
others,  wch  is  very  far  from  my  intention,  &  as  soone  as  I  am  fitt  for 
travelling,  I  shall,  God  willing,  goe  to  ye  Cathedrall  on  purpose,  to 
communicate  with  my  Successour ;  That  being  ye  most  conspicuous 
place,  and  ye  Communion  office  has  nothing  exceptionable.  At  pre- 
sent I  am  stopp'd  at  Long-leat,  by"  [he  names  a  new  symptom  of  his 
disease,]  "  for  wch  distemper  I  am  to  goe  to  Bristoll,  to  drink  ye  water 
there,  wch  I  hope  will  relieve  me.  I  beseech  God  to  multiply  His 
blessings  on  your  selfe,  and  good  Mrs.  Dodwell,  and  on  your 
children. 

"  Your  very  affectionate  friend, 

"THO.  B.  &  W. 

«  Ap.  21**"  (1710). 

[It  is  open  to  question  whether  the  scruples  which,  in  Ken's  previous  letter, 
limited  his  presence  at  the  Communion  Service  to  that  part  of  it  which  was  "un- 
exceptionable," in  which,  e.g.,  the  name  of  the  ruling  sovereign  did  not  occur, 


1  Brokeshy's  account  is  worth  quoting,  "  "We  are  here  satisfied  that  the  schism 
is  at  an  end,  when  there  is  no  altar  against  altar,  nor  any  other  bishops  but 
suffragans  to  require  our  subjection.  And,  therefore,  we  all  go  to  church." 
— Lathbury,  ch.  x.,  p.  203. 


196  CLOSING   YEARS  AXD  DEATH,     [chap.  xxvi. 

were  now  removed,  or  whether  the  wider  language  of  the  present  letter  is  to  he 
interpreted  by  the  former  limitation.  The  symptom  which  Ken  describes  i* 
that  which  physicians  know  as  hamaticria.'] 

I  have  not  been  able  to  ascertain  whether  the  intention  thus 
expressed  passed  into  an  act.  If  it  did,  I  can  imagine  few 
scenes  in  his  life,  or  in  that  of  any  man,  more  striking  and 
pathetic.  "When  he  was  last  present  in  the  cathedral  at  Wells, 
he  had  sat  in  the  episcopal  throne,  and  had  there  read  his 
public  protest  against  his  deprivation.  Now  he  enters  it,  a 
feeble  old  man,  bowed  with  years  and  sufferings,  to  receive  the 
sacred  pledges  of  communion  with  his  Lord  and  with  his 
brethren,  from  the  same  paten  and  chalice  in  which  he  used  to 
administer  them,  and  at  the  hands  of  the  friend  whom  he  him- 
self had  virtually  chosen  as  his  successor,  and  to  whom  he  had, 
in  spite  of  obloquy  and  opposition,  resigned  his  pastoral  office. 
One  would  like  to  know,  if  it  were  possible,  with  whom  he 
stayed  at  Wells,  whether  he  were  the  honoured  guest  of  the 
Palace,  or  was  received  by  Dean  or  Canon  (the  Dean  of  his  time 
was  William  Graham,  who  had  been  chaplain  to  the  Queen  when 
she  was  Princess,  and  was  the  younger  brother  of  his  friend, 
James  Graham,  and  therefore  uncle  of  the  "  Student  Penitent "), 
or  took  up  hi 8  abode,  in  the  humility  of  his  nature,  at  some 
humble  hostelry,  but  this  of  course  we  can  only  conjecture.1 

Two  letters,  which  Ken  leaves,  as  was  his  wont,  without  the 
date  of  year,  seem  to  me  probably  to  belong  to  this  period  of 
his  life : — 

LETTER  LXXXIV. 

To  Viscount  Weymouth. 

"  All  glory  be  to  God. 

"  My  very  Good  Lord, 
"lam  afresh  oblig'd  to  your  Lordshippe  for  your  Charitable 
Concerne  for  me.     I  was  seas'd  in  Easter  weeke  with  a  very  severe 

1  I  doubt,  however,  whether  the  Dean  was  a  man  with  whom  Ken  would  be 
much  in  sympathy.  Unlike  his  brothers,  James,  Fergus,  and  Viscount  Preston, 
he  had  chosen  the  winning  side,  had  held  a  •  golden  stall '  at  Durham,  with  the 
Deaneries  of  Carlisle  and  Wells  in  succession,  and  still  thought  his  claims 
to  preferment  neglected.  (Paget's  Ash.stcad,  pp.  87,  88.)  On  the  whole  I  incline 
to  the  Palace,  where  Hooper's  daughter,  Mrs.  PkOWie,  says  that  he  often 
stayed. 


a.d.  1709—1711.]      WARNINGS  OF  THE  END.  197 

fitt  of  ye  Kheuinatisme.  It  came  on  me  three  weeks  before,  but 
never  was  at  ye  night  till  here,  and  in  four  and  twenty  hours,  it 
weak'ned  me  to  y*  degree  yt  my  legge  sunk  under  me,  and  I  fell 
down  severall  times,  though  I  had  a  stick  to  support  me.  I  thank 
God  ye  Yiolence  is  over,  and  I  recover  my  strength,  but  my  paine 
still  continues  and  is  most  raging  when  I  am  in  bed.  I  am  sorry 
that  my  little  friend  does  not  mind  his  businesse,  and  I  believe 
the  Idle  fitt  came  on  him  since  I  was  there,  for  then  Mr.  Usher 
assured  me  to  ye  contrary.  I  would  by  no  means  trouble  Mr.  Oord 
to  come  hither,  and  I  have  sent  to  Langf  ord  ye  bookseller  to  receive 
ye  mony  for  me,  and  he,  being  to  come  this  way,  will,  I  presume 
bring  it.  I  heartily  congratulate  my  Lord  Abingdon's  new  post, 
and  look  on  it  as  a  Good  Omen.  I  am  extreamely  glad  y*  your 
Lordshippe  enjoys  so  good  health.  God  be  praised  for  it,  but  I 
fear  you  will  hardly  see  Longleat  till  Whitsontide.  I  besech  God 
to  multiply  His  blessings  on  your  self e,  and  on  my  Lady,  and  on 
your  family. 

"My  Good  Lord 

"  Your  Lordshipp's  most  aifect :  Servant, 

"T.  B.  and  W. 

"Iflp"  (1710?). 

[The  illness  to  which  Ken  had  referred  in  Letter  lxxxiii.had  apparently  in  creased 
in  violence,  and  it  is  possible  that  it  may  have  hindered  the  visit  to  Wells  which 
he  contemplated  when  he  wrote  to  Dodwell.  The  description  which  he  gives  of 
his  sufferings  agrees  with  what  we  find  in  the  poems  which  probably  belong 
to  this  period,  as  will  be  seen  in  p.  199.  I  take  the  "little  friend"  to  be 
a  grandson  of  Lord  Weymouth's,  son  of  Henry  Thynne,  of  Leweston,  and 
brother  of  the  two  children  for  whom  Ken  wrote  the  poems  given  in  the 
preceding  chapter,  the  "Mr.  Usher"  being  his  tutor.  "Lord  Abingdon"  was 
the  second  Earl.  In  1702  he  had  been  made  Privy  Councillor  and  Constable  of 
the  Tower.  This  post  he  lost  in  1705,  but  in  1710  he  was  appointed  Chief 
Justice,  and  Justice  in  Eyre  of  the  Royal  Forests  South  of  the  Trent.] 

LETTER  LXXXV. 

To  Mr.  Cressy. 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 

"  Sr, — I  receivd  your  letter,  from  worthy  Mr.  Nelson,  &  I  returne 
you  ye  enclosed,  wch  was  written  to  you  by  my  deare  Friend,  &  Br, 
now  with  God.  You  have  in  towne  so  many  very  able  persons  to 
consult,  yl  I  wonder  you  should  send  to  me,  when  you  must  needs 
be  sensible  y*  you  may  much  sooner  have  satisfaction  by  word  of 
mouth  than  'tis  possible  for  you  to  have  by  letter,  wch  often  is  liable 

VOL.    II  o 


198  CLOSING   YEARS  AND  DEATH,     [chap.  xxvi. 

to  be  misunderstood,  &  to  raise  more  scruples  than  it  solves. 
Besides,  you  are  a  stranger  to  me,  and  though  I  think  extreamely 

well  of  you,  from  y('  piety  of  your  expressions,  yett,  living  retired 
from  y''  world,  I  have  no  reason  to  engage  in  a  correspondence, 
especially  in  so  nice  a  point,  wch,  when  once  begun,  I  may  perhaps 
see  no  end  of.  I  shall  therefore  commend  you  to  ye  serious  perusall 
of  ye  two  last  chapters,  in  good  Mr.  Kettlewell's  book  of  Communion, 
&  by  y4  you  will  know  my  mind.  I  wonder  yl  ye  turne,  wch  ye  clergy 
generally  made  at  ye  Revolution,  should  give  any  considering  per- 
son an  inclination  towards  Eome,  when  ye  Romanists  have  made 
as  many  such  Turnes  as  there  have  been  usurpations  in  or  Monarchy, 
wch  have  not  been  few. 

"  I  beseech  God  to  guide  you,  &  to  multiply  Ilis  blessings  on  your 
selfe,  wife  &  children. 

"  Your  affect :  Freind  &  Br, 

"  THO.  B.  &  W." 

(1710?) 

[I  have  been  unable  to  learn  anything  about  the  Mr.  Cressy  to  whom  the  letter 
is  addressed.  In  the  Sloane  MSS.  in  the  British  Museum  (4,274)  there  is  a 
letter  from  Francis  Turner  apparently  addressed  to  him  (there  is  no  superscrip- 
tion, but  Mrs.  Cressy  is  named  in  the  letter),  dated  June  27th,  1700.  This 
was  probably  the  very  letter  that  Ken  returned.  He  seems  from  this  to  have 
been  a  Non-juror,  a  friend  of  Lord  Preston's,  who  consulted  Turner  then  on  the 
same  point  as  that  on  which  he  now  consults  Ken.  Turner  gives  advice  of  an 
opposite  character  to  that  which  Ken  states  in  a  previous  letter  (p.  126)  that  he 
had  given.  Cressy  was  then  living  at  York,  and  in  need  of  relief  from  the  fund 
entrusted  to  Turner  for  distribution.  Ken's  letter  to  him  has  no  date.  I  have 
assigned  it  to  this  period  as  thinking  it  likely  to  have  been  occasioned  by 
Dodwell's  Case  in  View,  now  a  Case  in  Fact.  Cressy  had  apparently  applied,  through 
Nelson,  for  Ken's  guidance,  probably,  as  the  reference  to  the  two  last  chapters 
of  Kettle  well's  Book  of  Communion  shows,  as  to  whether  he  would  be  acting  rightly 
in  atti  m ling  the  services  of  the  Established  Church.  The  title  of  the  book  is  Of 
Christian  Communion  to  be  kept  in  the  Unity  of  Chris  fs  Church,  and  the  headings  of 
the  two  chapters  referred  to  are,  Ch.  VII.  "Of  the  Excusabkness  of  the  People 
receiving  Ministerial  Offices  from  Men  in  a  Schism,  rather  than  live  without  any  at 
all,"  and  Ch.  VIII.  "  Of  Communicating  in  like  necessity,  where  there  arc  some 
Prayers  sinful  in  the  Matter  of  them. "  They  were  published  in  IG95,  just  before 
Kettlewcll's  death,  and  Ken,  as  we  have  seen  more  than  once  already  (pp.  124 — 120), 
took  them  as  giving  the  principles  which  had  guided  his  own  course  of  thought 
and  action.  The  letter  shows  the  natural  reluctance  of  an  old  and  suffering  man 
to  enter  into  a  corn  spondonce  with  a  stranger,  which  might  become  interminable, 
and  in  tin;  course  of  which  his  letters  might  be  put  to  some  use  more  or  less  objee- 
tionable.  Cressy  was  apparently  taunted  by  his  Romish  friends  with  the  part 
taken  by  the  English  clergy  at  the  Revolution,  and  Ken  had,  as  might  be  ex- 
pected, his  tu  quoque  ready.     One  wonders  whether  his  correspondent  was  in 

any  way  connected  with  the  Hugh  Serenas  dc  Cressy  who  has  met  us  at  an 
earlier  Stage.      See  i.   24.] 


a.d.  1709—1711.]  "ANODYNES."  199 

The  letter  just  printed  is  the  last  now  extant.  It  is  possible, 
indeed,  that  both  it  and  its  immediate  predecessor  may  belong  to 
an  earlier  date.  On  this  hypothesis  there  would  be  a  singular 
fitness  in  the  fact  that  the  last  letter  known  to  exist  (Letter 
lxxxii.)  should  record  the  act,  or  at  least  the  intention  of  the  act, 
which  brought  the  singularly  varied  changes  and  chances  of 
Ken's  life,  to  an  almost  dramatic  ending.  That  communion  in 
Wells  Cathedral  would  have  been  a  fit  close  to  the  "  strange 
eventful  history." 

Anyhow,  that  brings  to  a  conclusion  all  that  we  know  of  the 
activities  of  Ken's  life.  The  eleven  months  that  followed  were 
passed  under  the  discipline  of  acute  suffering.  All  the  worst 
symptoms  hinted  at  in  the  letters  to  Dodwell  and  Lord  "Wey- 
mouth, and  described  in  the  Note,  p.  123,  came  back  in  an 
aggravated  form.  The  series  of  poems  under  the  head  of 
Anodynes  belong  probably  to  this  period,  and  were  the  last  fruit 
of  the  tree  which  had  borne  the  Morning,  Evening,  and  Mid- 
night Hymns  as  its  primitice.  They  tell  their  tale  of  constant 
pain  and  utter  sleeplessness — 

"  I  feel  my  watch,  I  tell  the  clock, 
I  hear  each  crowing  of  the  cock." 

He  feels  as  if  he  had  "  red-hot  needles  in  his  breast."  "  Nerves, 
tendons,  pores,  arterys,  veins,"  are  all  racked  with  "disseminated 
pains."  There  are  traces  of  delirious  and  horrible  visions.  He 
has  tried  opium,  but  it  only  beguiles  him  with  its  stupefaction, 
and  he  will  have  no  more  of  it.  He  leaves  the  '  dull  narcotic, 
numbing  pain '  to  those  who  seek  to  silence  their  conscience, 
and  chooses  rather,  like  the  great  Pattern  Sufferer,  to  put  aside 
the  '  spiced  bowl,'  which  those  who  were  crucified  with  Him,  it 
may  be,  took  freely,  and  to  trust  in  the  angelic  sympathy  and 
help,  of  the  nearness  of  which  he  was  conscious  in  his  inmost 
spirit.  He  tried  other  "  anodynes  "of  a  different  kind.  He 
sought  to  find  refuge  in  books — 

"  But  soon  as  I  begin  to  read, 
I  scarce  one  line  can  heed." 

Friends  came  to  visit  him,  but — 

o  2 


200  CLOSING    TEARS  AND  DEATH,     [chap.  xxvi. 

'•  While  my  anguish  they  deplore, 
They  only  irritate  the  sore." 

He  tried  meditation,  but  pain  distracted  him — 

"  And  while  I  feel  these  fiery  darts, 
I  cannot  pray,  unless  by  starts." 

At  last  he  fell  back,  in  the  spirit  of  his  Ilymnotheo,  and  after 
the  pattern  of  the  Psalmist  sufferer — 

' '  I  some  remission  of  my  woes 

Feel,  while  I  hymns  compose. 

•  *  •  * 

And  when  my  pains  begin  to  rage, 
I  them  with  hymn  assuage." 

And  in  the  series  of  poems  which  he  groups  together  under  the 
title  of  Anodynes,  or  Alleviations  of  Fain,  and  which  fill  some 
eighty-six  pages  of  the  third  volume  of  his  Poems,  we  have  the 
fruit  of  those  months  of  discipline. 

In  April,  1710,  he  was,  we  have  seen  (Letter  lxxxiii.),  intend- 
ing to  go  to  the  Hot  Wells  at  Bristol.  There  he  stayed  till  the 
following  November.  There  is,  I  think,  good  ground  for  in- 
ferring that  whatever  powers  of  mental  activity  he  retained  were 
given  to  the  work  of  putting  in  order  the  MSS.  of  his  poems.  It 
was  by  these  that  he  wished  to  be  remembered  and  to  testify  the 
feelings  of  gratitude  which  he  felt  for  Lord  Weymouth,  under 
whose  roof  most  of  them  had  been  written,  and  for  his  friend 
Hooper.  In  his  "Address  to  the  Reader"  he  states  that  he  at 
first  thought  of  burning  them,  lest  they  should  bring  more  censure 
than  praise  on  his  memory  ;  but  he  had  changed  his  mind,  had 
learnt  to  be  indifferent  to  censure,  and  to  hope  that  they  might 
do  some  good,  but  he  would  at  all  events  defer  their  publication 
till  after  his  decease.  After  his  earlier  manner,  he  describes 
himself  as  "  Philhymno,"  who  amidst  "  State  earthquakes  "  had 
sought  a  refuge  in  "a  vale  which  shady  woods  surround." 
(  Works,  i.  1 — 3).  With  a  prophetic  forecast  which  was  ful- 
filled in  one  sense  within  narrower  limits,  and,  in  another,  to  a 
yd  wider  extent,  than  he  had  dreamt  of,  he  found  comfort  in 
1 1lls  thought — 


a.d.  1709—1711.]      LAST  DAYS  AT  LOXGLEAT.  201 

"  'Twill  heigliten  ev'n  the  joys  of  Heaveu  to  know, 
That  in  my  Verse  the  Saints  hynm  God  below." 

[i.  200.] 

William  Hawkins,  his  great-nephew  and  executor,  and  the 
editor  of  his  Poems,  asserts  that  Ken  had  given  him  at  Leweston 
(presumably  in  the  last  months  of  his  stay  there)  a  full  verbal 
authority  for  their  publication,  and  the  MSS.,  from  the  general 
accuracy  of  the  text,  must  have  been  fair  copied  by  the  author 
and  systematically  arranged,  as  the  legacy  which  he  wished  to 
leave  to  devout  souls  in  the  Church  of  a  future  generation.  In 
November,  as  I  have  said,  Ken  went  to  Leweston,  the  seat  of  the 
Hon.  Mrs.  Thynne,  the  widow  of  Lord  Weymouth's  eldest  son, 
Henry,  where  he  was  always  a  welcome  guest.  There,  early  in 
the  year  1711,  he  was  seized  with  paralysis,  which  affected  the 
whole  of  one  side  of  his  body.  At  the  beginning  of  March  he  re- 
solved to  go  to  Bath,  in  hope  to  find  relief  from  the  waters  there 
for  that  malady,  and  for  the  dropsy  which  accompanied  it.  Mrs. 
Thynne  tried  to  dissuade  him  from  taking  a  journey  for  which 
she  saw  that  he  had  no  sufficient  strength,  but  he  persisted  in  his 
purpose,  and  she  sent  him  in  her  carriage  to  Longleat. 

I  conjecture  that  his  wish  to  travel  thither  was  in  part  con- 
nected with  the  desire  to  '  set  his  house  in  order '  before  the  final 
summons.  He  reached  Longleat  on  Saturday,  March  10th,  and 
spent  that  evening  in  "adjusting  his  papers."  We  may  infer 
from  the  fact  that  the  MSS.  at  Longleat,  while  they  include  the 
letters  to  Lord  Weymouth  which  are  printed  in  this  volume, 
contain  none  of  the  letters  which  his  numerous  correspondents 
must  have  written  to  Ken,  no  sermons  or  sermon-notes,  or  other 
papers,  that  that  adjustment  must  have  been  with  him,  as  it  was 
with  Bishop  Butler  when  he  destroyed  his  sermons  and  other 
MSS.  shortly  before  his  death,  as  it  had  been  with  Queen 
Mary  on  the  first  night  of  her  fatal  illness,  chiefly,  if  not  alto- 
gether, a  work  of  destruction.  Like  most  wise  and  good  men,  Ken 
was  unwilling  to  transmit  to  posterity  documents  which  were 
connected  with  the  bitterness  of  the  past,  and  the  publication  of 
which  might  be  painful  to  the  writers  or  their  representatives. 

On  Sunday  he  was  confined  to  his  room,  and  on  Monday  he 
took  to  his  bed.  On  the  16th  physicians  were  sent  for — Dr. 
Merewether  of  Devizes,  whose  daughter  was  married  to  William 


202  CLOSING   TEARS  ANL  DEATH,      [chap.  xxvi. 

Hawkins,  and  Dr.  Bevison  of  Bath — and  the  former  came  again 
on  the  18th,  and  for  the  last  time  on  Monday,  the  19th.  It  was 
probably  at  the  first  consultation  that  Ken  asked  how  long  he 
was  likely  to  live,  and  desired  his  physicians,  as  he  had  "no  reason 
to  be  afraid  of  dying,"  to  speak  plainly ;  and  when  they  said 
"  about  two  or  three  days,"  replied,  in  his  favourite  phrase  (we 
remember  it,  when  he  and  the  other  Bishops  presented  their  peti- 
tion to  King  James),  "God's  will  be  done  "  (i.  308),  and  begged 
that  they  would  let  nature  take  her  course,  and  use  no  applica- 
tions which  could  only  make  him  u  linger  in  pain."  He 
mentioned  Hooper's  name,  and  sought  to  send  a  message  to  him, 
which  was  too  inarticulate  to  be  understood.  We  do  not  know 
whether  his  friend  Harbin  (still  chaplain  at  Longleat)  was 
with  him,  or  administered  the  Holy  Eucharist  to  him,  in  his 
last  hours.  At  last  the  end  came,  and  Dr.  Merewether  enters 
in  his  Diary,  perhaps  as  recording  the  dying  man's  last  words,1 
perhaps  as  remembering  that  Ken  had  used  those  words  in  every 
letter  he  wrote  : — 

"March  19M. — All  glory  be  to  God.  Between  five  and  six  in 
ye  morning,  Thomas,  late  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  died  at  Long- 
leat." "  He  dozed  much  the  day  or  two  before  he  died ;  and  what 
little  he  spake  was  sometimes  not  coherent ;  which,  having  been 
plied  with  opiates"  (his  power  of  resisting  their  administration 
had,  one  may  assume,  passed  away),  "  seem'd  to  be  rather  the  effect 
of  dream  than  of  distemper." 

For  that  end,  which  had  probably,  for  many  months,  if  not 
years,  past,  never  been  absent  from  his  thoughts,  Ken  had  made 
two  very  characteristic  preparations.  For  many  years  previous 
he  had  always  travelled  about  (we  are  reminded,  as  I  have  said 
in  Chapter  II.,  of  Donne's  more  eccentric  action,  of  which  this 
may  have  been  a  reminiscence)  with  his  shroud  in  his  port- 
manteau. With  a  sensitive  delicacy  of  feeling,  which  led  him 
to  shrink  from  the  thought  of  exposure  to  the  touch  of  hireling 
hands,  as  they  did  their  usual  offices  for  a  corpse,  he  put 
it  on,  on  the  very  evening  of  his  arrival  at  Longleat,  and 
on  the  day  before  he  died,  gave  notice  that  he  had  done 
so.2     He  had  thus  provided  for  his  death.     He  had  also  pro- 

1  Bee  Note  p.  206.  Hawkins,  pp.  13     15. 


a.d.  1709—1711.]       BURIAL  AT  FROME.  203 

vided  for  his  burial.  He  had  desired  that,  wherever  he  might 
die,  he  should  be  buried  "in  the  Churchyard  of  the  nearest 
parish  within  his  Diocese,  under  the  East  Window  of  the 
Chancel,  just  at  sunrising,  without  any  manner  of  pomp  or 
ceremony  besides  that  of  the  Order  for  Burial  in  the  Liturgy 
of  the  Church  of  England."1  He  had  also  prepared  his  epitaph, 
which  Bowles  has  reproduced  in  fac-simile,  as  in  Ken's  own 
hand.2  The  writing  is  not  unlike  thyt  of  the  will  and  of  some 
of  the  inscriptions  in  Ken's  books,  as  e.g.  in  the  Et  tu  quceris 
tibi  grandia  and  others,  but  differs  from  that  of  Ken's  letters 
in  later  years,  and  it  is  open  to  conjecture  whether  he 
habitually  used  two  hands  for  different  purposes,  or  whether 
the  will  and  the  epitaph,  if  in  his,  belong  to  an  earlier  period  of 
his  life.  The  way  in  which  the  name  is  spelt  in  the  latter,  how- 
ever ("  Kenn,"  whereas  the  Bishop  had  always  signed  "  Ken"), 
leads  me  to  suggest  as  probable,  that  both  the  documents  were 
written  by  the  notary  or  lawyer  who  prepared  the  will.  The 
first  of  the  two  runs  as  follows  : — 

"The  inscription  order'd  by  Bishop  Kenn  for  his  tombe."3 

"  May  the  here  interred  Thomas,  late  Bp.  of  Bath  and  Wells,  & 
uncanonically  Deprived  for  not  transferring  his  Allegiance,  have  a 
perfect  consummation  of  Blisse,  both  in  body  and  soul,  at  the  great 
Day,  of  which  God  keep  me  always  mindfull."  4 

I  incline  to  the  conclusion  that  the  inscription  must  have 
been  written  before  Kidder's  death,  and  that  this  explains  the 
touch  of  bitterness  in  the  "  uncanonically  deprived."  He  would 
hardly,  I  think,  have  written  thus  after  his  resignation,  or  have 
omitted  all  mention  of  his  satisfaction,  as  he  thought  of  the 
character  of  the  friend  in  whose  favour  he  had  resigned.  For 
some  reason  or  other,  perhaps  for  this,  the  inscription  was  not 
placed  over  his  grave,  nor  indeed  was  there  any  tombstone 
erected  to  his  memory.     His  grave  was  simply  enclosed  with  an 

1  Nichol's  Literary  Anecdotes,  v.  128,  in  Anderdon. 

2  Life,  ii.  34. 

3  The  opening  phrase,  as  well  as  the  spelling  of  the  name,  seems  to  me  to 
indicate  the  hand  of  a  professional  scribe. 

4  We  have  found  Requiescat  in  pace  in  Ken's  earliest  extant  letter  (i.  124). 
We  note  that  he  asks  like  prayers  for  himself  at  the  end  of  his  life. 


204  CLOSING    TEARS  AND  DEATH,      [chap.  xxvt. 

iron  grating,  coffin-shaped,  surmounted  by  a  mitre  and  pastoral 
staff,  which  was  placed  there  by  Lord  Weymouth. 

I  print  the  will  as  an  Appendix  to  this  chapter. 

In  accordance  with  his  wishes,  the  Bishop  was  buried  in  the 
parish  churchyard  of  Frome  Selwood,  the  nearest  parish  of  his 
diocese  to  Longleat,  at  sunrise,  a  little  after  five  a.m.,  on  the 
morning  of  March  21st,  1711.  His  funeral  was  attended  by 
Lord  Weymouth's  steward  from  Longleat.  The  coffin  was 
borne  by  twelve  poor  men,  who  carried  it  in  turn,  in  relays  of 
six.  It  was  covered  not  by  the  "  pall "  of  more  lordly  funerals, 
but  "  by  a  few  yards  of  black  cloth,  and  that  given  to  the 
minister."1  The  Parish  Register  of  Burials  gives  the  entry, 
"21  (March,  1711).  Thomas,  late  Ld  Bishop  of  Bath  and 
Wells.     Deprived."2 

One  can  scarcely  picture  a  scene  more  touching  and  solemn 
in  its  simplicity,  more  entirely  in  accordance  with  Ken's  cha- 
racter as  one  who  died  as  he  had  lived,  "  a  plaine  humble  man." 
Twelve  poor  men  had  been  his  favourite  and  honoured  guests  at 
Wells.  From  twelve  poor  men  he  received  the  last  earthly 
ministrations  to  his  remains.  One  maj^  wish,  but  one  can 
scarcely  hope,  that  they  had  sung  his  Morning  Hymn  as  the 
sun  rose  over  his  grave.  I  reserve  all  that  I  have  to  say  as 
to  the  character  of  the  life  which  thus  reached  its  close  for  a 
later  page. 


Note. — Ken's  Last  Wokds. — I  find  in  Anderdon  (p.  300)  the  following 
paragraph : — 

y  But  it  was  decreed  he  should  not  die  anywhere  but  at  Longleat,  which  is 
hallowed  by  his  name,  and  the  near  neighbourhood  of  his  grave.  What  place  so 
fitting  as  the  well-known,  much-loved  refuge  of  his  last  twenty  years  ?  It  was 
the  best  return  he  could  make  for  all  the  benefits  he  had  received  from  his  faith- 
ful, enduring  friend,  Lord  Weymouth  :  ■  I  can  but  give  you  my  all— myself — 
my  poor  heart,  and  my  last  blessing.'  "  The  first  impression  suggested  by  the 
inverted  commas  is  that  they  indicate  that  the  words  which  they  enclose  are  an 


1  See  Atheneeuw  of  July  25,  1874,  in  review  of  Ilearne's  Correspondence,  pri- 
vate ly  printed  by  Frederick  Ouvry.  The  Vicar  of  Frome  at  the  time  was  a 
Mr.  Jenkyna  (see  p.  186). 

mpait    Ma  I       ■■/  dmbrost  Bonwieke. 


a.d.  1709—1711.]       BURIAL  AT  FROME. 


20.5 


actual  quotation  of  words  written  or  spoken  by  Ken  shortly  before  his  death,  and 
Bishop  Alexander  has  so  taken  them  in  his  sermon  (p.  286).  No  traces  of  them, 
however,  are  to  be  found  in  any  contemporary  record  of  Ken's  death,  and  I  am 
obliged  to  rest  in  the  belief  that  the  words  in  question  were  simply  what 
Anderdon  thought  he  ought  to  have  said,  what  seemed  to  him  implied  in  his 
wish  to  end  his  days  at  Longleat. 


BISHOP    KEXS   TOMB. 


206  APPENDIX.  [chap:  xxvi. 


APPENDIX. 


Will  of  Bishop  Ken. 

"  In  the  Name  of  the  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost,  One  God, 
Blessed  for  ever.     Amen. 

"I  Thomas,  late  Bishop  of  Bath  and  "Wells,  unworthy,  being  at 
present,  thankes  be  to  God,  in  perfect  health,  both  of  body  and 
mind,  doe  make  and  appoint  this  my  Last  "Will  and  Testament,  in 
manner  and  form  following  ; 

"  I  commend  my  Spirit  into  the  Hands  of  my  Heavenly  Father 
and  my  body  to  the  Earth,  in  certain  hope,  through  Jesus,  my  Re- 
deemer, of  a  happy  Resurrection. 

"  As  to  my  worldly  goods,  I  desire  my  debts,  if  I  leave  any,  may 
be  first  paid,  and  that  done, 

"I  leave  and  bequeath  to  the  Right  Honourable  Thomas  Lord 
Viscount  "Weymouth,  in  case  he  outlives  me,  all  my  Books,  of  which 
his  Lordship  has  not  the  Duplicates,  as  a  memoriall  of  my  gratitude 
for  his  signall  and  continued  favours. 

"  I  leave  and  bequeath  to  the  Library  of  the  Cathedrall  at  "Wells 
all  my  Books  of  which  my  Lord  "Weymouth  has  the  Duplicates,  and 
of  which  the  Library  there  has  not :  or,  in  case  I  outlive  my  Lord, 
I  leave  to  the  Library  aforesaid  to  make  choice  of  all  of  which  they 
have  not  Duplicates  ;  and  the  remainder  of  my  Books  not  chosen 
for  the  Library,  I  leave  to  be  divided  between  my  two  Nephews, 
Isaac  "Walton,  and  John  Beacham,  excepting  those  Books  which  I 
shall  dispose  of  to  others.1 

I  It  is  rather  a  curious  circumstance,  that  of  all  these  books,  there  are  only 
two  or  three  which  have  Ken's  name  in  his  own  hand.  One  is  in  the  Library  at 
Longleat, — a  copy  of  Diogenes  Laektius, — on  the  Fly-le;if  of  which  is  this 
memorandum,  in  Ken's  handwriting,  written,  apparently,  shortly  alter  his 
deprivation — 

"  Si  invenero  Gratiam  in  oculis  Domini,  reducet  me.  Si  autcm  dixcrit  )ni/ii, 
Hon  placet,  prtcsto  sum,faciat  quod  bonum  est  coram  %e.  "Tho    Ken  " 

Bowles  mentions  a  small  Greek  Testament,  "  Amstellodami,  apud  Gulieloum 
Jilaeu,  1633,"  on  the  Blank-leaf  of  which  the  following  notices  are  written  : 

'•  Gkril.  Coker,  ex  dono  clarissiini  viri  Thomui  Ken." 
"Char  Coker." 

II  Ex  dono  Car.  Sutton  Coker." 

u  A'l  Epiaoopatum  Bath  et  Welleo  ;  a.d.  L685,  evecti;  ah  eodem,  anno  igoc, 

ejecti.     J.  Beavor." 


KEN'S  WILL.  207 

"  I  give  and  bequeath,  to  my  Sister  Ken  the  sum  of  Ten  pounds. 
To  my  niece  Krienberg  the  sum  of  Fifty  pounds.1 

"I  give  and  bequeath  to  my  Nephew,  John  Beacham,  the  sum  of 
Fifty  pounds,  and  to  my  Nephew,  William  Beacham,  the  sum  of 
Forty  pounds.2 

"I  give  and  bequeath  to  my  Nephew,  Isaac  Walton,  the  sum  of 
Ten  pounds,  and  to  my  Niece  Hawkins,  his  sister,  the  sum  of  Ten 
pounds,  and  to  her  daughter,  Ann  Hawkins,  the  sum  of  Fifty 
pounds,  and  to  her  son,  William  Hawkins,  the  sum  of  Fifty  pounds, 
and  to  my  Niece,  Elizabeth  Hawkins,  the  sum  of  Twenty  pounds, 

"  This  book,  from  its  having  been  the  Manual  of  that  great  and  good  man, 
Bishop  Ken,  is  invaluable.     G.  H.  Bath  and  Wells.— Wells,  1829." 

Thus,  the  book  appears  to  have  been  given  by  Ken,  to  Dr.  William  Coker,  a 
Physician  in  Winchester  ; — to  have  passed  out  of  that  family  to  Dr.  Beavor, 
Rector  of  Trent,  in  Somersetshire,  Fellow  of  Corpus  Christi  College,  Oxford,  and 
from  his  possession  into  that  of  the  late  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  Dr.  George 
Henry  Law.  Bowles,  who  had  seen  the  book,  says,  "  So  familiar  was  Ken  with 
the  sublime  chapter  on  the  Resurrection,  that  at  this  present  day — so  many 
years  since — the  small  volume  opens  generally  of  its  own  accord  at  the  15th 
chapter  of  the  Epistle  to  the  Corinthians."  Bowles's  Life  of  Ken,  vol.  ii.  p.  93. 
I  am  able  to  carry  the  succession  two  stages  further,  and  to  state  that  this  Greek 
Testament  was  given  by  the  late  Dean  Law,  of  Gloucester,  son  of  Bishop  Law, 
of  Bath  and  Wells,  to  Bishop  Ellicott,  and  is  now  in  his  possession. 

Several  years  ago,  Mr.  Thomas  Kerslake,  of  Bristol,  bought  at  a  ismcellaneous 
furniture  auction,  at  Cricklade,  another  "  Pocket  Greek  Testament,"  which  had 
belonged  to  Ken,  and  which  he  thus  entered  in  his  Book  Catalogue  for  the 
year  1849  : 

"5384.  Bp.  KEN'S  POCKET  GREEK  TESTAMENT  /—Novum  Testa- 
mentum  Gr.  Curcell^i,  Amst.,  Elzevir,  1658,  18mo.,  in  the  old  bla:k  fish-skin, 
with  silver  corners,  with  a  most  interesting  autograph  of  that  eminent  Christian 
Soldier,  11.  Is. 

"  On  one  of  the  fly  leaves  is  written  : — *T.  K. Tu  Grande  illud  qd  in  terris 

Quaesivi Etinveni Phar:  Fiennes.'   Pharamond  Fiennes  wa3  a  Fellow  of 

New  College.     He  died  young.     I  conjecture  that  Ken  gave  him  the  book,  and 
wrote  the  inscription  for  his  guidance. 

"  On  the  opposite  leaf: — 'Et  tu  Quaeris  tibiGrandia?    Noli  Quaerere. 

Tho  :  Ken.' — under  which,  in  Greek,— \  Tim.  iv.  15.  and  1  Cor.  iv.  6." 

This  interesting  volume  is  in  the  possession  of  the  Rev.  A.  Wyndham,  of 
North  Bradley,  Trowbridge.  I  have  alreadj'-  referred  (i.  139)  to  the  same  inscrip- 
tion in  another  book. 

1  "  Sister  Ken  "  was  the  widow  of  Ion  Ken,  daughter  of  Sir  Thomas  Vernon, 
mother  of  the  Ken  who  died  in  Cyprus  (see  i.  p.  90).  ''Niece  Krienberg"  was 
Martha,  daughter  of  this  sister,  and  married  to  Christopher  Fred.  Krienberg, 
Resident  in  London  of  his  Electoral  Highness  of  Hanover,  afterwards  George  I. 
Ken's  family  clearly  did  not  follow  him  into  the  ranks  of  the  Non-jurors. 

2  The  two  Beachams  were  sons  of  Ken's  sister,  Martha,  and  James  Beacham, 
of  London,  goldsmith.  John  was  Fellow  of  Trinity  College,  Oxford  ;  William 
of  New  College.     The  latter  died  within  a  year  of  the  Bishop  (see  i.  p.  12). 


APPENDIX.  [chap.  xxvi. 

to  he  paid  to  her  on  the  day  of  marriage,  or  when  my  executor 
shall  see  it  most  for  her  advantage.1 

"  I  give  and  bequeath  to  the  English  Deprived  Clergy  the  sum 
of  Fifty  pounds ;  to  the  Deprived  Officers  the  sum  of  Forty  pounds, 
and  to  the  Deprived  Scotch  Clergy  the  sum  of  Fifty  pounds.2 

1 '  To  the  poor  of  the  parish  where  I  am  buried  the  sum  of  Five 
pounds,  and  to  my  servant  who  shall  be  with  me  at  my  death  the 
sum  of  Ten  pounds.3 

"  I  bequeath  to  the  Library  at  Bath  all  my  French,  Italian,  and 
Spanish  Books.4 

1  Isaac  Walton  has  met  us  frequently  (pp.  123,  152),  as  Canon  of  Salisbury 
and  Rector  of  Poulshot,  Wilts,  at  both  of  which  places  Ken  often  stayed  with 
him  after  his  deprivation.  He  died  unmarried  in  1719.  His  sister,  Anne,  was 
the  widow  of  William  Hawkins,  Prebendary  of  Winchester,  and  Rector  of 
Droxford,  Hants,  who  died  1691.  Their  son,  William  Hawkins,  barrister-at- 
law,  was  Ken's  executor  and  biographer,  published  his  three  sermons  in  1711, 
and  in  1721  edited  his  Poems  in  four  volumes  8vo.  He  married  Jane,  daughter  of 
John  Merewether,  M.D.,  who  attended  Ken  in  his  last  illness.  I  conjecture  that 
Ken's  coffee-pot,  of  which  an  engraving  is  given  in  this  volume  (p.  230)  and  which 
is  in  our  Cathedral  Library,  with  other  Ken  relics,  came  to  her  as  well  as  the  £50. 
She  resided  with  her  brother  till  his  death,  and  remained  at  Salisbury  afterwards. 
The  coffee-pot  bears  the  Hawkins  arms,  passed  through  Ann  Hawkins,  daughter  of 
William,  to  her  husband,  the  Rev.  John  Hawes,  Rector  of  Wilton,  then  to  his 
son,  the  Rev.  Herbert  Hawes,  Rector  of  Bemerton  (George  Herbert's  parish), 
and  was  in  his  possession  when  Bowles  wrote  his  Life  of  Ken  (1830).  Mr.  Hawes 
left  it  to  Mr.  William  Hayter,  who  left  instructions  that,  after  his  wife's  decease, 
it  should  go  to  the  Rev.  R.  W.  Barnes,  of  Probus,  Cornwall,  and  Prebendary  of 
Exeter.  Shortly  before  his  death  Mr.  Barnes,  in  1884,  hearing  of  the  Ken  Memorial 
Window,  which  was  about  to  be  placed  in  Wells  Cathedral,  sent  it  me  on  the 
condition  that  it  should  be  kept  in  the  custody  of  the  Dean  of  Wells  for  the 
time  being,  as  a  memorial  of  the  Bishop.  What  one  may  call  the  pedigree  of  the 
coffee-pot  is  thus  well  established,  and  Bowles  (i.  p.  7),  who  dedicated  the  second 
volume  of  his  Life  to  Herbert  Hawes,  speaks  of  it  as  "  the  companion  of  all  Ken's 
vicissitudes."  Coffee-houses,  we  may  note,  are  reported  by  Ant.  a  Wood 
to  have  been  first  opened  at  Oxford  in  1650,  during  Ken's  time  there  (p.  253  n). 
His  use  of  that  liquid  may  have  dated  from  his  earlier  years.  I  find  no  trace  of 
the  niece  Elizabeth.  Bowles  (L  c.)  mentions  a  watch,  which  was  also  in  the  pos- 
session of  Herbert  Hawes,  the  history  of  which  I  have  not  been  able  to  trace. 

2  The  legacy  indicates  the  same  charitable  interest  in  the  deprived  Clergy 
which  we  have  seen  in  pp.  98,  171.  A  like  interest  in  the  Non-juring  officers 
who  had  lost  their  commissions  appears  indirectly  in  the  explanation  given  in 
p.  96  for  their  not  being  included  in  the  scheme  which  brought  Km  and  the 
other  Bishops  before  the  Privy  Council.  The  deprived  Episcopal  Clergy  of 
Scotland  were  obviously  as  near  his  heart  as  when  he  wrote  his  letter  to  Burnet 
(P-  49). 

8  The  £5  went,  of  course,  to  the  poor  of  Frome.     Of  Ken's  personal  servant 
1  have  not  been  able  to  learn  anything. 
4  I  have,  in  i.  94.  251.  269.  referred  to  some  of  these  books. 


KWPS   WILL.  209 

"  I  leave  and  bequeath  to  my  very  worthy  dear  Friend,  Mrs. 
Margaret  Mathew,  dwelling  in  Caerdiff,  my  woodden  Cup  lined 
with  gold,  and  Lord  Clarendon's  History,  in  six  volumes  in  red 
Turkey  guilt.1 

"I  bequeath  my  little  Patin  and  Chalice  guilt,  to  the  Parish, 
where  I  am  buried,  for  the  use  of  sick  persons  who  desire  the  Holy 
Sacrament.2 

"  As  for  my  Eeligion,  I  die  in  the  Holy  Catholick  and  Apostolick 
Faith,  professed  by  the  whole  Church,  before  the  disunion  of  East 
and  West :  more  particularly  I  dye  in  the  communion  of  the  chub  Off 
of  England,  as  it  stands  distinguished  from  all  Papall  and  Puritan 
Innovations,  and  as  it  adheres  to  the  doctrine  of  the  Cross.3 

"  I  beg  pardon  of  all  whom  I  have  any  way  offended  :  and  I  en- 
tirely forgive  all  those  who  have  any  ways  offended  me.  I  acknow- 
ledge myself  a  very  great  and  miserable  Sinner ;  but  dye  in  humble 
confidence,  that,  on  my  repentance,  I  shall  be  accepted  in  the 
Beloved. 

"I  appoint  my  Nephew,  William  Hawkins,  to  be  my  sole  Exe- 
cutor of  this  my  last  Will  and  Testament,  who,  I  know,  will  observe 
the  directions  punctually,  which  I  leave  for  my  Buriell. 
"  Witness  my  hand  and  Seal, 

"  THOMAS  BATH  &  WELLS,  Depr. 

"  Signed  and  delivered  in  the  presence  of 
"  Fra.  Green=  Jo.  Jenkins."  * 

1  I  have  succeeded  in  identif ying  Mrs.  Mathew  with  an  intimate  friend  of  the 
Misses  Kemeys  of  Naish  Court  (p.  175). 

2  The  "  Patin  and  Chalice  "  have  remained  as  sacred  heirlooms,  attached  to  the 
Church  of  St.  John  the  Baptist,  Frome.  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  William  Singer 
for  the  drawing  from  which  the  engraving  on  p.  190  is  taken.  The  late  Vicar  of 
Frome,  the  Rev.  W.  J.  E.  Bennett,  told  me,  about  three  years  ago,  that  he  was 
often  specially  asked,  as  a  favour,  by  the  older  parishioners,  that  they  might  re- 
ceive their  last  Communion  from  it.  There  is  no  Hall  mark  or  date,  but  both 
the  vessels  have  the  initials  "R.  P.,"  probably  those  of  the  silversmith  who 
made  them.  The  present  Vicar,  the  Hon.  and  Rev.  A.  Hanbury  Tracy,  informs 
me  that  a  small  gold  crucifix,  which  Mr.  Bennett  fixed  to  the  Cross  on  the 
altar  table,  is  traditionally  believed  to  have  belonged  to  Ken,  but  I  have  no 
further  evidence  of  the  fact. 

3  The  declaration  of  Ken's  faith  may  be  compared  with  that  of  Izaak  Walton 
given  in  i.  24.  The  "doctrine  of  the  Cross,"  as  I  have  shown  in  p.  73,  is 
that  of  passive  obedience  and  non-resistance. 

4  The  Will  was  proved  by  William  Hawkins,  April  24th,  1711. 


CTAPTER  XXVII 
ken's  morning,  evening,  and  midnight  hymns. 

Among  the  subjects  which  present  themselves  for  examination 
after  the  actual  narrative  of  Ken's  life  has  been  completed,  the 
Hymns  on  which  his  world-wide  fame  rests,  and  with  which 
his  name  is  inseparably  associated,  seem  to  have  a  preferential 
claim.  They  present  not  a  few  points,  both  difficult  and 
interesting,  for  inquiry. 

For  the  most  part  so  little  is  known  of  them  beyond  the  five 
or  six  verses  that  have  found  their  way  into  hymn-books,  that 
it  will  be  well  to  begin  by  giving  the  three  Hymns  in  full  from 
the  edition  of  the  Winchester  Manual  of  lu'97,  noting  in 
italics  the  various  readings  of  that  of  1712. 

A  MORNING  HYMN. 

Awake  my  Soul,  and  with  the  Sun, 

Thy  daily  stage  of  Duty  run ; 

Shake  off  dull  Sloth,  and  early  [joyful]  rise, 

To  pay  thy  Morning  Sacrifice. 

Redeem  thy  mispent  time  that's  past, 
Live  this  day,  as  if  'twere  thy  last : 
T'improve  thy  Talent  take  due  care, 
Gainst  the  great  Day  thy  self  prepare. 
|  Thy  precious  Time  misspent,  redeem  ; 
Each  present  Bay  thy  last  esteem ; 
Improve  thy  Talent  with  due  care, 
For  the  Great  Lay  thy  self  prepare.] 

Let  all  thy  Converse  \In  Conversation]  be  sincere, 

Thy  [Keep]  Conscience  as  the  Noon-day  \_Xuvn-tidc]  clear  ; 
Think  how  all-seeing  Qfod  thy  ways, 

And  all  thy  Secrel  Thoughts  surveys. 


MORNING  HYMN.  211 

Influenced  by  [By  influence  of]  the  Light  Divine, 
Let  thy  own  Light  in  good  Works  [to  others']  shine  : 
Eenect  all  Heaven's  propitious  ways  [Hays'], 
In  ardent  Love,  and  chearful  Praise. 

Wake  and  lift  up  thyself,  my  Heart, 
And  with  the  Angels  bear  thy  part, 
Who  all  night  long  unwearied  sing, 
Glory  [Sigh  Praise]  to  the  Eternal  King. 

Awake,  awake,  [I  wake,  ItcaJce],1  ye  Heavenly  Choire, 
May  your  Devotion  me  inspire, 
That  I,  like  you,  my  Age  may  spend, 
Like  you,  may  on  my  God  attend. 

May  I,  like  you,  in  God  delight, 
Have  all  day  long  my  God  in  sight, 
Perform,  like  you,  my  Maker's  Will ; 

0  may  I  never  more  do  ill ! 

Had  I  your  Wings,  to  Heaven  I'd  flie, 
But  God  shall  that  defect  supply, 
And  my  Soul  wing'd  with  warm  desire, 
Shall  all  day  long  to  Heav'n  aspire. 

Glory  [All  Praise]  to  Thee  who  safe  hast  kept, 

And  hast  refresht  me  whilst  I  slept. 

Grant,  Lord,  when  I  from  death  shall  wake, 

1  may  of  endless  Light  partake. 

I  would  not  wake,  nor  rise  again, 
Ev'n  Heav'n  itself  I  would  disdain, 
Wert  not  Thou  there  to  be  enjoy 'd, 
And  I  in  Hymns  to  be  imploy'd. 

Heav'n  is,  dear  Lord,  wheree'r  Thou  art, 

0  never  then  from  me  depart ; 

For  to  my  Soul  'tis  Hell  to  be, 

But  for  one  moment  without  [void  of]  Thee. 

Lord,  I  my  vows  to  Thee  renew, 

Scatter  my  sins  as  Morning  dew, 

Guard  my  first  springs  of  Thought,  and  Will, 

And  with  Thy  self  my  Spirit  fill. 

1  This  is  a  later  variation. 


212  KEN* B  HYMNS.  [chap,  xxvii. 

Direct,  controul,  suggest  this  day, 

All  I  design,  or  do,  or  say  ; 

That  all  my  Powers,  with  all  their  might, 

In  Thy  sole  Glory  may  unite. 

Fraise  God,  from  whom  all  blessings  flow, 
Praise  Him,  all  Creatures  here  below, 
Praise  Him  above,  y'  Angelick  [ye  Heavenly']  Host, 
Praise  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost. 


AN  EVENING  HYMN. 

Glory  [All  Praise]  to  Thee,  my  God,  this  night, 
For  all  the  Blessings  of  the  Light ; 
Keep  me,  0  keep  me,  King  of  Kings, 
Under  [Beneath]  Thy  own  Almighty  Wings. 

Forgive  me,  Lord,  for  Thy  dear  Son, 
The  ill  that  I  this  day  have  done, 
That  with  the  World,  my  self,  and  Thee, 
I,  ere  I  sleep,  at  peace  may  be. 

Teach  me  to  live,  that  I  may  dread 
The  Grave  as  little  as  my  Bed ; 
Teach  me  to  die,  that  so  I  may 
Triumphing  rise  at  the  last  day. 
[To  die,  that  this  vile  Body  may 
Rise  glorious  at  the  Awful  Bay.] 

0  may  my  Soul  on  Thee  repose, 

And  with  sweet  sleej)  mine  [my]  Eye-lids  close ; 
Sleep  that  may  me  more  vig'rous  make, 
To  serve  my  God  when  I  awake ! 

When  in  the  night  I  sleepless  lie, 

My  Soul  with  Heavenly  Thoughts  supply ; 

Let  no  ill  Dreams  disturb  my  Pest, 

No  powers  of  darkness  me  molest. 

Dull  sleep  of  Sense  me  to  deprive, 

1  am  but  half  my  days  alive  ; 

Thy  faithful  Lovers,  Lord,  arc  griev'd 
To  lie  so  long  of  Thee  bereav'd. 


MID NIGHT  HYMN.  2 1 3 

But  [  Yet]  though  sleep  o'r  my  frailty  reigns, 
Let  it  not  hold  me  long  in  chains, 
And  now  and  then  let  loose  my  Heart, 
Till  it  an  Hallelujah  dart. 

The  faster  sleep  the  sense  doth  bind,  [the  senses  binds, ,] 
The  more  unfetter' d  is  the  Mind  ;  [are  our  Minds ;] 
0  may  my  Soul  from  matter  free, 
Thy  unvail'd  Goodness  waking  see  ! 
[Thy  Loveliness  unclouded  see.] 

0,  when  shall  I,  in  endless  day, 

For  ever  chase  dark  sleep  away, 

And  endless  praise  with  th'  Heavenly  Choir 

[And  Hymns  with  the  Supernal  Choir] 

Incessant  sing,  and  never  tire  ? 

You,  my  blest  Guardian,  [0  may  my  Guardian,]  whilst 

I  sleep, 
Close  to  my  Bed  your  [his]  Vigils  keep, 
Divine  Love  into  me  [His  Love  angelical]  instil, 
Stop  all  the  avenues  of  ill  ; 

Thought  to  thought  with  my  Soul  converse, 

Celestial  joys  to  me  rehearse, 

[May  he  Celestial  joy  rehearse, 

And  thought  to  thought  with  me  converse.] 

And  [  Or]  in  my  stead  all  the  night  long, 

Sing  to  my  God  a  grateful  Song, 

Praise  God  from  whom  all  Blessings  flow, 
Praise  Him  all  Creatures  here  below, 
Praise  Him  above  y'  Angelick  [ye  Heavenly]  Host, 
Praise  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost. 


A  MIDNIGHT  HYMN. 

Lord,  now  my  Sleep  does  me  forsake, 

[My  God,  now  I  from  Sleep  awake,] 

The  sole  possession  of  me  take ; 

Let  no  vain  fancy  me  illude, 

No  one  impure  desire  intrude. 

[From  midnight  Terrors  me  secure, 

And  guard  my  Heart  from  Thoughts  impure] 

VOL.  II.  P 


•j!  I  AV.-.v.s  EYMNS.  [chap,  xxvii. 

Blest  Angels !  while  we  silent  lie, 
Your  Hallelujahs  sing  on  high, 
You,  ever  wakeful  near  the  Throne, 
Prostrate,  adore  the  Three  in  One. 
[You joyful  hymn  the  ever  Blese'd, 
Befort  thi  Throne,  and  never  reef] 

I  now,  awake  do  with  you  joyn, 

To  praise  our  God  in  Hymns  Divine : 

[I  with  yon  Choir  celestial  join 

In  offering  up  a  Hymn  divine.'] 

With  you  in  Heav'n  I  hope  to  dwell. 

And  bid  the  Night  and  World  farewell. 

My  Soul,  when  I  shake  off  this  dust, 
Lord,  in  Thy  Arms  I  will  entrust ; 
O  make  me  Thy  peculiar  care, 

Some  heav'nly  Mansion  me  [Some  Mansion  for  my  Soul] 
prepare. 

Give  me  a  place  at  Thy  Saints'  feet, 
Or  some  fall'n  Angel's  vacant  seat ; 
I'll  strive  to  sing  as  loud  as  they, 
Who  sit  above  in  brighter  day. 

0  may  I  always  ready  stand, 
With  my  Lamp  burning  in  my  hand  ; 
May  I  in  sight  of  Heav'n  rejoyce, 
Whene'er  I  hear  the  Bridegroom's  voice  ! 

Glory  [All  Praise']  to  Thee  in  light  arraid, 
Who  light  Thy  dwelling  place  hast  made, 
An  immense  [A  loundless]  Ocean  of  bright  beams, 
From  Thy  All- glorious  Godhead  streams. 

The  Sun,  in  its  Meridian  height, 

Is  very  darkness  in  Thy  sight : 

My  Soul,  0  lighten,  and  enflame, 

With  Thought  and  Love  of  Thy  great  name. 

Blest  Jesu,  Thou,  on  Heav'n  intent, 
Whole  Nights  hast  in  Devotion  spent, 
Bui  I,  frail  Creature,  soon  am  tir'd, 
And  all  my  Zeal  is  soon  expir'd. 


WHERE  AND   WREN?  215 

My  Soul,  how  canst  thou  weary  grow 

Of  ante-dating  Heav'n  [Bliss]  below, 

In  sacred  Hymns,  and  Divine  [Heavenly]  Love, 

Which  will  Eternal  be  above  ? 

Shine  on  me,  Lord,  new  life  impart, 
Fresh  ardours  kindle  in  my  Heart ; 
One  ray  of  Thy  All-quick'ning  light 
Dispels  the  sloth  and  clouds  of  night. 

Lord,  lest  the  Tempter  me  surprize, 
Watch  over  Thine  own  Sacrifice, 
All  loose,  all  idle  Thoughts  cast  out, 
And  make  my  very  Dreams  devout. 

Praise  God,  from  whom  all  Blessings  flow, 
Praise  Him  all  Creatures  here  below, 
Praise  Him  above  y'  Angelick  [ye  Heavenly]  Host, 
Praise  Father,  Son,  and  Holy  Ghost. 

I.  We  naturally  ask,  when  and  where  did  Ken  write  the 
Hymns,  with  what  circumstances  were  they  connected,  of  what 
inner  experience  were  they  the  outcome.  The  answers  to 
these  questions  are  various  and  perplexing.  The  honour  of 
having  witnessed  their  birth  is  claimed  by  nearly  as  many 
places  as  the  cities  of  Greece  which  boasted  of  having  given 
birth  to  Homer.  Winchester  finds  it  hard  to  separate  them 
from  the  Manual  for  his  scholars,  in  which  they  first  appeared 
in  their  completeness.  Brightstone  believes  that  they  were 
the  fruit  of  Ken's  meditative  hours,  as  he  walked  to  and  fro, 
along  the  yew-tree  hedge  in  the  Rectory  garden.  We,  at 
Wells,  are  wont  to  point  to  the  Terrace  overlooking  the  moat, 
on  the  south  of  the  Palace  Garden,  as  the  place  where  Ken 
composed  them.  Naish  Court  is  not  altogether  willing  to 
surrender  the  thought  that  the  Hymns  were  written  for,  and 
sung  by,  the  sisters  of  the  "  good  virgins'  nunnery."  "  We 
do  think,"  said  a  farmer  from  near  Longleat  to  me  once,  "  that 
he  wrote  those  hymns  in  the  big  house  there." 

To  ascertain  the  date  of  the  Hymns  may  be  of  some  help 
towards  deciding  these  rival  claims. 

The    Manual   for    Winchester    Scholars    was    first    printed 

p2 


216  KBITS  BTMR  [chap,  xxvii. 

anonymously  in  1674.  It  passed  through  five  editions1  before 
the  sixth  appeared  with  Ken's  name,  as  Bishop,  in  1687.  The 
earliest  edition  which  contains  the  Hymns  is  the  eighth,  that  of 
1695,  after  his  deprivation.2  This,  of  course,  fixes  a  terminus 
ad  quern,  but  the  termini's  a  quo  is  still  to  seek. 

At  this  stage  of  the  inquiry  a  new  fact  presents  itself  which 
has  not,  so  far  as  I  know,  come  under  the  notice  of  any  of  Ken's 
previous  editors  or  biographers,  and  for  which  I  am  indebted  to 
Mr.  A.  Clarke,  of  Bristol. 

In  1693  a  curious  little  volume,  two  inches  square,  was 
published  with  the  following  title-page  : 

"  Verhum  Sempiternum.  The  Third  Edition,  with  Amendments. 
London.  Printed  for  Tho.  James,  and  are  to  be  sold  at  the  Print- 
ing Press  in  Mincing  Lane,  and  most  Booksellers  in  London  or 
Westminster."  3 

It  has  the  imprimatur  of  "  G.  Lancaster,  Oct.  6,  1693. " 
The  fly-leaf  has  the  shorter  title  of  "  The  Bible."  A  por- 
trait of  "  His  Illustrious  Highness,  the  Duke  of  Gloucester," 
the  son  of  the  then  Princess  Anne,  to  whom  there  is  a  dedica- 
tion as  follows,  faces  the  title-page : 

"  The  Epistle. 

'  *  Most  Hopeful  Prince,  into  Your  hands  I  give, 
The  sum  of  that  which  makes  us  ever  live, 
And  tho'  the  Volume  and  the  Work  be  small, 

Yet  it  contains  the  sum  of  All  in  All ; 
And  therefore  crave,  Your  Highness  would  accept 
This  pledge  of  my  great  duty  and  respect." 

There  is  next  an  Address  to  the  Reader  in  the  same 
metre,   signed    "  J.  Taylor."      The  book  itself  consists  of  an 

1  Bee  the  complete  list  of  Editions  by  the  lateG.  W.  Napier,  of  Alderlcy  Edge, 
in  Notes  and  Queries,  5th  Series,  vol.  v.,  41G. 

Anderdon,  not  knowing  of  the  editions  of  1695  and  1697,  gives  1700  as  the 
date  of  the  earliest  publication  of  the  Hymns.  In  the  title-page  of  that  edition 
they  are  Baid  to  be  added,  "  not  in  the  former  edition  by  the  same  author,"  but 
this  waa  apparently  a  publisher's  "  puff,"  as  they  are  found  in  the  copy  of  that 
oi  L695  in  the  Bodleian  Library. 

1  The  Vtrhum  Sempiternum  was  republished  from  this  edition  by  Longman  ^v 
Co.  in  1849. 


<<  rERBVJf  SEATPITERXrM."  217 

epitome  of  the  Bible  in  the  same  style,  at  about  the  rate 
of  a  verse  per  book.  "When  we  come  to  the  Xew  Testament 
there  is  a  fresh  title-page,  in  which  Salvator  Mundi  takes  the 
place  of  Verbum  Sempitermun,  the  rest  continuing  as  before. 
Here  also  there  is  an  Address  to  the  Reader  with  the  signature 
of  J.  Taylor. 

Mr.  G.  K.  Fortescue,  of  the  British  Museum  Library,  informs 
me  that  the  Verbum  Sempitermun  is  one  of  the  numerous  works 
of  John  Taylor,  known  as  the  "  Water  Poet,"  and  appears  in  the 
folio  edition  of  those  works  in  16-30,  dedicated  to  Charles  I. 
Taylor  died  in  1654.  An  edition  of  this  work,  now  in  the 
British  Museum  Library,  was  published  in  1693 — the  same 
year  as  that  of  the  volume  I  am  now  speaking  of — dedicated  to 
Queen  Mary.  The  dedication  in  all  three  editions  is  identical, 
with  the  variation  of  "Most  mightie  Soveraigne,"  in  1630,  and 
"  Most  mighty  Princess,"  in  that  dedicated  to  Mary.  The 
volume  which  I  have  described — and  this  is  the  reason  why  I 
have  described  it  thus  fully — ends  with  the  following  verses : 

A  Prayer  for  the  Mokntxg. 

Glory  to  Thee,  my  God :  who  safe  hast  kept, 
And  me  refresh'  d,  while  I  securely  slept ; 

Lord,  this  day  guard  me,  lest  I  may  transgress, 
And  all  my  undertakings  guide  and  bless. 

And  since  to  thee  my  vows  I  now  renew, 
Scatter  my  by-past  sins  as  Morning  Dew, 

That  so  Thy  Glory  may  shine  clear  this  day, 
In  all  I  either  think,  or  do,  or  say. 

ANOTHER,    FOR   THE    EvEXFXG. 

Forgive  me,  dearest  Lord,  for  thy  dear  Son, 
The  many  ills  that  I  this  day  have  done, 

That  with  the  world,  my  self,  and  then  with  thee, 
I.  ere  I  sleep,  at  perfect  peace  may  be. 

Teach  me  to  live  that  I  may  ever  dread 

The  Grave,  as  little  as  I  do  my  Bed  ; 
Keep  me  this  night,  0  keep  me,  King  of  Kings, 

Secure  under  thine  own  Almighty  Wings. 


213  KEN*  8  HYMNS.  [chap,  xxvii. 

It  will  be  admitted  that  the  resemblance  between  these 
prayers  and  the  corresponding  verses  in  Ken's  Hymns  is  too 
close  to  be  accidental,  and  the  question  presents  itself  how  we 
can  account  for  that  resemblance,  seeing  that  the  Hymns  did 
not  appear  in  the  Manual  till  two  years  later.  Critics  might 
seem  to  have  plausible  grounds  for  suggesting  that  Ken  found 
the  language  of  the  "  Prayers  "  suitable  for  his  purpose,  and 
incorporated  them,  without  acknowledgment,  in  the  Hymns  he 
was  then  about  to  publish,  altering  their  metre,  accordingly,  from 
lines  of  ten  syllables  to  lines  of  eight.  I  do  not  adopt  that 
theory,  and  I  suggest  another  as  equally  solving  the  problem, 
and  more  in  harmony  with  Ken's  character.  My  conjecture  is 
that  though  Ken's  Hymns  were  not  published  in  the  Manual 
till  1695,  they  were  previously  accessible  in  some  other  form, 
probably  in  that  of  leaflets,  with,  or  less  probably,  without, 
music.  That  conjecture  seems  to  me  to  receive  some  confirma- 
tion from  the  following  facts — 

(1.)  In  the  earlier  editions  of  the  Manual  (1675, 1677,  1681, 
1692),  at  the  beginning  of  the  work,  there  are  some  "Direc- 
tions in  General"  addressed  to  Ken's  ideal  scholar,  the  young 
Philotheus.  Among  those  "  directions"  we  find  this  :  "Be  sure 
to  sing  the  Morning  and  Evening  Hymn  in  your  chamber 
devoutly.'*  Unless  we  assume  that  the  words  refer  to  the 
"  Jam  litcis  orto  side  re "  in  common  use  at  Winchester  (see 
i.  34),  and  to  some  corresponding  Latin  evening  hymn,  say 
that  for  daily  use  at  Compline  in  the  Roman  Breviary,  "  Te 
inn's  ante  terminum"  which  is  scarcely,  I  think,  probable,  it 
seems  natural  to  think  of  them  as  indicating  some  English 
hymns  with  which  the  young  scholar  was  familiar,  and  as 
natural  to  assume  that  these  were  Ken's.1 

(2.)  Playford's  Harmonia  Sacra  (Part  II.),  published  in  1693, 
and  dedicated  to  Ken,  contains  his  Evening  Hymn  with  music 
by  Jeremiah  Clark,  and  this  seems  distinct  evidence  of  the 
existence   of    that   hymn,    and    presumably   therefore  of  the 

1  It  is  possible,  however,  that  Ken's  directions  may  refer  to  the  compilation 
from  the  Psalms  of  the  Vulgate  which  were  to  be  used  by  the  Scholars  of  Win- 
ch) iter  "  >><  cubiculo  "  (i.  104).  It  is  noticeable  that  in  the  directions  for  Midnight 
in  the  Me  mud  (Round,  p.  376),  ho  gives  four  distinct  ejaculations  for  his 
Philotheui  to  use,  but  makes  no  allusion  to  the  Midnight  Ilymn. 


THE  QUESTIONS  ANSWERED.  219 

Morning  Hymn  also,  prior  to  the  publication  of  the  Verbum 
Sempiternum  in  the  same  year. 

(3.)  I  am  informed  by  a  correspondent  that  the  Catalogue  of 
the  Society  for  Promoting  Christian  Knowledge  for  1707,  con- 
tains, in  addition  to  Ken's  Exposition  of  the  Church  Catechism 
and  his  Directions  for  Prayer,  "  Three  Hymns,  viz.  for  Morning, 
Evening,  and  Midnight.  By  the  Author  of  the  Manual  of 
Prayers  for  Winchester  College.  (C.  Brome).  Price  2d.,  or 
10s.  per  hundred."  The  date  of  the  catalogue  is,  of  course,  too 
late  to  allow  it  to  decide  the  question,  but  it  seems  to  make  it 
probable  that  the  hymns  had  previously  been  printed  in  the 
same  separate  form.1 

On  the  whole,  therefore,  I  incline  to  the  conclusion  that 
the  hymns  were  written  prior  to  the  first  edition  of  the  Manual, 
and  that  they  belong,  therefore,  to  the  earlier  Winchester  period 
of  Ken's  life  (1666 — 1674),  and  about  seven  years  after  his 
election  as  a  Fellow  of  the  College.  If  I  am  right,  even 
Wells  must  resign  the  honour  of  having  heard  the  Hymns 
when  they  were  sung  for  the  first  time,  and  Winchester  may 
cherish  the  thought  that  they  came  from  Ken's  pen  and  lips 
there,  and  were  accompanied  by  him  on  his  lute,  or  on  the 
organ  which  was  the  cherished  treasure  of  his  chamber  in  the 
College. 

II.  Side  by  side  with  this  question  as  to  the  date  of  composi- 
tion is  another,  of  much  less  importance,  as  to  the  reading  of 
the  first  and  most  familiar  lines  in  that  for  the  Evening.  We 
have  the  two  forms — 

"  Glory  to  Thee,  my  God,  this  night," 
and 

"  All  praise  to  Thee,  my  God,  this  night." 

The  latter  has  the  merit  of  being  metrically  more  accurate,  and 
therefore  better  fitted  for  music.  The  former  has  the  interest 
of  presenting  a  closer  parallelism  to  that  "  All  glory  be  to 
God"  which  was  the  superscription  of  every  letter  that  Ken 

1  The  growing  popularity  of  the  hymns  is  shown  by  their  appearance  in  a 
devotional  book  with  the  title,  A  New  Year's  Gift.  Prayers,  &c,  which,  having 
reached  a  fourth  edition  in  1685,  appeared  in  1709  with  "  Morning  and  Evening 
Hymns,"  by  Thomas,  late  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells. 


220  KENS  HYMNS.  [chap,  xxvtt. 

wrote.  The  question  which  of  the  two  readings  was  the 
original,  and  whether  the  alteration  was  sanctioned  by  Ken 
himself,  has  been  discussed  with  an  almost  exhaustive  fulness 
by  Lord  Selborne,  Mr.  Anderdon,  and  others.  I  will  endeavour 
to  state  the  facts  as  briefly  as  I  can.  Some  of  them  are  stated 
for  the  first  time. 

(1.)  The  first  line  of  the  Morning  Hymn  in  the  Verbum 
Sempiternum  (1693) — 

"  Glory  to  Thee,  my  God,  who  safe  hast  kept," 

is  strongly  in  favour  of  that  having  been  the  original  read- 
ing of  the  Hymns  before  they  were  incorporated  with  the 
Manual. 

(2.)  The  contemporary  text  of  the  Evening  Hymn,  set  in  a 
cantata  solo,  in  Playford's  Harmonia  Sacra  (Book  II.),  on  the 
other  hand,  gives  "  All  praise  to  Thee."  As  Book  I.  is 
dedicated  to  Ken,  it  is  probable  that  he  sanctioned  the  varia- 
tion. I  am  inclined  to  think,  from  the  facts  that  follow,  that 
Ken  preferred  the  "  Glory,"  but  yielded  to  the  wishes  of  a 
musical  expert. 

(3.)  The  "  Glory  "  appears  in  the  1695  edition  of  the  Manual, 
when  the  Hymns  were  first  published,  and  holds  its  ground 
through  all  the  five  editions  between  that  and  1712.  In  that 
of  1705,  Brome,  the  registered  proprietor  of  the  copyright 
of  the  Manual  since  1680,  in  an  "  Advertisement,"  states 
that  Ken  "  absolutely  disowns  "  and  repudiates  every  text  of 
the  Hymns  (notably  that  published  in  a  Conference  bcticccn  the 
Soul  and  the  Body,  with  a  commendatory  preface  by  Dodwell) 
as  "  very  false  and  incorrect  "  but  that  which  he  then  published. 
The  text  in  the  Conference  gives  "  All  praise  "  and  many  other 
alterations,  with  two  new  stanzas  at  the  end  of  the  Evening 
Hymn.  Another  book,  called  New  Year**  Gfift,  appeared  in 
1709,  giving  the  hymns  as  printed  in  the  Conference  and  was 
met  by  Brome  in  the  same  way.  So  far,  the  case  for  "  Glory  " 
is  strengthened,  up  to  the  year  of  Ken's  death. 

(4.)  In  1712,  however,  the  year  after  Ken's  death,  Brome 
published  an  edition  of  the  Manual  in  which  "  All  praise" 
takes  the  place  of  "Glory,"  and  that  text  continued  to  be  re- 
produced in  later  editions,  and  found  its  way  into  general  use. 


VARIOUS  READINGS.  221 

Lord  Selborne1  assumes  that  this  alteration  must  have  had 
Ken's  sanction  in  a  revision  of  the  text  shortly  before  his 
death,  and  therefore  adopted  it  in  his  Book  of  Praise.  To 
me  it  seems  more  probable  that  Brome,  or  the  editor  he 
employed;  adopted  the  "  All  praise, "  partly  on  the  strength  of 
the  text  in  Play  ford's  Harmonia,  partly  as  being,  what  it 
obviously  is,  the  more  singable  of  the  two  ;  possibly,  I  will  admit, 
with  the  same  measure  of  approval  from  Ken  himself,  and  on 
the  same  grounds,  in  the  last  months  of  his  life,  as  he  had  given 
to  Playford's  text.  In  yet  two  other  points  Playford's  text 
differs  from  that  which  appeared  in  the  Manual  from  1695  to 
1709.     Where,  in  the  Evening  Hymn,  the  latter  gives — 

"  Dull  sleep  of  sense  me  to  deprive, 
I  am  but  half  my  time  alive  ; 
Thy  faithful  Lovers,  Lord,  are  grieved, 
To  lie  so  long  of  Thee  bereaved," 

the  former  has — 

"  My  dearest  Love,  how  am  I  grieved 
To  lie  so  long  of  Thee  bereaved ; 
Dull  sense  of  sleep  me  to  deprive ; 
I  am  but  half  my  time  alive." 

Again,  where  the  Manual  of  1695  gives — 

1 '  You,  my  best  Guardians,  whilst  I  sleep 
Close  to  my  Bed  your  vigils  keep, 
Divine  Love  into  me  instil, 
Stop  all  the  avenues  of  ill. 

"  Thought  to  thought  with  my  soul  converse, 
Celestial  joys  to  me  rehearse ; 
And  in  my  stead,  all  the  night  long, 
Sing  to  my  God  a  grateful  song," 

Playford's  text,  on  the  other  hand,  gives  one  verse  only,  as 
follows : 

1  In  a  letter  published  with  the  three  Hymns,  by  Daniel  Sedgwick,  1864. 
Lord  Selborne  even  conjectures  that  the  author  of  the  Conference  may  have  seen, 
in  Dodwell's  hands,  or  at  "Winchester,  copies  with  MS.  correctioDS  in  the 
Bishop's  hand,  which  he  accordingly  reproduced. 


222  XE1PS   IFYMXS.  [chap,  xxvii. 

"  You,  my  best  Guardians,  whilst  I  sleep, 
Around  my  Led  your  vigils  keep. 
And,  in  my  stead,  all  the  night  long 
Sing  to  my  God  a  grateful  song." 

The  transposition  in  the  first  case,  and  the  expansion  of  one 
verse  into  two  in  the  second,  are  changes  which  we  may 
legitimately  regard  as  the  result  of  Ken's  own  revision  subse- 
quent to  1693,  the  date  of  Playford's  text. 

In  the  edition  of  1712  we  find  the  two  verses  again  altered, 
and  apparently  for  the  same  reason,  as  Lord  Selborne  points 
out,  as  that  which  Ken  gives  (see  i.  101)  for  a  corresponding 
change,  substituting  an  optative  form  for  a  direct  invocation,  in 
the  prose  devotional  exercises  of  the  Manual — 

"  [0  may  my  Guardian'],  while  I  sleep, 
Close  to  my  bed  [his]  vigils  keep  ; 
[His  love  angelical  instil], 
Stop  all  the  avenues  of  ill ! 

"  [May  he]  celestial  joy  rehearse, 
And  thought  to  thought  with  me  converse ; 
Or  in  my  stead  all  the  night  long, 
Sing  to  my  God  a  grateful  song !  " 

III.  Ken  has  been  supposed  by  some  writers  to  have 
borrowed,  in  greater  or  less  measure,  from  hymns  by  Sir  Thomas 
Browne  in  his  Religio  Medici,  and  by  Flatman,  who  published 
a  volume  of  Poems  and  Hymns  in  1674,  and  it  seems,  therefore, 
desirable  to  give  the  passages  to  which  he  is  supposed  to  be 
indebted. 

Sir  Thomas  Browne. 

"  The  night  is  come,  like  to  the  Day  ; 
Depart  not  thou,  Great  God,  away. 
Let  not  my  sins,  black  as  the  Night, 
Eclipse  the  Lustre  of  thy  Light. 

''Keep  still  in  my  Horizon,  for  to  me 
The  Sun  makes  not  the  Day,  but  thee. 
Thou,  whoso  Nature  cannot  sleep, 
On  my  Temples  Sentry  keep. 


FORERUXXERS.  223 

"  Guard  me  'gainst  those  watchful  Foes, 
Whose  Eyes  are  open  while  mine  close  ; 
Let  no  Dreams  my  Head  infest, 
But  such  as  Jacob's  temples  blest. 

"  While  I  do  rest,  my  Soul  advance, 
Make  my  Sleep  a  holy  Trance, 
That  I  may,  my  Rest  being  wrought, 
Awake  into  some  holy  Thought, 
And  with  as  active  Vigour  run 
My  Course,  as  doth  the  nimble  Sun. 

"  Sleep  is  a  Death  ;  Oh  make  me  try 
By  sleeping  what  it  is  to  die, 
And  as  gently  lay  my  Head 
On  my  grave,  as  now  my  Bed. 

"  Howe'er  I  rest,  great  God,  let  me 
Awake  again  at  last  with  thee  ; 
And  thus  assur'd,  behold  I  lie 
Securely,  or  to  wake  or  die. 

"  These  are  my  drowsy  Days, — in  vain 
I  do  now  wake  to  sleep  again  ; 
0  come  that  Hour  when  I  shall  never 
Sleep  again,  but  wake  for  ever !  " 

Flatmax. 

"  Awake  my  soul,  awake  mine  eyes, 
Awake  my  drowsy  faculties, 
Look  up  and  see  the  unwearied  sun 
Already  has  his  race  begun. 

Arise  my  soul,  and  thou,  my  voice, 

In  songs  of  praise  early  rejoice. 

0  great  Creator,  heavenly  King, 

Thy  praises  let  me  ever  sing. 

Thy  power  has  made,  thy  goodness  kept, 

My  fenceless  body  while  I  slept, 

Let  one  day  more  be  given  me, 

From  all  the  powers  of  darkness  free. 

0  keep  my  heart  from  sin  secure, 

My  life  unblameable  and  pure, 

That  when  the  last  of  all  my  days  is  come, 

Cheerful  and  fearless  I  may  wait  my  doom." 


224  KEHTS  irrJLYs.  [chap,  xxvtt. 

I  confess  that  I  do  not  find  in  the  passages  quoted  any  evi- 
dence of  indebtedness  having  the  character  of  conscious  repro- 
duction. Ken  may  have  read  them,  and  they  may  have  been 
floating  in  his  mind,  but  the  parallelisms  are  not  more  than  we 
might  expect  to  find  in  devout  poems  written  with  a  like  spirit 
and  for  a  like  occasion.  If  I  were  to  think  of  any  sources  from 
which  Ken  drew — but  even  here  I  am  disposed  to  think  that 
the  derivation  was  unconscious — I  should  look  rather  to  the 
Hymns  for  Matins  and  Lauds,  for  Vespers  and  Compline,  in 
the  Roman  Breviary,  notably  to  the  Jam  lucis  orto  side  re 
and  the  Te  lucis  ante  terminum,  but  I  do  not  find,  even  in  these, 
any  instances  of  direct  parallelism  (see  i.  p.  34). 

TV.  The  icider  use  of  Ken's  Hymns. — It  would  be  an  interest- 
ing element  of  the  religious  history  of  the  eighteenth  century 
to  ascertain  when  and  how  Ken's  Morning  and  Evening  Hymns 
found  their  way  into  general  congregational  use.  I  cannot 
pretend  to  have  made  an  exhaustive  study  of  the  question,  but 
it  may  be  worth  while  to  put  together  such  facts  as  I  have  met 
with  in  the  course  of  my  inquiries.  I  shall  welcome  any  addi- 
tions or  corrections.1  The  Hymns  do  not  appear  together  in  the 
Supplement  to  Tate  and  Brady's  version  of  the  Psalms,  published 
in  1699,  nor  in  any  subsequent  editions,  till  we  find  the  Morning 
Hymn  in  one  published  by  J.  Harrison  for  the  Company  of 
Stationers  in  1789,  and  the  Evening  Hymn  in  an  Oxford  edition 
of  1801.  The  Morning  Hymn  appears  with  it  shortly  after- 
wards (I  cannot  say  in  what  year),  and  both  have  kept  their 
place  in  all  editions  of  the  Supplement  since  printed.  In  the 
meantime,  however,  both  the  Hymns  had  appeared  in  some  of 
the  earlier  collections  of  Hymns  for  congregational  use  by 
English  clergymen  between  1750 — 60.  It  will  be  noted  that 
this  coincides  roughly  with  the  influence  of  the  early  Methodist 
revival,  under  the  influence  of  the  two  Wesleys. 

Since  the  publication  of  the  Supplement,  subsequent  to 
1801,  it  would  require  a  wider  knowledge  of  Hymnology 
than  that  to  which  I  can  lay  claim,  to  say  in  what  English- 
speaking  community  they  have  not  been  used,  the  Society  of 
Friends  excepted,  whose  congregational  worship  excludes  all 
hymns.     Notably  they  have  found  their  way  into  the  hymn- 

1   J  ma  mainlj  indebted,  for  the  facts  that  follow,  to  Mr.  William  S.  lirodie. 


TRANSLATIONS.  225 

books  published  within  the  last  few  years  by  the  three  great 
sections  of  Scotch  Presbyterians,  the  Established  Church,  the 
Free  Church,  and  the  United  Presbyterians.  Here  and  there, 
as  is  the  fate  of  all  hymns,  they  have  been  subject  to  altera- 
tions at  the  caprice  of  compilers,1  and  no  collection,  as  far  as  I 
know,  has  printed  more  than  from  four  to  ten  verses,  selected 
at  discretion.  They  have  probably  been  translated  into  many 
languages,  in  connexion  with  the  work  of  the  Society  for  the 
Propagation  of  the  Gospel  and  the  Church  Missionary  Society, 
and  in  other  fields  of  Mission  labour ;  but  my  direct  knowledge 
does  not  go  beyond  a  Telugu  version,  published  by  the  C.M.S. 
for  their  Masulipatam  Mission,  a  Maori  version  for  New  Zea- 
land, one  in  Dutch  for  South  Africa,  used  both  in  Church  of 
England  and  in  Wesleyan  Missions,  and  one  in  Kafirland. 
Among  translations,  not  for  congregational  use,  by  scholars 
for  scholars,  I  may  note  one  into  Greek  verse  by  the  Rev.  R. 
Greswell  (Oxford,  1851),  and  into  Latin  by  Dr.  Charles  Words- 
worth, Bishop  of  St.  Andrews.2 

If  one  were  to  pass  from  the  public  to  the  private  use  of 
these  hymns,  a  long  list  might  be  made  out  of  those  who  have 
found  their  lives  strengthened,  or  their  deathbeds  cheered,  by 
the  words  with  which  Ken  cheered  and  strengthened  his  own 
soul.  Foremost  and  nearest  of  these  comes  the  name  of  Robert 
Nelson,  of  whom  Samuel  Wesley,  the  father  of  John  and 
Charles — himself,  like  both  his  sons,  a  writer  of  hymns,  among 
others  of  one  of  singular  beauty,  under  the  name  of  "  Eupolis  "3 
— records,  from  personal  knowledge,  that  he  was  in  the  habit 
of  singing  Ken's  hymns.4  Of  Colonel  Gardiner,  Doddridge 
reports    that   the    Midnight    Hymn   was    often    on    his    lips. 

1  Of  fifty  editions,  says  Anderdon  (p.  114),  not  one  follows  Ken's  own 
version. 

2  The  College  of  S.  Mary  Winton.  Oxford,  1848.  Printed  also  in  Anni  Christiani, 
&c.     Edinburgh,  1880. 

3  The  name  has  led  to  the  appearance  of  the  hymn  in  some  collections  of 
British  Poets  as  "  From  the  Greek  of  Eupolis."  The  only  known  Greek  author 
of  that  name  did  not  write  hymns. 

4  Kelson  appended  the  three  hymns  to  his  Practice  of  True  Devotion,  and  adds 
(I  take  the  quotation  from  the  edition  of  1708,  p.  28),  "The  daily  repeating  of 
them  will  make  you  perfect  in  them,  and  the  good  fruit  of  them  will  abide  with 
you  all  your  days." — Abbey,  on  Rolert  Nelson  and  his  Friends,  in  English  Church 
in  the  Eighteenth  Century,  Ch.  ii. 


KEN'S  IIYMXs.  [chap,  xxvit. 

The  last  book  that  was  in  the  hands  of  John  Keble,  of  all 
Anglican  divines  the  likest  to  Ken  "in  look  and  tone/'  was 
Lord  Selborne's  Book  of  Praise,  which  he  sent  for  that 
it  might  help  him  to  say  all  the  verses  of  the  Evening 
Hymn,1  which  he  failed  to  remember,  but  which  were  read 
to  him  at  his  desire.  Were  my  knowledge  of  the  deathbeds 
of  devout  Christians  wider  than  it  is,  I  doubt  not  that  the 
time  would  fail  me  to  tell  of  the  thousands  of  those  whose 
spiritual  life  was  linked  with  Ken's  hymns,  which  they  learnt 
in  their  childhood,  which  nourished  and  sustained  them  in  the 
changes  and  chances  of  their  lives,  and  which  seemed  to  them, 
as  they  stood  on  the  verge  of  the  unseen,  anticipations  of  the 
songs  of  Heaven. 

Yes,  Ken's  ideal  of  Hymnotheo  was  realised  for  him,  but  not 
as  he  expected.  He  dwelt,  in  the  last  years  of  his  life,  on  the 
fairly  copied  MSS.  which  he  left  behind  him,  and,  it  may  be, 
seemed  to  hear  the  praises  of  a  distant  age.  The  four  octavo 
volumes  appeared  in  1721,  were  little  noticed,  if  at  all,  at  the 
time,  and  were  soon  forgotten.  Epics,  Anodynes,  Pastorals, 
Hymns  on  the  Festivals,  anticipating  the  Christian  Year — 
these  have  all  vanished  from  men's  knowledge.  Few  of  my 
readers  will  have  heard,  till  they  read  this  volume,  of  Edmund 
or  UijmnotheOy  fewer  still  of  Damoret  and  BorUIa.  And 
yet  his  fame  has  been  wider  than  he  dreamt  of,  and  those 
primitive  of  his  earlier  years  (I  have  all  but  proved,  I  think, 
that  the  Hymns  were  written  in  1674)  have  spread  far  and 
wide,  to  continents  and  islands  of  which  he  had  never  heard, 
have  been  sung  wherever  the  English  tongue  is  spoken,  and  have 
passed  into  the  languages  alike  of  ancient  civilisation  and  bar- 
baric rudeness.  If  we  may  think  of  the  souls  of  the  departed  as 
knowing  aught  of  what  passes  on  earth,  we  may  rightly  deem 
that  it  is  one  of  the  minstrel's  joys  in  Paradise  to  feel  that  his 
words  mingle,  with  ever-increasing  frequency,  and  in  many 
tongues,  with  the  minstrelsy  of  the  angelic  choir,  of  which,  even 
in  this  life,  he  felt  himself  a  member. 

V.   Music  of  Ken's  Hymns, — My  want  of  musical  knowledge 
prevents  my  writing  on  this  subject    in  the  character  of  an 
(\pert,  and    I    must   content   myself  with    reproducing   what 
1  Mif-s  Fonge,   Musings  on  tht  Christian  Tsart  p.  102. 


MUSICAL  HISTORY.  227 

I  have  learnt  from  others.  Hawkins  (p.  5)  relates  that  Ken 
was  used  to  "  sing  his  Morning  Hymn,  to  his  lute,  daily, 
before  he  put  on  his  clothes,"  and  Bowles  infers,  naturally 
enough,  the  three  Hymns  being  all  in  the  same  metre,  that  the 
same  tune  served  for  all  of  them.1  Anderdon  (p.  122)  reports 
a  tradition  in  the  Fenwick  family,  of  Hallaton,  in  Leicester- 
shire, that  there  also  he  "  used  to  sing  his  Hymns  to  the 
accompaniment  of  a  spinet.' '  We  know,  also,  that  he  had  an 
organ  in  his  chambers  at  Winchester.  If  I  am  right  in  my 
conclusions  as  to  the  date  and  history  of  the  Hymns,  this  was 
probably  the  tune  to  which  the  Philothens  of  the  Manual  was 
directed  to  sing  his  Morning  Hymn.  What  this  tune  was 
there  is,  I  believe,  no  direct  evidence,  but  Bowles  (ii.  17)  sup- 
plies a  chain  of  tradition  which  makes  it  probable  that  it  was  an 
adaptation  of  an  ancient  melody  by  Tallis,  "  the  Chaucer  of  the 
English  Cathedral  Quires,"  who  was  organist  of  the  Chapel 
Royal  under  Henry  VIII.,  Edward  VI.,  Mary,  and  Elizabeth. 
This  Bowles  reproduces,  set  by  the  composer  to  a  "  Hymn  begin- 
ning *  Praise  ye  the  Lord,  ye  Gentiles  all/  to  be  sung  before 
Morning  Prayer,"  as  from  an  "  old  collection  of  the  sixteenth 
century."  Bowles's  maternal  grandfather,  Dr.  Gray,  author 
of  Memoria  Technica,  was,  he  says,  chaplain  to  Bishop  Crewe 
of  Durham,  an  Oxford  contemporary  of  Ken's,  whom  Anthony 
a  Wood  names  as  a  member  of  the  same  musical  society  there 
(i.  52).  Gray's  daughter,  Bowles's  mother,  taught  him  to  sing 
Ken's  Hymns  to  the  same  tune  as  her  father  had  taught  her, 
and  he  had  probably  learnt  that  tune  in  his  earliest  days,  while 
Ken  was  still  living.  Gray  was  born  in  1693,  and  Crewe  died 
in  1722. 

Anderdon  (pp.  119 — 121),  who  was  assisted  in  this  part  of 
his  work  by  the  Rev.  T.  H.  Helmore,  gives  the  score  of  Tallis's 
tune  from  Archbishop  Parker's  Psalter,  as  the  "  original  form 
of  the  music  of  Ken's  Evening  Hymn,"  headed  as  "  the  Eighth 
Tone,"    as    being    "in   the   eighth   of  the   Ecclesiastical,    or 

1  Another  passage  in  Hawkins  (p.  15)  might  almost  suggest  that  Ken 
composed  the  tune  as  well  as  words  of  his  hymns.  "He  had  an  excellent  genius 
for,  and  skill  in,  musick,  and  whenever  he  had  convenient  opportunities  for  it,  he 
performed  some  of  his  devotional  part  of  praise  with  his  own  compositions,  which 
were  grave  and  solemn." 


228  FWS  HTJfXS.  [chap.  xrvn. 

Gregorian,  Modes,"  but  the  hymn  there  connected  with  it 
begins  with  "God  grant  with  grace,  He, us  embrace."  Ap- 
parently, therefore,  we  have  two  tunes  by  Tallis,  each  adapted 
for  the  metre  of  Ken's  Hymns.  He  reports  further  that 
"  some  have  thought  that  the  original  melody  may  have  been 
still  earlier  than  Tallis,  and  might  be  found  in  the  collection 
of  Luther,  or  Clement  Marot,"  but  adds,  on  the  authority 
of  the  Rev.  W.  H.  Havergal,  as  a  musical  expert,  that  it 
is  not  found  among  Luther's  hymn  tunes,  or  in  the  early 
French  collections  of  Guillaume  Franc  or  Claude  le  Jeune. 
I  am  not  aware  that  the  tune  by  Jeremiah  Clark,  in  Play  ford's 
Harmonia  Sacra,  has  ever  found  its  way  into  general  use. 
Ken  may  have  learnt  Tallis's  tune,  assuming  it  to  be  that 
to  which  he  sang  his  hymns,  from  The  Whole  Booke  of  Psalms, 
w it  It  the  Hymns  Evangelical,  by  Thomas  Ravenscroft,  1633, 
in  which  he  gives  it  (p.  260)  as  "  an  Hymn  by  Tho.  Tallis,  for  four 
voices  in  A."  Bowles  (though  he  speaks  of  a  Collection  of  the  six- 
teenth century)  is  believed  to  have  transcribed  it  from  Ravens- 
croft.1  Anyhow,  this  tune  of  Tallis's  has  remained,  with  few 
exceptions,  associated  with  Ken's  Hymns.  Anderdon  speaks  of 
it  as  commonly  used  for  the  Evening  Hymn,  "  though  distorted 
from  its  ancient  simplicity,"  and  of  the  tune  "  in  present  use  " 
for  the  Morning  Hymn,  as  being  "  a  corrupt  version  of  a  tune 
by  Barthelemon,  a  violinist  of  the  last  century."  Hymns 
Ancient  and  Modern,  under  the  musical  editorship  of  Mr.  W.  H. 
Monk,  gives  Tallis's  tune  for  the  Evening,  and  one  by  "  I.  Bap- 
tista  "  for  the  Morning.2 

I  am  enabled  to  add  one  more  fact  to  this  history,  by  giving 
yet  another  tune,  which  may  possibly  represent  a  Ken  tradition. 
In  1885,  the  late  Rev.  J.  J.  Moss  sent  me  a  tune  published  for 
Ken's  Hymns,  about  1750,   to  be  sung    to  the  lute-harp,  an 

1  Hav<  irga]  reports  that  Ilavenscroft's  tunc  is  a  version,  altered  for  the  worse,  of 
the  'eighth  tone  '  in  Archbishop  Parker's  Psalter,  printed  by  John  Daye,  with- 
out date,  :m(l  referred  to  above. 

I  .  II.  Barthelemon  (1741 — 1801)  nppears  in  Sir  George  drove's  Dictionary 
of  Mrnie  and  Munoiam  as  having  composed  the  "  well-known  tunc  "  for  the 
Morning  Hymn,  about  1780.  His  other  nuiMcal  works  were  ehieily  operatic. 
Of  Baptista]  find  nothing  in  the  Dietimiary,  but  Baptiete  Anct  is  named  as  a 
violinist  and  a  pupil  of  Corelli,  who  died  in  171 :).  Possibly  "Joannes  Baptiota" 
may  have  been  the  name  of  the  tune,  not  of  the  composer. 


MUSIC  OF  KEN'S  HYMNS. 


229 


& 


BISHOP  KEN'S  EVENING  HYMN. 


i     I       I     i 


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PPPPP 


J=d 


s=s=* 


Sat 


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r  "Fl^F"  -<s 
1     I    I  I      |     I 


I    !   I 


Glo  -  ry  to  Thee,  my  God,  this  night,  For  all  the  bles  -  sings      of      the        light 

Mil  |       I       I    I       k 


^J_ 


~^~ 


n 


i 


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f?fp 


i    i 


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I     I    i  «      i  i    i    ■       !     | 

Keep  me,  O  keep    me,  King  of     Kings,  Be-neath  Thine  own  Al  -  might  -  y    wings. 


iii  r  I 


PP-e- 


rrr 


.^ 


1  '  i  i  i   r  i 

Praise  God  from  whom  all  bles  -  sings  flow,  Praise  Him  all  crea  -  tures  ^  here   be    -    low, 


-#-s>-#- 


ir 


I     I    I 


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I     I    I     '■    I       I         ■  II  '      '      I     | 

Praise  Him  a  -  bove,  An  -  ge   -  lie      Host,  Praise  Fa-ther,  Son,  and    Ho  -  ly    Ghost. 


* 


U^/tM 


w--=&- 


VOL.  IT. 


230 


KEX'S  HYMNS. 


[chap,  xxyii. 


instrument  which  was  then  popular.1  This  I  append.2  I 
may  add  that  it  was  used  with  Ken's  Morning  Ilymn  on  the 
occasion  of  the  Memorial  Festival  held  in  Wells  Cathedral  on 
June  29th,  1885,  the  Bicentenary  year  of  his  Consecration, 
and  the  Anniversary  of  the  Trial  of  the  Seven  Bishops.  On 
that  occasion  the  window  to  his  memory,  in  the  north  aisle  of 
the  choir,  was  seen  by  the  public  for  the  first  time. 

1  The  volume  containing  the  tune  is   in  the  possession  of  Mrs.  Yorke,   of 
Erddig,  Wrexham.     Ken,  it  will  be  remembered,  sang  his  hymns  to  the  lute. 

2  I  am  indebted  to  Mr.  C.  W.  Lavington,  organist  and  choirmaster  of  Wells 
Cathedral,  for  tho  form  in  which  the  tune  appears. 


Ki  \'s    COFFEE-POT   (p.  208  . 


CHAPTER  XXYIII. 

KEN   AS   A    POET    AND    THEOLOGIAN. 

"  Music's  ethereal  fire  was  given 
Not  to  dissolve  our  clay, 
But  draw  Promethean  beams  from  Heaven, 
And  purge  the  dross  away." 

/.  H.  Newman. 
"  Child-like  though  the  voices  be 
And  untunable  the  parts, 
Thou  wilt  own  the  minstrelsy, 
If  it  flow  from  child-like  hearts." 

John  Keble. 

The  life  of  Ken  presents  an  almost,  if  not  altogether,  unique 
instance  of  a  man  who,  while  continually  writing  poetry,  pro- 
bably from  early  manhood  to  the  very  close  of  life,  reserved  all 
that  he  had  written,  the  three  Hymns  for  Morning,  Evening, 
and  Midnight  excepted,  for  posthumous  publication.  The  fact 
seems  to  me  singularly  suggestive.  If  I  understand  his 
character  rightly,  he  was  one  of  those  who  find,  in  writing 
verse,  what  Keble  in  his  Prcelediones  calls  the  vis  meclica  of  the 
poetic  art.1  He  wrote  to  relieve  his  mind  from  emotions,  which 
otherwise  would  have  been  too  strong  for  him,  from  thoughts, 
for  which  other  men  might  have  found  utterance  in  sermons  or 
controversial  treatises.  It  lay,  in  the  nature  of  the  case,  that 
he,  his  gifts  being  what  they  were,  should  be  wanting  in  the 
sublime  self-confidence  which  led  Dante  to  class  himself  with 
the  Five,  who  were  the  greatest  of  whom  he  knew  in  the  world 
of  letters,  or  Milton  to  believe  that  he  could  write  something 
which  the  world  "would  not  willingly  let  die."  He  shrank,  if 
I  mistake  not,  from  the  ordeal  of  publicity,  lest,  as  he  may  have 
counted,  in  his  hours  of  introspection,  the  chances  of  an  author's 
fate,  he  should  be  unduly  elated  by  praise,  or  overmuch  de- 

1  Freeh,  i.  p.  12. 

q2 


2S2       KEN  AS  A  POET  AND  THEOLOGIAN,     [chap,  xxviii. 

pressed  by  censure,  according  as  the  wind  of  criticism  blew 
from  the  west  or  east.  And  so  he  wrote  on  and  on,  and 
apparently  told  no  one  how  he  was  employed.  He  could 
not  reconcile  himself,  however,  to  the  thought  of  consign- 
ing what  he  wrote  altogether  to  oblivion.  He  would  not 
bury  his  one  talent  in  the  earth  because  it  was  only  one.  His 
verses  might  soothe  others,  as  they  had  soothed  him.  They 
might,  at  any  rate,  help  a  future  generation  to  understand  what 
he  himself  had  been.  They  would  be  the  best  return  he  could 
make  to  the  friend  and  protector  to  whom  her  had  been  indebted 
for  a  home. 

It  would  be  idle,  after  this  interval  of  time,  to  claim  for  Ken, 
on  the  strength  of  the  poems  thus  posthumously  published, 
any  conspicuous  niche  in  the  Temple  of  Fame,,  any  place  on 
the  higher  slopes  of  Parnassus.  In  the  matter  of  poetical 
reputation  it  is  true  that,  in  the  long  run,  Securus  judieat  orbis 
terrarum,  and  that  we  cannot  hope  to  reverse  its  judgments.  In 
his  epics  he  was  but  a  weak  follower  of  Cowley  ;l  in  his  devo- 
tional lyrics  he  was  but  a  weak  follower  of  Herbert,  and  perhaps 
of  Quarles  and  Crashaw.  At  the  most  we  can  only  say  that  he 
has  as  good  a  right  to  be  remembered  as  some  of  those  whose 
lives  Johnson  wrote,  as  some  of  those  also  who  have  found  a 
resting-place  in  the  Poets'  Corner  of  the  Abbey  of  West- 
minster. But,  for  the  reasons  which  I  have  stated  above,  his 
poems  have  a  merit  of  which  his  biographers  have  not  taken 
adequate  account.  They  speak  of  his  verse,  it  seems  to  me, 
in  tones  of  undue  disparagement.  To  Bowles,  from  whom,  as 
himself  taking  his  place  among  the  minor  poets  of  England,  we 
might  have  expected  a  more  intelligent  sympathy,  his  Edmund 
seems  full  of  "  discordant  imagery,"  full  of  "  vulgarity  of 
language,"  and  "  wretched  execution,"  "  far  below  Blackmore." 
Even  his  devotional  poems  only  serve  to  "  dissipate  the  illu- 
sion" that  might  have  been   formed  from    his  Morning  and 

1  Here  and  there  I  find  traces  of  Milton,  whose  Paradise  Lost  and  Regained 
were  in  Ken's  library,  as  in  the  description  of  Mammon's  crown,  "  with  oriental 
diamonds  "bright,  and  various  gems"  (ii.  101),  and  of  the  spears  which  "were 
tall  Norwegian  masts"  (ii.  27).  One  can  scarcely  read  too  the  narrative 
of  the  Creation  and  the  Fall  (JTymfiofAtf,  15.  xi.)  or  the  debates  <>f  demons  in 
Bthnmd,  without  feeling  that  Ken  ia  treading  (lunymsimo  intervallo,  alas!)  in  the 
step*  of  the  I'aradrxc  Lost. 


AD  VERSE  JUDGMENTS.  233 

Evening  Hymns,  and  are  "  not  clear  of  that  worst  and  most 
nauseous  style"  which  "  uses  the  language  of  human  passions 
in  speaking  of  divine  and  spiritual  objects."  He  gives  a 
fairer  judgment,  perhaps,  when  he  says  that  these  faults  were 
mainly  owing  to  his  following  "  a  false  and  artificial  model," 
and  that,  had  he  looked  to  Milton,  and  not  to  Cowley,  as  his 
master,  he  would  possibly  have  "  preserved  ten  stanzas  out  of 
every  thousand,"  that  would  have  been  worth  preserving 
(Bowles,  ii.  290 — 300).  Anderdon,  in  like  manner,  though  he 
quotes  with  admiration  many  passages  from  the  Dedications  and 
Anodynes,  and  other  devout  poems,  gives  it  as  his  judgment  that 
"  it  would  have  been  well  for  his  poetic  fame,  if  his  epic  Edmund 
had  been  consigned  to  a  like  fate  with  its  hero,  and  drowned 
in  the  depths  of  the  sea  "*  (p.  204).  Miss  Strickland  thinks, 
(presumably  having  read  the  epic  in  such  haste  as  not  to  notice 
the  repeated  allusions  in  it  to  Wells,  which  indicate  a  later 
date)  that  it  "bears  the  unmistakeable  marks  of  a  young,  in- 
experienced writer,"  that  it  is  a  "  mere  collection  of  boyish 
exercises,"  that  it  has  "  nothing  local  or  historical,"  that  there 
is  but  one  good  passage  in  it,  i.e.  that  beginning  with 

"  Give  me  the  priest  these  graces  shall  possess." 

Of  the  poems  on  the  Festivals  she  cites  two,  as  having  an  "  inno- 
cent pretty  quaintness,"  and  she  thinks  it  probable,  and  in  this 
I  agree  with  her,  that  both  Charles  and  John  Wesley  may 
have  been  largely  indebted  to  Ken's  four  volumes.2 

My  own  experience  in  this  matter  has  been  very  different 
from  that  of  my  predecessors.  When  I  first  read  the  poems, 
and  it  was  not  till  1884  that  I  chanced  to  come  across  them, 
after  I  had  already  begun  collecting  materials  for  a  fresh 
biography,  I  felt  that,  while  I  could  not  recognise  him  as,  in 
any  sense,  a  master  poet,  I  had  lighted  on  what  was  a  perfect 
treasure-trove,  a  mine  hitherto  scarcely  worked,  of  materials 
which  were,  partly  consciously,  partly  unconsciously,  of  an 
autobiographical   character.      I  found   here   and  there  many 

1  Anderdon  seems  to  forget  that  Edmund,  though  thrown  by  fiends  into  the 
sea,  was  after  all  not  drowned,  but  caught  up  in  Phily dor's  "  chariot  of  celestial 
mould."— [C.  J.  P.] 

2  Lives  of  Seven  Bishops,  pp.  238,  240,  318. 


234        KEN  AS  A  POKTAXT)  THEOLOGIAN,     [chap,  xxviii. 

passages  sufficiently  pointed  and  epigrammatic  to  have  come 
from  the  pen  of  Cowley  or  of  Dry  den.  I  found  also  the  utter- 
ance, in  not  a  few  instances,  of  Ken's  convictions  on  the  leading 
theological  and  political  questions  of  his  time,  so  that  one  could 
hest  arrive  at  a  knowledge  of  those  convictions,  as  I  now  pro- 
pose to  do,  by  examining  the  poems,  rather  than  by  treating  of 
them  in  a  separate  chapter.  Some  of  the  first  class  I  have 
already  quoted  from  Ken's  Hymnotheo  in  Chapters  II.  and  Y. 
I  purpose  now  to  select  some  passages  of  the  other  types  and 
begin  with  Edmund.  The  hero  of  the  poem  is  Edmund,  the 
East  Anglian  prince — 

"The  Christ-like  Hero,  Martyr,  Saint,  and  King." 

His  story  is  told  from  Edmund's  early  youth  at  Nuremberg,  to 
his  death  at  the  hands  of  the  Danes.  Councils  of  demons  plot 
his  destruction,  and  he  is  defended  by  angelic  hosts.  He  aims 
at  making  his  kingdom  of  Anglia  a  model  polity  in  Church 
and  State,  and  therefore  calls  his  counsellors  together,  some  of 
whom  try  to  lead  him  astray  from  the  right  path,  while  he  is 
supported  by  the  true  and  wise  of  heart.  Alfred,  hearing  of  his 
wise  government,  goes  to  learn  from  him  how  to  rule.  Edmund 
visits  Wells,  and  falls  in  love  with  the  saintly  Hilda,  whom  he 
ultimately  marries.  I  content  myself  with  this  briefest  outline 
of  the  plot  of  the  epic,  and  do  not  attempt  to  follow  the  story 
through  its  somewhat  intricate  windings. 

As  shewing  the  period  in  Ken's  life  which  the  poem  repre- 
sents, I  begin  with  a  passage  which  shows,  beyond  the  shadow 
of  a  doubt,  that  it  was  not  written,  as  previous  biographers  have 
thought,  either  in  his  earlier  years,  or  during  the  voyage  to 
Tangier,  but  certainly,  after  his  appointment  to  his  Bishopric, 
probably,  after  his  deprivation.  Edmund  has  had  a  vision  of 
his  future  bride,  and  seeks  to  know  where  she  is  to  be  found, 
and  this  is  the  answer — 

"  'Tis  Tkeodorodunum,  near  whose  Wells 
Edmund's  best  friend  and  God's  dear  Fav'rite  dwells ; 
The  city  by  proud  Mendippe  Hills  surveyed, 
Its  treasure,  shelter,  pasture,  and  its  shade  ; 
In  ancient  time  Axviragus  there  reign'd, 
Against  the  Roman  force  his  Crown  maintained; 


HISTORY  OF  WELLS.  235 

That  Town  Arimathean  Joseph  bless' d, 

Before  he  was  of  Avalon  possess'd. 

There  first  the  Sun  of  Eighteousness  arose, 

For  saving  Truth  the  Island  to  dispose ; 

The  City,  for  refreshing  Springs  renown'd, 

Which  fertilise  the  neighbouring  Country  round ; 

Heaven  in  that  Type  would  to  all  Albion  shew, 

That  living  Waters  thence  should  overflow : 

King  Ina  there  a  goodly  Temple  rear'd, 

To  the  bless'd  Andrew's  name,  which  he  rever'd."  ! 

(II.,  p.  215.) 

It  will  be  admitted,  I  think,  that  this  was  not  likely  to 
have  been  written  while  Ken  was  at  Oxford  or  Winchester,  or 
before  his  affections  were  bound  up  with  the  fair  City  of  Foun- 
tains, of  which  he  was  the  spiritual  pastor.  It  is  not  probable 
that  either  the  troubles  or  the  activities  of  his  short  six  years' 
episcopate,  before  his  deprivation,  would  have  allowed  leisure 
for  the  composition  of  an  epic  in  thirteen  books,  and  con- 
taining, roughly,  some  eleven  thousand  lines.  I  take  the  poem 
therefore,  so  far  as  it  reflects  Ken's  thoughts  on  matters  eccle- 
siastical or  political,  as  representing  those  of  his  matured  age. 

Here,  then,  is  his  view  of  Democracy  : — 

"  The  People,  giddy  and  repining,  rave, 
What  they  would  have,  they  know  not,  and  yet  crave. 
Precipitous  usurping  Force  to  crown, 
Precipitous  next  day  to  pull  it  down. 
Lies  are  by  them  infallibly  believ'd, 
They  are  contented  only  when  deceiv'd. 
Their  leaders  they  revile,  they  all  distrust ; 
Servile,  ungrateful,  envious,  and  unjust." 

(II.,  p.  8.) 

Here  is  the  picture  of  an  ideal  Court,  as  contrasted  with 
what  Ken  had  seen  under  Charles  and  James  : — 

"  All  with  the  Priest  to  Temple  daily  went, 
Morning  and  Evening  Off 'ring  to  present : 

1  Theodorodunum  was  one  of  the  old  names  of  "Wells,  and  appears  in  Leland. 
It  implied  the  existence  of  a  mythical  British  prince,  Theodoros.  Avalon  is,  of 
course,  Glastonbury.  The  Cathedral  Church  of  "Wells  was  founded  by  Ina,  and 
dedicated  to  St.  Andrew.  An  earlier  name,  Tethiscine,  or  Tydeston,  also  appears 
in  old  chronicles. — Cassan,  Lives  of  Bishops,  i.  p.  20. 


236      KEN  AS  A  POET  AND  THEOLOGIAN,      [chap,  xxtiii. 

No  Oath,  no  Word  blasphemous  or  impure, 

No  Lust,  no  Drunkard  Edmund  could  endure  ; 

No  Vice,  no  Lye,  Chastisement  could  evade, 

Virtue  with  liberal  Reward  was  paid  : 

No  Gaming  he  permitted  in  his  Court, 

But  yet  indulg'd  them  all  innocuous  Sport."  ' 

(II.,  p.  47.) 

And  here  are  his  views  on  free  education  and  the  mainte- 
nance of  the  poor ;  not  without  interest,  as  anticipating  some 
modern  ideals  of  the  application  of  Christian  principles  to  the 
organization  of  labour  and  the  relief  of  poverty,  and  including, 
we  may  note  in  passing,  Greenwich  and  Chelsea  Hospitals,  the 
foundation  of  which  he  lived  to  witness,  the  former  in  1694,  the 
latter  in  1690.  It  will  be  remembered  that  he  had  tried,  when 
he  was  at  Wells,  to  turn  one  of  those  ideals  into  a  reality,  and 
had  failed  (i.,  p.  251):— 

"  In  all  Great  Towns  he  Granaries  ordained, 

That  in  bad  Years  the  Poor  might  be  maintained : 

Built  Schools,  and  able  Masters  there  endow'd, 

That  to  learn  Gratis  Poor  might  be  allow'd  : 2 

Built  some  where  Mathematick  Skill  was  taught, 

And  Youth  was  up  to  Naval  Knowlege  brought ; 

On  great  Resorts  he  Libraries  bestowed, 

Himself  he  Learning's  liberal  Patron  shewed, 
***** 

He  Hospitals  was  careful  to  erect, 

And  for  their  Regulations  Laws  project, 

For  Infants,  Ideots,  Lunaticks  and  Blind, 

Sick,  Aged,  Lame  was  Competence  assign'd. 

Soldiers  and  Seamen  who  had  spent  their  Heats, 

Had,  by  his  Care,  agreeable  Retreats ; 

l   What  these  were  we  learn  from  the  passage  quoted  in  page  239. 

-  I  ii  laying  stress  on  this  point  Ken  was  hut  following  the  continuous  teaching 
of  the  Church.  The  inscription  of  the  monastery  at  Salzburg,  u  Diteert  ticupiat^ 
grmtu  ({icxi  <i><(t ns  Kabebu"  is  typical  of  the  mediaeval  Church  (D.  C.  A.,  art. 
11  Schools  ").  That  at  Sherhorne,  on  the  portrait  of  Edward  VI.,  represents  the 
feeling  of  the  Reformers,  "  Gymnasium  hie  pmeru  stafuit,  gratumque  Minervej ;  Ut 
oratU  di&oant."  The  foundation  of  the  numerous  Charity  Schools  in  the  earlier 
of  the  eighteenth  century  indicates  that  of  Ken's  contemporaries  and 
f.  How- workers. 


SOLDIERS  AND  SAILORS.  237 

No  sturdy  Beggars  in  the  Land  could  lurk, 
But  were  in  proper  Houses  forced  to  work." 

(II.,  pp.  49,  50.) 

What  he  had  seen  of  military  life  at  the  Hague  and  in 
Tangier  among  Kirke's  "  Lambs,"  and  of  naval  life  on  his 
voyage  in  Lord  Dartmouth's  ship,  had  led  him  to  an  ideal  in 
that  region  also  : — 

"  A  Priest  was  to  each  Eegiment  assign'd, 
All  were  to  hear  the  daily  Prayers  enjoyn'd, 
All  taught  that  Soldiers  best  grim  Death  defy, 
Who  go  to  Field  the  best  prepar'd  to  die  : 
No  Soldier  durst  his  Captain  disobey, 
No  Captain  robb'd  his  Soldiers  of  their  Pay : 
Well  pay'd  themselves,  their  Quarters  they  defray'd, 
And  Towns  a  gain  of  quart'ring  Soldiers  made." 

(II.,  p.  251.) 

In  the  picture  of  the  life  of  sailors  we  may,  perhaps,  find 
some  reminiscences  of  James's  naval  administration  both  as 
Duke  of  York  and  King,  as  well  as  of  Ken's  own  work  under 
Lord  Dartmouth  (pp.  163 — 165).  Of  all  the  departments  of 
the  State  that  of  the  Admiralty  was  conspicuous  at  that  time  as 
almost  a  solitary  instance  of  efficiency  and  incorruption  : — 

"He,  to  enlarge  his  Navy,  made  new  Docks, 
New  Men  of  War  were  always  on  the  Stocks : 
To  Mariners  he  lib'ral  Wages  gave, 
Who  for  their  King  inhabited  the  Wave. 

*  *  *  *  * 

His  Royal  Fleet  secured  the  Anglian  shores, 

His  Arsenals  were  full  of  Naval  Stores ; 

Planks,  Anchors,  Cables,  Timber,  Tar  and  Masts, 

And  spreading  Sails  to  gather  kindly  Blasts. 

Strict  Pules  he  made  Impiety  to  scare, 

No  Seaman  unchastis'd  an  Oath  could  swear ; 

A  Priest  read  daily  Prayers  to  every  Crew, 

Taught  them  their  "Vow  baptismal  to  renew ; 

That  they  who  run  the  Dangers  of  the  Deep, 

Their  Souls  at  peace  with  God  should  always  keep." 

(II.,  pp.  53,  54.) 

Even  foreign  policy  and  diplomacy — and  he  had  seen  more 


238       KEN  A  8  A  POET  AXD  THEOLOGIAN.     [ciiaj\  xxvm. 

of  both  than  most  bishops  of  his  time — presented  to  Ken,  aided, 
perhaps,  by  his  recollections  of  Walton's  Life  of  Sir  Henry 
Wottou,  an  ideal  aspect : — 

"  Th'  Ambassadors  in  his  due  Praise  conspir'd, 
Edmund  by  all  their  Monarchs  grew  admir'd  : 
All,  in  their  Treaties,  on  his  Word  rely'd, 
Who  never  in  each  other  could  confide. 
For  Mutual  Safety,  Peace,  Defence,  and  Aid, 
He  with  his  Neighbours  firm  Alliance  made. 
When  an  Ally  sunk  under  lawless  Might, 
By  his  kind  Succour  he  retriev'd  his  Eight : 
He  of  all  Monarchs  gained  the  sole  Renown, 
To  be  sty  I'd  Patron  of  the  injured  Crown." 

(II.,  p.  54.) 

And  here,  at  somewhat  greater  length,  is  the  picture  of  the 
ideal  king  himself: — 

"  He  sits  without  a  Partner  on  his  Throne, 
Will  always  Counsel  take,  yet  reigns  alone ; 
What  others  singly  know,  his  Soul  combines ; 
Science  in  him  in  Constellation  shines. 
For  War,  Peace,  Leagues,  Law,  Counsel,  Sea  and  Land, 
He  always  is  the  Oracle  at  hand ; 
To  his  Word  he  is  unalterably  true, 
Though  he  his  own  Sincerity  should  rue  : 
Kings  sacred  Honour  more  than  Int'rest  eye, 
Had  rather  lose  a  Town  than  tell  a  Lie. 
His  Counsel  open  is,  his  Heart  is  clos'd,1 
His  Thoughts,  when  needful  only,  are  expos' d : 
Great  as  he  is,  he  sweet  Reproof  can  bear, 
But  Flatterers  bis  Detestation  are. 
His  Carriage  is  obliging,  gentle,  mild, 
He  treats  each  loyal  subject  as  a  Child ; 
Their  Interest  he  never  will  forsake, 
Or  'gainst  the  Country,  a  Court  Party  make  : 
Of  Vertue  he  has  firm  Foundations  laid ; 
To  Avenues  of  Vice  fix'd  Barrocade  (.?/>) ; 
Studious  of  Peace,  he  yet  for  War  provides ; 2 

i  We  recognise,  at  once,  the  Viso  tcioltotpmsisri  sfrctti,  of  Wotton's  maxim  in 
hi*  letter  prefixed  to  Milton's  Comtu,  ed.  1645. 
-  Obviously  a  paraphrase  ol  8i  wa  b$Uum. 


IDEAL  OF  A  PATRIOT  KING.  239 

Princes  treat  best  with,  sabres  by  their  sides ; 
Ambitious  still  he  is  that  all  his  Time 
People  should  feel  no  War,  commit  no  Crime  ; 
War,  which  for  Remedy  prescribes  a  Woe, 
And  from  Necessity,  not  Choice,  should  flow. 

No  Hours  the  King  in  Idleness  e'er  lost, 

The  Publick  and  his  Pray'rs  his  Time  exhaust ; 

In  Intervals  his  Mind  he  will  unbend, 

And  these  in  Royal  Recreation  spend ; 

His  Hawks  he  oft  at  Game  Aerial  flew ; 

His  Hounds  would  oft  the  generous  Stag  pursue, 

Sometimes  a  flying  Hern  or  running  Buck, 

He  with  his  right-aimed  Shaft  or  Javelin  struck  : 

Divertisements  most  manly  he  most  priz'd, 

And  all  that  were  effeminate  despis'd. 

God's  Book  lies  always  next  to  Edmund's  heart ; 
That  teaches  him  of  Empire  the  true  Art ; 
That  makes  the  King  and  Saint  in  him  unite, 
That  gives  him  both  Humility  and  Hight, 
In  his  heroick  Soul  that  reconcil'd 
The  Just  and  Merciful,  severe  and  mild  ; 
Frugal  and  Lib'ral,  Affable  and  Great, 
Glorious  and  Modest,  th'  Awful  and  the  Sweet, 
The  Patient  and  the  Brave,  the  Friend  and  King, 
Of  Love  and  Fear  the  never-failing  Spring, 
He  in  Attempts  is  bold,  in  Council  wise, 
Assiduous  to  compleat  an  Enterprise ; 
Not  rash,  yet  expeditious  in  Affairs  ; 
Concentring  in  himself  the  publick  Cares ; 
Anglia  by  him  o'er  Albion  rears  its  Head, 
And  has  a  Resurrection  from  the  Dead." 

(II.,  pp.  65—67.) 

It  will  be  admitted  that  few  portraits  of  a  patriot  king — cer- 
tainly not  Bolingbroke's — present  a  nobler  ideal  of  monarchy. 
It  would  be  natural  to  pass  at  once  from  the  picture  of  a  perfect 
State  to  that  of  a  perfect  Church,  but  I  pause,  as  I  read  the 
poem,  to  give  an  extract  of  an  almost  pathetic  autobiographical 
interest,  in  whicb  we  find  traces  of  Ken's  poetical  aspirations, 
perhaps  also  of  his  dreams  of  poetical  fame  in  a  near  or  distant 
future. 


240      KEN  AS  A  POET  AND  THEOLOGIAN     [chap,  xxviii. 

Alfred,  as  I  have  said  above,  hearing  of  Edmund's  great- 
ness, determines  to  visit  him  and  learn  by  personal  observation. 
Before  he  starts  on  his  journey  he  visits  Godwyn,  a  hermit- 
saint,  who  has  his  cell  near  Winchester,  who  thus  utters  his 
prophecy  of  William  of  Wykeham : — 

"  Of  Centuries  when  a  full  Lustre's  past, 
When  Learning  ready  is  to  breathe  its  last, 
God  will  in  Winton  a  great  Prelate  raise, 
Who  shall  recover  it  from  its  Decays. 
As  at  the  Cedar-bearing  Liban's  feet, 
The  Jor  and  Dan  in  Christal  Jordan  meet ; 
Whence  the  full  Stream,  which  both  the  Fountains  drains, 
Sheds  kindly  Moisture  o'er  Judaean  plains  ; 
Thus  from  the  two  Wicchamick  Springs  shall  rise, 
Diffusive  Streams  the  Church  to  fertilize ; 
Kenneo  in  them  both  Retreats  shall  find, 
Best  suited  to  his  unaspiring  Mind ; 
He,  rais'd  on  high,  will  rather  down  be  thrown, 
Than  conscientious  Loyalty  disown, 
His  Solitude  with  Songs  he'll  intersperse, 
He'll  you  and  Edmund  celebrate  in  verse." 

(II.,  p.  69.) 

This,  again,  it  will  be  noticed,  is  decisive  as  to  the  date  of  the 
poem  as  being  completed  subsequent  to  Ken's  deprivation. 

I  pass  on  now  to  the  ecclesiastical  side  of  Ken's  thoughts. 

He  represents  Edmund  as  resolving  on  a  reform  of  the  Church, 
which  he  finds  in  a  corrupt  and  fallen  state.  He  is  helped  in 
his  efforts  by  Bishop  Humbert — 

"  They  both  agree, 
A  Synod  the  Restorative  must  be." 

(II.,  p.  201.) 

And  a  Synod  is  accordingly  called  at  Bury.  Humbert  presides, 
with  Lucio  and  Justo,  the  representatives  of  sound  doctrine,  as 
his  coadjutors.1  Edmund  states  his  wishes  as  to  reform,  and  the 
debate  opens.  Romano,  as  his  name  indicates,  represents  the 
Romish  controversialist;  Proteo,  the  school  of  an  Erastian  In- 
differentism.     Edmund  begins  by  pointing,  as  Ken  did  in  his 

l  We  may,  perhaps,  conjecture  that  Humbert  stands  for  Juxon,  Justo  for 
Sheldon,  and  Lttcio  for  Morley,  or  that  the  three  represent  respectively,  San- 
croft,  Hooper,  and  Ken's  idealised  self. — [C.  J.  P.] 


THE  IDEAL  CHURCH.  241 

will,  to  the  primitive  Church,  the  Church  of  the  undivided  East 
and  West,  as  the  pattern  to  be  followed : — 

"Mind  not  what  Rome,  what  Greece  has  added  new, 

But  eye  th'  Original,  which  Jesus  drew. 

*  *  *  * 

Good  Shepherds  to  their  Flocks  true  patterns  give, 
How  Sheep  should  pray,  believe,  repent  and  live." 

(II,  p.  208.) 

Humbert  pleads  his  age  and  infirmities,  and  says  but  little. 
Then  Lucio  rises.  He  finds  in  the  Twelve  and  the  Seventy 
of  the  Gospel  story  the  pattern  of  Church  government : — 

"And  the  Distinction  Jesus  first  ordain'd, 
The  Church  in  Priest  and  Bishop  still  maintain' d." 

And  then  gives  a  brief  outline  of  the  history  of  the  Church  of 
the  Apostles.  He  is  followed  by  Justo,  who  expounds  the 
pattern  of  the  "  Ideal  Church  : 


?> 


"  'Tis  to  that  Church  God's  Promises  are  made, 
No  Counterfeit  those  Blessings  can  invade  ; 
That  Church  is  One,  and  will  no  Schisms  endure ; 
Is  holy,  from  notorious  scandals  pure, 
Is  Catholick,  for  Doctrine,  Time  and  Place, 
Receives  all  faithful  Souls  in  her  embrace ; 
The  Apostolick  Truth  has  still  retained, 
With  all  succeeding  Heresies  unstained ; 
She'll  militant  and  visible  appear, 
Though  God  alone  can  number  the  Sincere ; 
She'll  last  till  all  her  ghostly  War  shall  cease, 
And  she  Triumphant  gains  eternal  Peace. 
She'll  no  one  spurious  Fundamental  own, 
She'll  make  no  bold  Encroachments  on  the  Throne." 

(II,  p.  213.) 

Romano  rises  and  reproduces  the   stock  arguments  of  the 
Papal  controversialists  of  the  time  : — 

"  Is  holy  Church  to  Anglia  now  confined  ? 
Does  Anglia  see  when  all  the  World  is  blind  ? 
Shall  we  new  Dictates  on  this  Church  obtrude, 
And  the  great  Western  Patriarch  thus  exclude  ? 


242       KEN  AS  A  POET  AND  THEOLOGIAN,     [chap,  xxviii. 

We  Saxons  have  derived  our  power  from  Rome ; ] 
Can  we  her  Power  thus  to  oblivion  doom  ?  " 

(IL,  p.  216.) 

Lucio  replies,  as  Ken  himself  would  have  done,  had  he  taken 
part  in  the  controversy  : — 

"It  is  no  Schism  from  Errors  to  abstain, 
No  Schism  to  be  what  Jesus'  laws  ordain ; 
It  is  no  Innovation  to  restore, 
And  make  God's  Spouse  as  beauteous  as  before ; 
The  older  Error  is,  it  is  the  worse ; 
Continuation  may  provoke  a  Curse  : 
If  the  dark  Age  obscur'd  our  Fathers'  Sight, 
Must  their  Sons  shut  their  Eyes  against  the  Light  ?  " 

(IL,  p.  217.) 

He  dwells  on  the  earlier  missionary  work  of  the  English 
Church : — 

"  Our  Willibrod  first  Faith  to  Frisia  brought, 

Our  Boniface  the  Truth  to  Germans  taught ; 

We  have  converted  Realms  as  well  as  Rome, 

Yet  no  Dominion  o'er  those  Realms  assume. 
#  #  *  * 

Fraternal  Love  to  Rome  we  gladly  show, 
But  no  Subjection  to  that  Crozier  owe: 
We,  who  of  Rome  a  grateful  Sense  retain, 
Her  Usurpations  justly  may  disdain." 

(IL,p.218.) 

Next  in  order,  Proteo  appears  as  the  advocate  of  Latitudi- 
narianism : — 

"The  Head  of  them 
Who,  Skepticks,  all  religious  Truth  contemn." 

(IL,  p.  219.) 

It  will  be  allowed,  I  think,  that  Ken  allows  Proteo  to  state 
his  case  very  fairly,  in  the  very  accents,  almost,  of  Dryden's 
Religio  Laid : — 

"  If  Right  and  Wrong  we  in  Opinions  own, 
Sure  God  for  their  Opinions  will  damn  none ; 

1  The  reader  will  note  that  Ken  adopts  the  Shakespearian  pronunciation,  as  in 
"there's  room  enough  in  Rome."  Comp.  the  rhymes  "great"  and  "sweet" 
in  p.  239. 


TEE  BROAD  AXB  NARROW  WAY.  243 

Soft  Charity  in  Jesus  is  most  priz'd, 

'Tis  that,  not  Faith,  which  Christians  canoniz'd." 

*  %  •%•  ^ 

"  If  we  should  Tests  on  fickle  Minds  impose, 

We  the  Breach  widen  we  pretend  to  close." 

*  *  *  * 

"  God  in  Variety  takes  most  Delight." 

"  God's  Spouse  knows  what  ^ill  please  her  Lover  best, 
And  in  a  various-coloured  Robe  is  drest." 

"  One  narrow  Path  a  wand'ring  Soul  may  miss  ; 

God's  Goodness  opens  numerous  Ways  to  Bliss." 

*  *  *  * 

(II.,  p.  220.) 

His  comprehensiveness,  however — and  this  was  probably  the 
lesson  Ken  had  learnt  from  the  Latitudinarians  of  his  time — 
runs  sooner  or  later  into  pure  and  simple  Erastianism  in  doc- 
trine as  well  as  polity,  and  Proteo1  is  but  a  "  state  cameleon:" — 

"  We  by  Experience  learn  that  all  Eestraints 
Make  numerous  Hypocrites  but  rarely  Saints ; 
Yet  God's  Anointed  Proteo 's  Faith  shall  sway ; 
'Tis  mortal  error  Kings  to  disobey." 

(II.,  p.  221.) 

Proteo  is  answered  by  Lucio  : — 

u  Errors  into  unnumbered  Mazes  run, 
Truth,  like  the  Godhead,  always  is  but  One. 
Variety  in  Error  God  abhors, 
Against  high  Heaven  it  makes  perpetual  Wars ; 
From  the  broad  Way  God  every  soul  deters  ; 
And  shews  the  Narrow,  where  none  ever  errs." 

He  states  the  limits  of  Church  fellowship  : — 

"  We  with  all  Churches  in  Communion  join, 
As  far  as  they  to  Fontal  Truth  incline  ; 
Nothing  can  us  of  Charity  bereave, 
We  pray  for  those  whose  Pray'rs  we  justly  leave." 

(II.,  pp.  222—3.) 

1  Is  Proteo  meant  for  Tillotson  ?     (See  p.  79.) 


244       KEN  AS  A  POET  AND  THEOLOGIAN,     [chap,  xxviii. 

Finally,  the  Synod  decides  on  accepting  the  Nicene  Creed 
and  the  first  Six  General  Councils  as  the  standard  of  doctrine, 
in  words  which  remind  us  of  Ken's  will : — 

"  In  them  they  own'd  true  Catholick  Consent, 
Ere  East  from  West  deplorably  was  rent." 

(II.,  p.  224.) 

They  adopt  canons  for  the  special  government  of  the  Anglican 
Church.  The  Bible,  interpreted  by  Catholic  tradition,1  is  the 
basis  of  the  Church's  teaching.  The  claims  of  Rome  are 
rejected : — 

"If  any  Church  must  the  chief  Honour  share, 
It  is  not  Peter's,  but  bless'd  Jesus'  chair ;  " 

(II.,  p.  225.) 

i.e.  the  Mother  Church  of  Jerusalem. 

They  assert  the  communion  of  the  laity,  as  well  as  clergy,  in 
both  kinds,  and  reject  tran substantiation,  "purgatory  tales,"  and 
undue  veneration  to  images.  They  will  not  dogmatise  on  pre- 
destination— 

"but  agree 
That  both  God's  Grace  and  human  Will  were  free." 

They  assert  that  "  Jesus  dyed  for  all."     They — 

"Censur'd  no  Church  for  disagreeing  Rite, 
Lov'd  Lamps  of  any  Fashion  with  true  Light." 

(II.,  p.  227.) 

Prayers  are  to  be  said  in  a  "  tongue  understanded  of  the 
people."  "Stations  and  paschal  fasts"  are  to  be  restored  as 
helps  to  discipline.     Festivals  are — 

"For  Annual  Catechisms  to  weaker  Brains." 

(II.,  p.  228.) 

The  penitential  discipline  of  the  Church  is  to  be  revived  and 
enforced.2  Convents  should  be  retained,  but  bishops  should 
have  power  to  apply  their  surplus  wealth  to  "  pious  uses."     No 

1  He  is  careful,  however,  to  qualify  the  statement :  "  Tradition,  when  derived 
from  God  alone,"  for  "  God  only  souls  infallibly  can  guide,"  thus  taking  up  a 
position  like  that  of  Hales  and  Chillingworth. — [C.  J.  P.] 

2  The  reader  will  recollect  one  example  of  this  during  Ken's  episcopate 
(i.  250). 


THE  IDEAL  PRIEST.  245 

priests  are  to  be,  as  such,  "  exempted  from  the  civil  Rod."  The 
marriage  of  the  clergy  is  to  be  permitted.  Solitary  masses, 
"  reliques  canonis'd,"  and  indulgences  are  forbidden,  as  also 
the  use  of  "  lustration  water  "  and  other — 

"  Customs  from  Pagans  borrowed,  or  from  Jew." 

Finally,  when  all  this  is  settled,  Humbert  reminds  them  that 
above  all  the  clergy  must  be  examples  to  the  flock,  for — 

"  Our  best  Arguments  are  holy  Lives," 

(EL,  p.  234.) 

and  draws  a  picture  of  what  a  priest  should  be,  in  which  we 
may  recognise,  in  part,  the  ideal  at  which  Ken  consciously  aimed 
all  his  life  long,  in  part  also,  an  unconscious  portrait  of  his  own 
character  and  life  : — x 

"  Give  me  the  Priest  these  Graces  shall  possess  ; 

Of  an  Ambassador  the  just  Address, 

A  Father's  Tenderness,  a  Shepherd's  Care, 

A  Leader's  Courage,  which  the  Cross  can  bear, 

A  Ruler's  Arm,  a  Watchman's  wakeful  Eye, 

A  Pilot's  Skill  the  Helm  in  Storms  to  ply, 

A  Fisher's  Patience  and  a  Lab'rer's  Toil, 

A  Guide's  Dexterity  to  disembroil, 

A  Prophet's  Inspiration  from  Above, 

A  Teacher's  Knowledge,  and  a  Saviour's  Love. 

Give  me  the  Priest,  a  Light  upon  a  Hill, 

Whose  Rays  his  whole  Circumference  can  fill ; 

In  God's  own  Word,  and  sacred  Learning  vers'd, 

Deep  in  the  Study  of  the  Heart  immers'd, 

Who  in  such  Souls  can  the  Disease  descry, 

And  wisely  fit  Restoratives  apply. 

*  *  *  * 

The  ideal  of  a  bishop's  character  is  naturally  that  of  a  priest 
on  a  higher  level,  and,  as  it  were,  transfigured  : — 

"Bishops  are  Priests  sublim'd,  are  Angels  stiled, 
And  they  should  live,  like  Angels,  undefil'd ; 
In  an  enlighten'd  Love  should  spend  their  Days, 
In  pure  Intention,  Joy,  Obedience,  Praise ; 

1  A  like  self-portrait ure,  also,  of  course,  in  the  form  of  an  ideal  character,  is 
found  in  Hymnotheo  (iii.  pp.  56,  57),  which  I  have  not  space  to  quote. 

VOL.    II.  R 


246  KEN  AS  POET  AND  THEOLOGIAN,    [chap.  xxvm. 

Should  here  on  Earth  be  Ghiardians  to  the  Fold, 
And  God,  by  Contemplation  still  behold. 
High  Priests  had,  on  the  Plate  fix'd  on  their  Breast, 
For  a  Memorial,  the  Tribes'  Names  imprest; 
Thus  every  Bishop  on  his  Breast  should  grave 
The  Names  of  those  whom  he  is  charg'd  to  Bave, 
That  he  may  lead  and  warn  them  Day  and  Night, 
And  in  his  Prayers  their  ghostly  Wants  recite ; 
That  he  may  ever  lodge  them  near  his  Heart, 
And  in  their  Sorrows  bear  Paternal  Part. 
We,  the  more  Spirits  we  from  Dross  refine, 

In  higher  Thrones  and  brighter  Pays  shall  shine." 
*  *  *  * 

(II.,  p.  231—3.) 

I  would  fain  go  on  quoting,  but  the  narrowing  limits  of  space 
warn  me  that  I  must  refrain.  One  passage,  however,  in  the 
Hymnarium,  p.  131  (in  the  same  volume  with  Edmund,  but  with 
a  separate  pagination),  calls  for  notice,  as  showing  how  fully 
Ken  shared  in  the  wider  hope  for  the  heathen,  which  in  the 
seventeenth  century  began  to  be  asserted,  as  by  Chillingworth, 
Barrow,  and  other  Anglican  divines,  so  also  by  the  Jesuit 
theologians  on  the  one  side,  by  Milton,  Barclay,  and  Penn  on 
the  other : ! — 

"  Thought,"  I.e.  man's  faculty  of  spiritual  apprehension,  is 
personified  as  led  by  Lazarus  through  the  unseen  world : — 

"  Thought,  then  by  Lazarus  o'er  Hades  led, 

The  Eegion  of  the  happy  Dead, 

Saw  Infants  numberless,  who,  pure 
From  wilful  Sin,  seem'd  to  die  immature ; 

Yet  ripe  for  Heaven,  lodg'd  safe  above 

From  111,  which  might  deflour  their  Love : 
Thought  in  the  outward  Court  of  Hades  bless'd, 
Saw  numerous  Soids,  cloth'd  in  a  dusky  Vest. 
'These  are,'  said  Lazarus,  'of  the  G  a  utile  Pace, 

Trophies  of  Universal  Grace.'  "- 

And  then  Lazarus  leads  the  pilgrim  to  Socrates,  as  the  great 

1  See  the  preeenl  writer's  8p  n,  ch.  vi.,  "  On  the  Salvation  of  tin- 

Heathen." 
-  Compart   Kymttothto,  p.  160,  "God'a  Lov<  to  human  Race  is nnconfined." 


THE  WIDER  HOPE.  247 

representative  instance  of  heathen  wisdom  and  righteousness, 
and  hears  his  story  : — 

"  'Know,'  Socrates  reply' d, 
1 1  for  the  one  true  God  a  Martyr  dy'd ; 
I  knew  great  God  by  native  Light, 
And  Conscience  told  me  what  was  right ; 
%  %  %  * 

My  soul  with  'Miserere  left  my  Clay, 

And,  as  I  rov'd  to  find  the  happy  Way, 

An  Angel  brought  me  to  the  Judgment  Seat ; 

And,  prostrate  at  God's  Feet, 
Taught  me  the  Virtue  of  the  promis'd  Seed, 

With  humble  Confidence,  to  plead ; 
No  Gentiles  to  this  Eegion  ever  came 
But  Pardon  gained  by  that  and  by  no  other  Name.'  " 

{Uymnarium,  pp.  131,  132.) 

"Thought"  finds  in  this  the  explanation  of  the  promise  to 
the  penitent  robber,  who — 

"As  he  breath' d  his  last, 
Or,  as  to  Paradise  he  pass'd, 
By  some  good  Angel  catechis'd, 
E'er  he  reached  Bliss,  all  saving  Truth  compris'd." 

And  then  Socrates  continues  : — 

' '  God,  when  Himself  to  Israel  he  reveal'd, 
Our  Reprobation  never  seal'd  ; 
We  hymn  God's  Goodness,  who  decreed 
A  lighter  yoke  for  us  than  Abram's  Seed ; 
* "  *  *  * 

The  more  enlighten' d  Souls  more  happy  are ; 
We  have  of  Bliss  a  just,  though  lesser,  Share, 

And  the  Philanthropy  Divine 
More  in  our  Bliss  than  their' s  we  judge  to  shine ; 

Since  we  the  Grace  that  we  obtain, 
By  Super- effluence  uncovenanted  gain." 

(Hymnarium,  p.  133.) 

And  so  "  Thought  "  passes  on  from  height  to  height,  and 
Gabriel  takes  the  place  of  Lazarus,  and  leads  him  where  the 
Church  Militant  stands  with  the  Angel  at  the  Gate.  Romano 
and  Sectario  find  it  hard  to  enter  in,  and  have  to  wait  a  while,  but 

r2 


248  KEN  As  POET  AND  THEOLOGIAN,  [chap,  xxvin. 

the  true  sons  of  the  Church  Catholick  in  Britain  find  a  prompt 
admission,  and  the  pilgrim  and  his  guide  mount,  like  Dante  and 
Beatrice,  "  in  one  minute  "  ten  million  miles  to  the  solar  beam, 
and  the  "forty  thousand  leagues  of  a  star's  diurnal  way''  are 
traversed  by  them  "in  one  Pulse,  as  Sages  say."  But  as  yet, 
they  see  not  all : — 

11  The  Glories  of  this  upper  World, 
Till  the  Great  Day,  will  never  be  unfurl'd, 
But  Saints,  who  beatifick  Vision  gain, 

Will  see  all  Wonders  plain, 
From  the  first  Sphere,  which  all  the  Globe  contains, 
Down  to  the  least  of  all  the  sandy  Grains." 

Hymn.,  ii.,  p.  139.- 

I  ask  myself  as  I  read  this,  whether  Ken,  who  was,  it  will  be 
remembered,  an  Italian  scholar,  was  not  in  all  this  consciously 
following  in  the  steps  of  the  pilgrims  of  the  Commedia,  thinking, 
it  may  be,  that  Lazarus,  the  Lazarus  of  the  Parable,  was  a  better 
guide  than  Virgil,  and  rejoicing  that  a  clearer  vision  had  been 
given  to  him  of  the  state  of  unbaptized  children,  and  of  the 
heathen  who  knew  not  God  as  revealed  in  Christ,  than  had  been 
given  to  the  Florentine.1  Here  we  have  some  better  thing  than 
the  "  sighs  of  a  sorrow  without  pain/'  or  the  longings  of  those  who 
"  without  hope  live  ever  in  desire."  The  poem  from  which  I 
quote  is  the  last  and  fullest  in  the  Hymnarium.  It  seems  to  me 
the  completest  utterance  of  Ken's  faith,  his  TheodikcBd,  by  which 
he  sought  to  "  vindicate  the  ways  of  God  to  man." 

I  must  quote  yet  a  few  more  passages  which  seem  to  me  to 
bear  on  Ken's  life  and  character.  This,  which  follows,  is  also  in 
the  Hymnarium,  and  its  subject  is  Eternity.  As  he  meditates 
on  that  attribute  he  finds  it  more  and  more  incomprehensible. 
It  is  something  more  than  "  infinite  duration,"  for  it  excludes 
" succession,"  and  "Eternity  admits  no  Past."  It  is  "one  fix'd 
Eternal  Standing  Now."  As  he  contemplates  it,  he  remembers 
the  old  legend  of  the  Monk  and  the  Bird  : — 

"I  thought  on  the  Recluse,  perplex' d, 
As  he  at  Matines  sang  the  Text, 

1  In  Ken's  "There  is  no  hope  in  ll<  11  "  we  have  a  distinct  echo  of  Inf.  iii.  9, 


THE  MONK  AND  THE  BIRD.  249 

That  one  short  Day  in  Godhead's  Eyes, 

A  thousand  Years  would  equalize ; 
Till  a  wing'd  Envoy  from  the  Airy  Sphere 
Was  sent  by  Heaven,  the  Mystery  to  clear. 

"The  Bird  by  his  harmonious  Note, 
Allur'd  him  to  a  Wood  remote ; 
Three  Centuries  her  song  he  heard, 
Which  not  three  Hours  to  him  appear'd, 
While  Grod  to  his  dim- sighted  doubtful  Thought, 
Duration  boundless,  unsuccessive,  taught."1 

Hymn.,  ii.,  p.  10. 

I  cannot  pass  from  this  survey  of  some,  at  least,  of  Ken's 
poems,  without  noticing  the  more  strictly  biographical  element 
in  the  Dedications.  He  seems  to  have  wished  to  transmit  to 
posterity,  through  that  channel,  his  estimate  of  the  character 
of  the  two  men  to  whom  he  felt  most  indebted,  and  whom  he 
most  delighted  to  honour.  He  dedicates  his  first  volume  to  his 
friend  and  protector,  Lord  Weymouth.  He  compares  his  own 
retirement  to  that  of  Gregory  of  Nazianzum,  and  he  writes  at 
least  fourteen  years  after  he  had  entered  on  the  life  of  con- 

1  Of  the  many  books  in  which  the  story  is  found,  I  incline  to  look  to  the  work 
of  Nieremberg,  On  the  Difference  between  Things  Temporal  and  Eternal,  which  has 
met  us  as  a  favourite  with  James  II.  (i.  263),  as  that  to  which  Ken  was  indebted. 
That  work  is  found  among  his  books  at  Longleat,  and  another  by  the  same 
author,  Be  Adoratione,  among  those  at  Wells.  The  story  appears  in  Caxton's 
compilation  from  the  Legenda  Aurea  of  Jacobus  de  Voragine,  the  Gesta  Soma- 
nor  am,  &c,  based  upon  De  Vigny's  French  translation  of  the  former  work,  but  is 
not,  I  am  informed,  in  the  original.  Cornelius  a  Lapide  reproduces  it  in  his 
note  on  2  Pet.  iii.  8,  and  adds  that  the  story  had  been  investigated,  and  that 
its  scene  was  a  monastery  between  Alost  and  Brussels.  Matthias  Faber  (Sermon 
II.  p.  755,  ed.,  1859)  quotes  it  from  the  Speculum  Morale  of  Vincentius  Bellov,  a 
Dominican  friar  of  the  thirteenth  century.  T.  Crofton  Croker,  in  the  Amulet  for 
1827,  gives  it  as  taken  down  from  the  lips  of  an  old  peasant  woman  in  Ireland, 
and  as  quoted  in  an  Italian  devotional  book,  Prato  Fiorito,  from  the  Speculum 
Exemplorum  of  Henricus,  a  writer  of  the  fifteenth  century.  It  has  been  repro- 
duced by  Tholuck  in  his  Stunden  der  Andacht,  p.  462,  5th  ed. ;  in  Kenelm 
Digby's  Broad  Stone  of  Honour  :  Tancredus,  p.  177  ;  by  Longfellow  in  his  Golden 
Legend,  and  by  Trench  in  his  Justin  Martyr  and  other  Poems.  I  am  indebted  to 
C.  J.  P.  and  other  correspondents  for  the  statements  that  I  have  thus  brought 
together,  but  I  have  not  had  the  opportunity  of  verifying  all  the  references.  The 
underlying  thought  is  identical  with  that  of  the  Seven  Sleepers  of  Ephesus, 
which  fascinated  Gibbon  (Ch.  xxxiii.  ad  Jin.),  which  Mahomet  introduced  in  the 
Koran  (Sura,  xviii.),  and  to  which  Gregory  of  Tours  {de  Gloria  Martyrum, 
I.  c.  95)  gave  currency  in  Europe. 


250  KEN  AS  POET  AND  THEOLOGIAN,    [chap.  xxvm. 

stunt  Buffering  of  which  his  letters  bear  60  many  traces.     In 
one  respect,  he  says,  his  lot  is  happier  than  that  of  Gregory  : — 

"When  I,  my  Lord,  crush'd  by  prevailing  Might, 
No  Cottage  had  where  to  direct  my  Flight ; 
Kind  Heav'n  me  with  a  Friend  Illustrious  blest, 
Who  gives  me  Shelter,  Affluence,  and  Rest ; 
In  this  alone  I  Gregory  outdo, 
That  I  much  happier  Refuge  have  in  you; 
Where  to  my  Closet  I  to  Hymn  retire, 
On  this  side  Heav'n  have  nothing  to  desire. 
#  #  #  * 

I  the  small  dol'rous  Remnant  of  my  Days, 
Devote  to  hymn  my  groat  Redeemer's  Praise  ; 
I,  nearer  as  I  draw  towards  Heavenly  Rest, 
The  more  I  love  th'  Employment  of  the  blest. 
In  that  Employment  while  my  Hours  I  spend, 
This  Prayer  I  offer  for  my  Noble  Friend, 
Whose  shades  benign  to  sacred  Songs  invite, 
AVho  to  those  Songs  may  claim  Paternal  Right : 
Rich  as  He  is  in  all  good  Works  below, 
May  He  in  Heav'nly  Treasure  overflow  !  " 

(I.  Dedication,  ad  Jin.) 

So  in  like  manner  he  dedicates  his  Hijmnarium  to  the  friend 
whom  he  had  virtually  chosen  as  his  successor.  He,  in  his  age 
and  retirement,  stands  to  Hooper  in  the  same  relation  that 
Valerius,  Bishop  of  Hippo,  did  to  Augustine.  He  had  grieved 
as  he  saw  his  flock  wandering  on  the  dark  mountain  of  error ; 
and  then,  in  a  line  which  was  musical  to  his  ear  with  one  of  the 
compound  words  in  which  he  most  delighted, 

"  Heaven,  my  Lord,  super- effluently  kind,1 
In  you,  sent  a  Successor  to  my  Mind ; 
In  you  all  Austine's  virtues  are  supply'd, 
Too  bright  for  your  Humility  to  hide. 
I  on  a  load  presum'd  I  could  not  bear, 
Happy  presumption  which  enforc'd  my  I'ray'r! 
Since  Heav'n  thence  took  occasion  you  to  rear, 
You,  who  irradiate  all  the  sacred  Sphere; 
Sou,  in  whose  ('an'  I  feci  as  full  Repose, 
As  old  Valerius  when  ho  Austino  chose. 
i  I.  iis;;;  ii  92,  L32,  217. 


nisirop  hooper.  251 

Accept,  my  Lord,  the  Products  of  that  Ease 
You  gave,  when  you  accepted  of  my  Keys ; 

0  may  the  Flock  a  grateful  Sense  retain, 

Of  Blessings,  which  they  in  your  Conduct  gain ; 

1  in  my  Requiem  Hymn  God's  Love  will  sing, 
For  shelt'ring  them  in  your  paternal  Wing." 

{Dedication,  p.  v.) 

And  at  the  close  of  the  volume  there  is  what  Ken  calls  a 
Ritornello — one  notes  in  passing  the  familiarity  which  this  in- 
dicates with  the  forms  of  Italian  poetry,  as  confirming  the  con- 
jecture I  have  ventured  on  above  (p.  248) — in  which,  with 
an  almost  childlike  simplicity,  he  pours  forth  his  admiration  of 
a  learning  which  he  venerated  as  far  wider  than  his  own : 

"  Song,  silent  at  the  Closet  Door  attend, 
Of  my  sweet-temper'd,  venerable  Friend  ; 
You'll  him  the  sacred  Volume  reading  find, 
Submissively  to  search  his  Maker's  Mind  ; 
The  Glosses  of  bold  Criticks  to  expose, 
And  the  full  Force  of  the  bless'd  Tongue  disclose  ; 
Or  by  his  Pray'rs  hard  Places  to  unfold, 
Or  to  extract  from  Mud  rabbinick  Gold  ; 
Or  he  the  rich  Chaldsean  Treasure  drains, 
Or  Wealth  of  Zabian,  and  the  Syrian  Plains ; 
Or  he  digs  deep  in  the  Arabian  Mine, 
For  Ore,  which  he  expends  on  Writ  Divine ; 
Or  he  from  Latian  and  the  Grecian  shores, 
Himself  with  sacred  Erudition  stores ; 
Or  he  is  on  his  Past'ral  Care  intent, 
To  guide  his  Sheep,  and  Strayings  to  prevent ; 
Or  he,  consulted,  gives  Responses  clear, 
Which  move  the  Church  his  Wisdom  to  revere ; 
Or,  if  his  Mind  he  for  awhile  unbends, 
He  Minutes  in  his  youthful  Study  spends, 
Some  philosophick  Treatise  to  peruse, 
Or  on  Depths  Mathematical  to  muse ; 
Or,  to  range  o'er  the  Modern  Tongues,  to  view 
What  they  improve,  or  steal,  or  boast  of  new.1 

1  The  subjects  of  Hooper's  chief  works  are  sufficiently  suggestive  of  the  range 
of  his  attainments  :  (1)  A  Discourse  concerning  Lent,  giving  an  elaborate  history  of 
its  origin  and  observance  ;  (2)  The  Church  of  England  free  from  the  Imputation  of 
Popery;  (3)  A  Latin  treatise,  Be   Valentinianorum  Hceresi ;  (4)  An  Enquiry  into 


252  KEN  AS  POET  AXD  THEOLOGIAN.   [chai».  xxviii. 

Stay,  Song,  till  leisure  Moments  yon  descry, 
Then  bow  to  his  judicious  candid  Eye." 

One  cannot  help  feeling,  as  one  reads  this  tribute  at  the  close 
of  Ken's  life  to  the  higher  wisdom  of  his  friends,  how  "earthly 
happier"  his  own  lot  might  have  been,  had  he,  on  that  memo- 
rable night  at  Lambeth  (p.  43),  been  not  "almost,  but  alto- 
gether," persuaded  to  follow  his  friend's  example,  and  to  take 
the  oaths  which,  the  next  morning,  he  resolved  not  to  take. 
Did  some  feeling  of  regret  come  over  him,  as  the  shadows 
lengthened,  that  he  had  taken  a  course  which  had  brought  so 
much  suffering  on  himself  and  others,  and  had  all  but  involved 
the  Church  which  he  loved  so  dearly,  in  the  misery  of  a  per- 
petuated schism  ?     Or  did  he  satisfy  himself,  as  such  a  man 
might  well  do,  with  the  thought  that  he  had  then  acted  as  his 
conscience  prompted  him  ;  that  if  he   had  been  in  any  way 
biassed,  it  was  by  the  attraction  of  what  seemed  to  him  the 
"doctrine  of  the  cross;"  that,  as  it  was,  privation,  suffering, 
pain  had  entered  into  the  discipline  of  his  life,  and  had  brought 
him  to  the  haven  where  he  would  be  ?   We  ask  these  questions, 
and  feel  that  we  cannot  answer  them.     It  is  enough  for  us  to 
know,  as  these  latest  utterances  tell  us,  that  he  could,  at  last, 
pour  forth  his  swan- song  as  a  Nunc  dimittis.     Now,  at  last,  he 
could  say,  after  the  storms  and  troubles  of  his  life,  that  all 
was  well;  that  it  was  given  to  him  to  depart  in  peace,  with 
brighter  hopes  for  the  flock,  for  which  he  would  gladly  have  laid 
down  his  life,  and  for  the  Church,  which  he  had  served  not  less 
faithfully,  if  less  wisely,  than  his  friend. 

I  proceed  to  give  a  few  of  the  short  epigrammatic  lines  of 
which  I  have  spoken  as  found,  not  rarely,  in  Ken's  poems. 

(1.)  Dipsychus,1  the  double-minded  man  : — 

"  He  acts  the  Hermaphrodite  of  Good  and  111, 
But  God  detests  his  double  Heart  and  Will ; 
He  lives  two  men,  and  yet  but  one  he  dies." 

(II.,  p.  116.) 

Ancient  Weight*  and  Measures;  (5)  A  treatise  on  Jacob's  Blessing  (iivn.  xlix.),  in 
the   Hebrew  and  Arabic  texts;   beside  many  Bermons.     He  had  read  with 
fococke,  thi   great  Orientalist. — Cassan,   Lives  of  Bishops  of  Bath  <t>ul  Jfu/ix, 
u.  p.  L68. 
'  (See  Jami  b  I.,  S* 


GUESSES  AT  TRUTH.  253 

(2.)  The  Palace  of  Error  :— 

"  There  half  learn'd  Clubs  fallacious  volumes  vend, 

And  Critics  spoil  the  Authors  they  amend. 
#  ■%■  *  * 

False  Prophets  here  false  pleasing  Things  presage, 
And  wrest  th'  Apocalypse  to  fool  the  age." 

1 '  The  rising  Side  in  Church,  in  State,  they  take, 
Which,  when  it  sinks,  the  Yermin  all  forsake." 

(II.,  pp.  118,  119.) 

(3.)  Vertumno,  the  Trimmer  and  Erastian  : — 

' '  He  t'  all  Religions  opens  the  wide  Gate, 
Damns  none  but  those  who  enter  at  the  Strait." 

(II,  p.  119.) 
(4.)  Counsels : — 

"  To  keep  all  Men  your  Friends  yet  trust  but  few." 

(II,  p.  153.) 

(5.)  The  World:— 

"  You  short-liv'd,  little,  despicable  Thing, 
You  that  have  nothing  certain  but  your  Sting." 

(II,  p.  140.) 
(6.)  Late  Repentance  : — 

"  His  youthful  Heat  and  Strength  for  Sin  engage  ; 
God  has  the  Caput  Mortuum  of  his  age." 

(II,  p.  138.) 
(7.)  Apparent  Failure  : — 

"  Short  of  my  Aim  I  infinitely  fall ; 
I  love  Thee,  Lord,  I  love,  and  that  is  all." 

(II,  p.  166.) 
(8.)  Youthful  Piety:— 

"  Few  years  will  wash  away  unwilful  Taints ; 
Religious  Children  soon  grow  aged  Saints." 

(Ill,  p.  128.) 
(9.)  Callousness  in  Vice  : — 

"As  petrifying  Fountain,  by  degrees 
Into  a  solid  Stone  soft  Willows  freeze, 
In  sensual  Pleasures  thus  my  Soul  immers'd 
Turn'd  Marble." 

(Ill,  p.  120.) 


254  KEN  AS  POET  AND   THEOLOGIAN,    [chap,  xxviii. 

(10.)   The  Pure  in  Heart  :— 

"Whom  no  0710  fashionable  Vice  can  taint, 

Who  in  a  Sodom  can  continue  Saint." 

(III.,  p.  57.) 
(11.)  Prayer  and  Praise  :  — 

"  Pray'r  often  errs  ;  Praise  is  that  Grace  alone 
Which  true  Infallibility  may  own." 

(III.,  p.  145.) 
(12.)  The  Misery  of  Sin  :— 

"  To  grieve  Thy  Love  is  ante-dated  Hell." 

(III.,  p.  369.) 
(13.)  Confession  : — 

"  Confessions  private  at  their  Chairs  are  made, 

Which  they  to  Souls  command  not,  but  persuade." 

(III.,  p.  75.) 

I  have  reserved  to  the  last  a  passage  which  seems  to  me  in- 
finitely pathetic  in  its  autobiographic  interest.  Ken  paints  in 
Edmund  his  ideal  of  manhood.  In  Edmund's  bride,  Hilda  (not 
the  saint  of  Whitby),  he  paints  his  ideal  of  womanhood.  The 
picture  is  a  somewhat  full  one,  and  I  must  content  myself  with 
a  few  of  the  more  striking  features  of  it : — 

"No  vain  Expense  she  on  herself  bestow'd, 
A  Spirit  frugal,  and  3ret  gen'rous,  show'd. 

The  Poor  had  an  allotted  lib'ral  share, 
In  all  that  she  with  Decency  could  spare ; 
Her  Speech  was  uncensorious  and  restrain'd, 
All  that  she  spoke  a  pleas'd  Attention  gain'd. 

Her  usual  Dress  was  comely,  never  gay, 

No  new  vain  Fashion  could  her  Judgment  sway. 

■■;■  *  *  * 

She  could  no  Praise,  no  Flatt'ry  ever  bear  ; 

She  seem'd  to  have  ne'er  known  thai  she  was  fair. 

Meek  in  Command,  of  Conversation  sweet, 

Free  from  harsh  Words.  Disdain.  Pride,  peevish  Heat; 

In  well-chose  Friendships  constant  and  sincere, 

And  pitiful,  when  fore'd  to  be  severe. 


IDEAL  OF  W0MA1SFI00B.  255 

Women  and  Virgins  she  to  serve  her  chose, 
Whom  best  she  could  to  Discipline  dispose  ; 
These  by  Example,  more  than  Force  she  train'd, 
And  proper  Works  for  every  one  ordain' d  ; 
At  work  she  charm'd  them  with  her  sweet  Converse, 
Which  she  with  pleasant  things  would  intersperse. 
a-  a-  a-  •& 

And  when  she  any  naked  Wretches  spy'd, 
Out  of  her  Ward-robe  she  their  Wants  supply 'd. 
Schools  she  built  for  her  Sex,  and  Laws  ordain'd, 
That  they  to  Work  and  Virtue  might  be  train'd  ; 
Large  Hospitals  she  built,  and  there  would  spend 
Choice  Hours,  the  Sick  with  Sweetness  to  attend ; 
With  tender  Heart  she  Jesus'  Brethren  fed, 
Could  bear  the  Stench  of  a  Poor  Man's  sick  Bed ; 

*  #  * '  * 

She  Visits  in  Disguise  to  Prisons  made, 

And  by  a  Hand  unknown  their  Debts  were  paid ; 

Early  she  rose  ;  her  dressing  was  in  haste, 

Would  at  her  Toylet  but  few  Minutes  waste. 

*  *  *  # 

God  was  her  constant  Sovereign,  dearest  Care, 
Her  Closet  fum'd  with  th'  Incense  of  her  Prayer ; 
Three  Times  a  Day  she  would  for  Prayer  retire, 
Daily  frequented  twice  the  public  Choir ; 
Her  Library  was  with  her  Bible  fill'd, 
And  with  good  Books  which  Piety  instill'd  ; 

*  #  *  * 

And  oft  spent  piously  diverting  Hours, 
As  Jesus  midst  the  Lillies,  midst  her  Flowers : 
The  Fasts  and  Feasts  of  Holy  Church  she  kept, 
And  oft  in  secret  for  the  Kingdom  wept ; 
She  each  Lord's  Day  on  the  immortal  Bread 
With  sacred  Hunger  at  the  Altar  fed  ; 
She  liv'd  Grod's  Constant  Lover,  hating  ill, 
Conform  both  to  his  Image  and  his  Will." 

(II.,  pp.  273—275.) 

I  agree  with  Anderdon  (p.  183)  in  thinking  it  impossible  to 
compare  this  description  with  that  given  of  Lady  Margaret  May- 
nard  in  Ken's  Funeral  Sermon,  without  feeling  that  the  one  is 
the  idealised  expansion  of  the  other.    And  on  this  supposition  we 


256  KEN  AS  POET  AND  THEOLOGIAN,    [chap,   xxviii. 

have  to  think  of  the  old  man  in  the  later  years  of  his  life — I 
have  proved  that  Edmund  belongs  to  that  period — as  going  back 
in  memory  to  those  early  years  that  now  lay  nearly  half  a  century 
behind  him,  and  still  dwelling  on  the  vision  of  the  beauty  of  holi- 
ness, which  had  then  been  granted  to  him.  Different  as  the  two 
men  were  in  power  and  character,  there  was  this  in  common  to 
both  Ken  and  Dante,  that  each  cherished,  all  his  life  long,  the 
recollection  of  an  idealising  devotion,  suggested  by  the  presence 
of  one  in  whom  all  that  he  most  reverenced  and  loved  was  free 
from  every  touch  of  baseness.  He  found  his  Beatrice  in  the 
Lady  Margaret,  the  Monica  or  Proba,  as  he  calls  her,  of  Little 
Easton.  He  had,  for  not  a  few  years,  guided  her  spiritual  life, 
and  in  doing  so,  had  found  that  she  was  in  reality  guiding  him 
in  the  paths  of  purity  and  peace.  In  the  hours  of  weariness  and 
pain,  in  the  epic  in  which  he  hoped  that  he  should  live  to  a 
future  generation,  he  enshrined  her  memory  with  a  loving  and 
loyal  tenderness,  which,  to  those  who  enter  into  the  heart  as 
well  as  brain  of  a  poet,  more  than  redeems  his  work  from  its 
occasional  prosaic  heaviness.  I  feel,  as  I  read  the  words  in 
which  he  tries  to  set  forth  her  true  likeness,  that  I  understand 
Ken  better  than  I  have  done  before,  and  find  him,  in  the  end 
as  in  the  beginning  of  his  life,  more  loveable  and  human.  If 
there  was  in  his  experience  the  bitterness  which  the  heart  knew 
for  itself,  there  was  also  the  joy  with  which  a  stranger  doth 
not  intermeddle.1 

1  Of  the  Anodynes  I  have  spoken  sufficiently  in  Chapter  xxvi.  The  other 
poems,  the  series  of  Psyche  or  Magdalum,  Sum  or  Philothea,  Urania  or  The  Spouse' t 
Garden,  call  for  a  passing  notice  as  being  possibly,  I  think,  an  idealised  picture  of 
the  life  of  the  Sisterhood  at  Naish,  especially  in  the  loving  care  for  the  souls  of 
penitents.  On  this  supposition  we  may  trace  a  half-conscious  portraitu] 
Ken  himself  in  the  character  of  Gratian  as  the  spiritual  director  of  the  sisterhood 
(see  p.  169).  The  poems  on  Church  Festivals  may,  perhaps,  have  BUggtsted 
Koble's  Christian  Voir.  Could  Ken  have  known  that  they  had  done  so,  be 
would,  1  believe,  have  rejoiced  that  his  own  work  had  been  superseded  hy  a 
poet  with  greater  gilts,  and  have  been  content,  in  his  lowliness,  to  say,  "  He 
must  increase,  but  1  must  decrease." 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

ESTIMATES,    CONTEMPORARY    AND    LATER. 

"  I  have  been  honour'd  and  obey'd, 
I  have  met  scorn  and  slight, 
And  my  heart  loves  earth's  sober  shade 
More  than  her  laughing  light." 

/.  H.  Newman. 

During  the  greater  part  of  Ken's  career  it  might  almost  seem 
as  if  he  were  exposed  to  the  "  woe  "  of  those  of  whom  all  men 
speak  well.  There  must  have  been  something  singularly  win- 
ning and  loveable  in  one  who  gained  the  affection  of  so  many 
men  and  women  of  all  sorts  and  conditions.  His  school  and 
college  friendships  with  Turner,  and  Thynne,  and  Hooper,  and 
Fitzwilliam,  last  through  life.  Morley  and  Walton  look  on 
him  with  almost  paternal  fondness.  In  his  first  parish  he 
becomes  the  confidential  friend  and  adviser  of  a  lady  of  rank 
and  cultivated  excellence.  Lady  Margaret  Maynard's  friend, 
Lady  Warwick,  records  from  time  to  time  in  glowing  terms  the 
impression  made  on  her  by  his  sermons.  A  Winchester  poet 
writes  to  him  on  his  appointment  to  his  bishopric  in  terms  of 
devout  admiration.1  He  attracts  the  respect  of  Charles  and 
James,  even  of  William  and  of  Bentinck.  Mary  does  all 
she  can  to  postpone,  to  the  last  moment,  the  deprivation  which 
could  not  be  averted.  Anne  takes  the  first  opportunity  to  show 
her  reverence  for  him  by  offering  to  re-instate  him,  and  when 
he  refuses,  gives  him  a  pension  for  the  remainder  of  his  life. 

1  Thomas  Fletcher,  of  New  College,  an  under-master  of  Winchester  School. 
He  may  be  identical  with  a  Prebendary  of  Wells  of  that  Dame,  appointed  in 
1696.  I  quote  from  Bowles  (ii.  282)  a  few  words  in  which  Ken  is  described  as 
"  gliding  through  these  peaceful  glades,"  "  like  some  calm  ghost."  The  phrase 
seems  to  me  singularly  suggestive. 


ESTIMATES.  [chap.  xxix. 

His  praises  are  sung  and  his  friendship  courted  by  the  most 
eminent  laymen  of  the  time,  by  John  Evelyn  and  Robert 
Nelson  and  Henry  Dodwell,  by  Lord  Dartmouth  and  Lord 
Weymouth.  In  the  last-named  instance  the  attachment  stood 
the  crucial  test  of  a  twenty  years'  trial  of  the  relation 
between  guest  and  host,  and  remained  unbroken  to  the  end. 
Men  and  women  look  to  him  for  spiritual  comfort  in  their 
hours  of  sorrow,  as  in  the  instances  of  the  Student  Penitent, 
and  the  tragedy  of  Statfold,  and  the  two  "  Ladies  of  Naish." 
Everywhere  he  is  spoken  of  as  the  "  good  Bishop."  In  the 
more  public  portion  of  his  life,  crowds  of  all  classes  flock  to 
his  sermons  at  Whitehall  and  St.  Martin's.  He  is  a  welcome 
guest,  as  at  Longleat,  so  also  at  Leweston,  and  Shottesbrook, 
and  Poulshot,  and  Salisbury,  and  Winchester.  As  in  the  case 
of  Lewis  Southcombe,  he  inspires  in  men  much  younger  than 
himself  the  most  fervent  devotion.  He  becomes,  through  his 
Manual  and  his  Hymns,  as  in  the  case  of  Ambrose  Bonwicke, 
who  read  the  former  and  sang  the  latter  daily,  the  spiritual 
guide  of  young  devout  souls,  who,  even  though  they  did  not 
know  him  personally,1  thought  of  him  as  the  "  seraphic  pre- 
late." lie  is  taken,  in  the  crisis  of  the  history  of  the  Church 
and  Nation,  into  the  counsels  of  Sancroft  and  his  brother 
Bishops,  of  Lord  Clarendon  and  others,  like-minded  with  him- 
self. Even  Roman  Catholics,  as  in  the  instance  of  the  critic 
who  attacked  his  Bath  sermon,  acknowledge  that  he  had  "  the 
parts  of  an  Orator,  and  would  have  been  an  Evangelical  one 
too,  had  he  but  been  trained  in  the  bosom  of  the  true  Church." 
A  higher  tribute  from  the  same  quarter  comes,  during  his  life- 
time, from  the  pen  of  John  Dryden  in  his  paraphrase  of 
Chaucer's  portrait  of  the  "  poore  Persone  of  a  Towne."2     Most 


1  Mayor,  Life  of  Ambrose  Bonwicke,  pp.  10,  69,  07.  The  young  man  records 
with  reverent  interest  what  he  has  heard  of  Ken's  burial. 

2  I  follow  Andeidon,  Miss  Strickland,  and  the  writer  in  the  Quarterly  Review 
(lxxxix.  306),  in  accepting  the  lines  as  intended  for  Ken.  Dryden  represents  his 
ideal  priest  as  sixty  years  old,  as  a  Non-juror,  as  a  writer  of  hymns,  and  those 
three  elements  meet  in  Ken,  and  do  not  meet  in  any  of  his  noticeable  contem- 
poraries. The  only  point  on  the  other  side  is  that  in  which  the  poet  speaks  of 
his  priest  as  not  " deprived,"  but   that  admits  <'f  the   very  natural  explanation 

that  deprivation  by  Ad  <><  Parliament  was.  from  Dryden's  standpoint,  a  nullity, 
and  that  therefore  Ken's  Leaving  Wells,  and  not  formally  asserting  his  claims 


DRYDEX'S  PARISH  PRIEST.  259 

readers  will,  if  I  mistake  not,  thank  me  for  quoting  the 
poem  somewhat  fully. 

"  A  parish  priest  was  of  the  pilgrim  train, 
An  awful,  reverend,  and  religious  man  ; 
His  eyes  diffused  a  venerable  grace, 
And  charity  itself  was  in  his  face ; 
Rich  was  his  soul,  though  his  attire  was  poor,    \ 
(As  God  had  clothed  his  own  Ambassador,  V 

For  such,  on  earth,  his  blest  Redeemer  bore).     J 
Of  sixty  years  he  seem'd,  and  well  might  last 
To  sixty  more,  but  that  he  liv'd  too  fast ; 
Refined  himself  to  soul,  to  curb  the  sense, 
And  made  almost  a  sin  of  abstinence. 
Yet  had  his  aspect  nothing  of  severe  ; 
But  such  a  face  as  promis'd  him  sincere. 
Nothing  reserv'd,  or  sullen  was  to  see,       \ 
But  sweet  regards  and  pleasing  sanctity ;    > 
Mild  was  his  accent,  and  his  accents  free,   j 
With  eloquence  innate  his  tongue  was  arm'd  ; 
Tho'  harsh  the  precept,  yet  the  preacher  charm' d ; 
For,  letting  down  the  golden  chain  on  high, 
He  drew  his  audience  upward  to  the  sky ; 
And  oft,  with  holy  Hymns,  he  charm'd  their  ears 
(A  music  more  melodious  than  the  spheres) ; 
For  David  left  him,  when  he  went  to  rest, 
His  lyre  ;  and  after  him,  he  sang  the  best. 
He  bore  his  great  Commission  in  his  look  ; 
But  sweetly  temper' d  awe,  and  soften' d  all  he  spoke. 
He  preach' d  the  joys  of  Heaven  and  pains  of  Hell,     j 
And  warn'd  the  sinner  with  becoming  zeal ; 
But  on  eternal  Mercy  lov'd  to  dwell.  ) 

He  taught  the  Gospel  rather  than  the  Law, 
And  forc'd  himself  to  drive,  but  lov'd  to  draw. 
*  #  *  # 

Wide  was  his  parish,  not  contracted  close 

In  streets,  but  here  and  there  a  straggling  house  ; 

against  his  successor,  was  practically  a  voluntary  act.  The  likeness  was  at  all 
events  soon  recognised.  Dryden's  poem  was  published  in  1700,  and  in  1711 
it  was  quoted  as  describing  Ken,  in  the  Preface  to  the  Expostulatoria,  published 
with  his  name.  A  Mend  (C.  J.  P.)  suggests  that  Dryden's  lines  are,  as  a  whole, 
more  applicable  to  Kettlewell  than  to  Ken,  but  Kettlewell  did  not  write  hymns. 


260  ESTIMATES.  i  map.  xxix. 

Yet  still  he  was  al  hand,  without  request. 
To  serve  the  rich,  to  succour  the  distrees'd, 

Tempting  on  foot,  alone,  without  affright. 
The  dangers  of  a  dark,  tempestuous  night.1 

The  proud  he  tamed,  the  penitent  he  cheer'd, 
Nor  to  rebuke  the  rich  offender  fear'd.9 
His  preaching  much,  but  more  his  practice  wrought, 
A  living  sermon  of  the  truths  he  taught. 

*  *  *  * 

The  prelate  for  his  holy  life  he  priz'd, 

The  worldly  pomp  of  prelacy  despis'd. 

His  Saviour  came  not  with  a  gaudy  show, 

Nor  was  His  kingdom  of  the  world  below ; 

Patience  in  want,  and  poverty  of  mind. 

These  marks  of  Church  and  Churchmen  he  designed, 

And  living,  taught,  and  dying,  left  behind. 

*  #  #  * 

Such  was  the  Saint  who  shone  with  every  grace, 
Reflecting,  Moses-like,  his  Maker's  face. 
God  saw  His  image  lively  was  express'd, 
And  his  own  work,  as  in  Creation,  bless' d. 

The  Tempter  saw  him  with  invidious  eye, 
And,  as  on  Job,  demanded  leave  to  try. 
He  took  the  time  when  Richard  was  deposed, 
And  high  and  low  with  happy  Harr}'  closed ; 
This  prince,  though  great  in  arms,  the  priest  withstood, 
Near  though  he  was,  }^et  not  the  next  in  blood. 
Had  Richard  unconstrain'd  resign'd  his  throne,  \ 
A  King  can  give  no  more  than  is  his  own,  v 

The  title  stood  entail'd,  had  Richard  had  a  son.  j 

Conquest,  an  odious  word,  was  laid  aside, 

"Where  all  submitted,  none  the  battle  tried. 

*  * 

He  join'd  not  in  their  choice,  because  he  knew 
Worse  might,  and  often  did,  from  change  ensue; 
Much  to  himself  he  thought,  but  little  spoke ; 

1  Dxyden,  paraphrasing  Chaucer,  had,  of  course,  to  describe  the  life  of  a  pariah 
priest  and  not  of  a  deprived  Bishop;  hut  it  is,  I  think,  probable  that  he  reported 
B  tradition  of  what  Ken's  work  had  hcen  at  Little  Easton,  Brightstone,  Wbod- 
h;iv,  or  St.  John  in  the  Soke. 

We  remember  Charles  II. 's  "  I  must  go  and  hear  little  Ken  tell  me  of  my 
fault 


BISPARA  GEMENT.  261 

And,  undeprived,  his  benefice  forsook. 

Now,  through  the  land  his  cure  of  souls  he  stretch'd, 

And,  like  a  primitive  Apostle,  preach' d ; 

Still  cheerful,  ever  constant  to  his  call, 

By  many  followed,  lov'd  by  most,  admired  by  all. 

*  *  *  % 

With  what  he  begged  his  brethren  he  reliev'd,1. 
And  gave  the  charities  himself  receiv'd, 
Gave  while  he  taught,  and  edified  the  more 
Because  he  shew'd  by  proof  'twas  easy  to  be  poor. 

*  *  *  * 

It  was  not,  of  course,  to  be  expected  that  a  man  of  Ken's 
character  and  in  his  position  should  altogether  escape  the  cen- 
sures of  unsympathising  critics.  Pepys,  from  the  height  of  his 
superior  knowledge,  thought  of  him  as  "  nothing  of  a  natural 
philosopher,"  and  his  sermons,  though  fine,  were  "all  of  forced 
meat "  and  wanting  in  substance.  Others  spoke  of  him  as 
inclined  to  Rome,  and  looked  on  his  celibacy  and  asceticism 
with  suspicion.  The  tongue  of  slander,  as  we  have  seen, 
attacked  him  with  "  immodest  insinuations  "  in  his  own  cathe- 
dral city.  The  via  media,  the  lonely  way,  the  parte  per  se  stesso 
which  he  took,  exposed  him  to  the  attacks  of  extremists  on 
either  side.  Even  Dodwell  for  a  time  thought  him  "  fluctuat- 
ing." The  Jacobites  of  Bristol  spoke  of  him  with  scorn  as  the 
"  poor  gentleman  "  whose  strange  fancies  were  doing  irremedi- 
able mischief  to  their  cause,  and  Hickes  talked  of  his  "  wheed- 
ling "  ways.  .  And,  on  the  other  side,  the  violent  Whigs 
attacked  him,  as  in  the  Modest  Enquiry,  as  skilled  chiefly  in 
"  persuading  silly  old  women  to  tell  down  their  dust."  The 
most  systematic  depreciation  came,  however,  as  we  have  seen, 
from  the  pen  of  Burnet,  between  whom  and  Ken  there  seems 
to  have  been  a  feeling  of  mutual  repulsion,  and  with  the  single 
exception  of  his  acknowledging  that  he  spoke  by  the  death- 
bed of  Charles  II.  "  as  a  man  inspired,"  he  seems  never  to  lose 
an  opportunity  of  a  fling  at  him.2 

In  striking  contrast  with  these  disparaging  estimates  we  have 
that  of  Ken's   friend,   Dr.  Fitzwilliam,   in   a   letter    to   Lady 

1  See  Ken's  action  on  behalf  of  the  Non-juring  clergy  (p.  96). 

2  See  i.  pp.  179,  180,  185  n.  :   ii.  pp.  66,  136. 

VOL.   II.  S 


262  ESTIMATES.  [chap,  xxix. 

Rachel  Russell  (1689).1  ''The  Bishop  of  Bath,"  he  says, 
"though  his  conscience  may  be  tauter,  hath  this  tenderness 
without  weakness  ;  his  head,  if  I  know  anything  by  him,2  or 
can  judge  anything  of  him,  being  as  full  of  clear  light  as  his 
heart  is  of  devout  heat." 

In  the  year  of  Ken's  death  (1711),  his  memory  received  a 
tribute  of  another  kind.  The  Rev.  Joseph  Perkins,  who  filled 
the  post  of  Latin  Poet  Laureate  to  the  Queen,  published  an 
elegy  in  both  Latin  and  English.  I  quote  from  the  English 
version  a  few  passages  which  connect  themselves  with  some  of 
the  facts  of  Ken's  life. 

' '  Turner  and  Kenn  London  affords  no  room  ; 
These  noble  guests  both  to  my  lodgings  come."a 

Of  Monmouth's  rebellion  he  writes — 

■ '  An  hundred  criminals  in  prison  lye, 
By  iEacus4  condemned  all  to  die, 
But  Ken,  renowned  Ken,  their  pardon  sought 
And  life  and  safety  to  the  captive  brought." 

Of  the  Princess  Anne  at  Bath — 

"  When  to  the  Baths  her  Royal  Highness  came,5 
Kenn  made  the  Abbey  Church  resound  his  fame  " 

Of  the  Trial  of  the  Seven  Bishops — 

"When,  from  the  Tower  freed,  brave  Kenn  returns, 
In  every  street  a  blazing  bonfire  burns." 

1  The  letter  is  not  printed  in  Lady  Rachel's  correspondence,  but  is  found  among 
tho  Fitzwilliam  MSS.  in  the  Bodleian  Library. 

2  The  reader  will  note  the;  uso  of  the  preposition  in  its  old  sense  as  in  the  A.Y. 
of  1  Cor.  iv.  4. 

3  Perkins  lived  at  Woodmansterne,  in  Surrey  ;  but,  perhaps,  the  word 
••  Lodgings"  implii  B  London.  I  am  unable  to  fix  the  date  when  the  two  friends 
visited  Perkins,  but  the  fact  is  interesting  as  showing  that  the  poet  wrote  of 
Ken  from  personal  knowledge. 

4  Jeffreys. 

5  Andcrdon  (p.  379)  states  that  the  fact  that  Ken's  voice  was  heard  through* 
out  the  Abbey  was  oommunicated  to  him  as  a  tradition  in  the  family  of  his 
informant,  the  possessor  of  the  original  note  from  the  Princess  Anne  to  Turner. 
Bishi  p  ■!  Ely.    See  i.  271. 


THE  ANGLICAN  DREXELIUS.  263 

Of  his  lowliness — 

"  Whilst  other  Prelates  ride  in  brave  carosse, 
On  foot  this  humble-minded  Prelate  goes."1 

The  fact  above  referred  to,  that  Dryden's  poem  was  published 
in  the  edition  of  the  Expostulatoria  in  1711,  as  describing  Ken, 
may  be  again  noticed  as  an  expression  of  the  feeling  of  reve- 
rence, which  was,  as  it  were,  waiting  for  his  death  to  utter  itself, 
as  also  were  the  republication  of  the  Royal  Sufferer  (whether 
the  book  be  genuine  or  spurious),  under  the  title  of  the  Crown 
of  Glory  in  1625,  the  twelve  editions  of  the  Winchester 
Manual  between  1711  and  1799,  the  New  Year's  Gift,  with  the 
three  hymns,  published  in  1712,  the  republication,  from  time  to 
time,  of  the  Practice  of  Divine  Love,  and  the  Prayers  for  those 
at  the  Bath.  Hawkins's  edition  of  three  of  his  sermons  and 
his  Life  prefixed  to  it  in  1711,  probably  did  something,  imper- 
fect as  the  latter  was,  to  make  his  name  familiar  to  a  later  gene- 
ration, but  I  have  not  found  any  mention,  in  the  literature  of 
the  eighteenth  century,  of  the  four  volumes  of  Poems  which  he 
published  in  1721.  Hawkins  himself  speaks  of  them  as  u  con- 
taining the  full  beams  of  Ken's  God-enamoured  soul,"  and 
this  may  fairly  be  looked  on  as  expressing  a  generally  received 
opinion  of  the  character  of  the  poet.  A  like  estimate  is 
implied  in  the  epithets  which  meet  us  incidentally  here  and 
there,  and  which  speak  of  him  as  the  Spiritualis  Drexelius  et 
Seraphicus2  of  the  English  Church,  or  as  a  Doctor  Seraphicus, 
Angelicas.  The  eighteenth  century,  however,  was  not  favour- 
able to  the  study  of  the  representative  divines  of  the  Anglo- 
Catholic  School  of  theology,  and  though  Ken  is  mentioned 
respectfully  in  the  Biographical  Dictionaries  (Kippis's  and 
others)  there  is  no  trace  of  any  effort  to  learn  more  about  him 
than  was  to  be  found  in  Hawkins's  meagre  narrative,  or  Sal- 
mon's Lives  of  the  Bishops  (1733).  His  fame  was  waning, 
and  seemed  on  the  way  to  pass  into  the  dim  region  of  shadowy 

1  The  lines  probably  refer  to  the  reign  of  James  II.  and  to  Ken's  visits  to 
London,  perhaps  to  the  time  of  the  trial  of  the  Seven  Bishops. 

2  Ballard  MSS.,  Bodl.,  vol.  41,  ad  pi.  in  Anderdon,  p,  117.  Drexelius, 
author  of  the  Heliotropium,  was  a  Jesuit  preacher  of  Augsburg,  famous  in  his 
day  (d.  1638)  as  a  writer  of  devotional  books.  The  Heliotropium  has  been 
recently  republished. 

s2 


264  ESTIMATES.  [chap.  xxix. 

forms,  of  whose  names  we  speak  with  honour,  but  of  whom 
also  we  often  know  little  beyond  the  names.  Even  the  use  of 
the  Morning  and  Evening  Hymns,  which  became  common  in 
the  latter  part  of  the  period,  did  not  do  much  to  make  his 
name  more  widely  known,  seeing  that  they  were  often  printed 
in  Tate  and  Brady's  Supplement  and  other  hymn-books  without 
it.  Towards  the  close  of  the  eighteenth  century,  however,  an 
anonymous  pamphlet,  An  Address  to  the  ArcJiltishop  of  Can- 
terbury, $*<?.,  6jfc,  by  a  Country  Clergyman,  London,  1791 
(quoted  by  Round,  Preface,  p.  ix.)  shows  that  the  older,  more 
enthusiastic  feeling  had  not  quite  died  out.  The  writer  speaks 
of  Beveridge  and  other  bishops  : — 

"  But  there  is  one  of  that  venerable  order,  whose  memory,  above 
all  others,  I  shall  ever  love  and  cherish  to  my  latest  breath  :  Hail, 
immortal  Ken,  guide  of  my  youthful  steps!1  Thy  bounty  never 
ceased  to  feed  the  poor,  nor  thy  tongue  to  instruct  the  ignorant. 
Thy  presence,  or  thy  spirit,  continually  pervaded  all  parts  of  thy 
extensive  diocese.     It  illuminated  her  churches  and  darted  comfort 

through   the   cheerless  gloom   of   her   prisons Hail, 

gentle,  blessed  spirit,  for  thy  sake  may  the  mitre  ever  nourish !  " 

One  would  fain  know  more  of  one  who  thus  took  his  place 
among  those  who  handed  on  the  traditional  veneration  of  their 
fathers  for  the  name  of  Ken  to  a  later  age, 

Et,  quasi  cursores,  vital  lambada  tradunt, 

and  if  any  reader  can  throw  light  upon  the  authorship  of  the 
pamphlet,  I  shall  welcome  the  information. 

It  is  significant  that  Ken  begins  to  emerge  from  this  obscurity 
about  the  time  when  the  school  of  the  Stuart  divines  began 
to  attract  more  notice  than  before,  at  the  hands  of  students  both 
of  English  literature  and  theology.  Among  the  former 
Southey  takes  a  fairly  prominent  place.  In  his  Oniniana  he  gives 
some  anecdotes  of  Ken's  life  (see  i.  3,  23).  In  his  Common  Place 
Hook  (iv.  p.  346),  he  furnishes  a  short  account  of  the  four  volumes 
of  Poems,  and  is,  so  far  as  I  know,  the  first  writer  since  their 
publication  who  seems  to  have  read  them    with  any  intelligent 

i  One  conjectures  that  the  writer  may  have  been  b  Wykehamist,  and  was 
thinking  •  I  the  Manual. 


SOUTHEY  AND  ALEXANDER  KNOX.  265 

interest.  He  notes  the  poem  On  the  Nativity,1  in  particular 
the  couplet — 

"  The  Virgin  Mother,  near  the  Manger  plac'd, 
In  her  soft  Arms  the  boundless  Babe  enibrac'd," 

as  "full  of  Catholic  passion,"  thinks  that  Parnell  imitated, 
in  his  Hermit,  Ken's  description  of  Sophronio  in  his  Edmund 
(ii.  p.  76),  and  applies  to  his  poems  in  general  Maggi's 
lines,2 

"Belle  cPaffettipiu  che  di pensieri." 

There  also  it  was  true  of  the  author — 

' '  Piii  che  gV  ingegni  alteri 
Ama  i  cuori  devoti,  e  ne  suoi  canti 
Vol  per  esser  Poeta  essere  amante" 

Bowles's  Life 3  with  all  its  imperfections,  is,  at  least,  welcome 
as  a  proof  that  men  were  beginning  (1830)  to  think  of  Ken 
as  one  of  whom  they  would  be  glad  to  know  more.  How  far 
he  was  drawn  to  his  subject  by  Southey's  influence  I  am 
unable  to  say.  Nothing  can  be  warmer  in  reverent  admiration 
than  the  tone  in  which  he  speaks  of  Ken  throughout,  with  the 
one  exception  of  the  judgment  which  he  passes  on  his  poems 
(p.  232). 

On  the  side  of  the  students  of  Anglican  theology,  in  this 
as  in  other  things,  Alexander  Knox  was  the  precursor  of  the 
Oxford  school,  and  I  quote  from  his  writings  some  thoughtful 
criticisms. 

(1.)  Ken's  Hymns. 

"A  comparison  of  the  hymns  of  Doddridge,  Watts,  Ken,  and 
Wesley  would  show  that  Doddridge  rises  above  Watts  from  having 
caught  the  spirit  of  Ken  ;  and  Wesley  is  deep  and  interior  from 
having  added  to  the  Clnwsostomian  piety  of  Ken  the  experimental 
part  of  St.  Augustine.     Watts  is  a  pure  Calvinist ;  Ken  is  as  pure 

1  The  poem  is,  perhaps,  the  finest  of  the  Hymns  Evangelical  of  the  first  vol.  of 
Ken's  Poems.  It  appears  in  the  volume  published  by  Pickering  in  1868  under 
the  title  of  Ken's  Christian  Year,  as  for  the  2nd  Sunday  after  Christmas.  One 
may,  perhaps,  trace  here  and  there  reminiscences  of  Milton's  Ode  on  the  Nativity- 

2  Carlo  Maria  Maggi,  an  Italian  poet,  b.  1630,  d.  1699. 


266  ESTIMATES.  [chap.  xxix. 

a   (  'hrysostomian.     Doddridge  is  induced  to  blend  both,  and   the 
t  is  valuable  and  interesting;  Wesley  advances  this  union."1 

(2.)  Ken's  Edmund. 

11  Pray  read  some  gnomic  verses  extracted  from  Bishop  Ken  ;  as 
fchey  occur  in  a  very  long,  and  sometimes  dull,  epic  of  the  good 
Bishop's,  they  may  hitherto  have  escaped  your  notice  ;  to  me  they 
seem  not  merely  the  description,  but  the  effluence  of  a  very  mature 
state  of  Christianity."* 

And  generally— 

1 '  I  ought  to  have  named  Bishop  Ken,  than  whom  none  approach 
nearer  the  primeval  warmth  of  soul."  3 

And  again — 

' '  The  characters  to  which  I  refer  have  been  Spiritualists  rather 

than  Theologists I  must  not  multiply  names  ;  yet  I  cannot 

but  specify  Herbert,  Taylor,  and  Ken ;  each  of  these  excellent  per- 
sons (as  well  as  Doddridge  and  Leighton,  with  the  whole  happy  class 
who  have  been  like-minded)  pursued  religion  not  merely  on  account 
of  the  evils  which  it  averts,  but  for  the  sake  of  the  good,  even  the 
present  good,  which  it  confers  ;  they  felt  the  force  of  that  admirable 
saying  of  St.  Augustine,  Fecisti  nos  ad  te,  et  inquietum  est  cor  nostrum 
donee  requiescat  in  te.  .  .  .  (Cont.  i.  1).  While  corporeally  on  earth, 
they  lived  mentally  in  eternity.  The  more  attentively  I  examine  and 
compare  these  almost  transparent  characters,  the  more  deeply  I  am 
satisfied  that  Christian  piety  is  in  them  an  anticipatory  Paradise."4 

Those  who,  consciously  or  unconsciously,  followed  in  Knox's 
footsteps,  and  became  the  leaders  in  the  Oxford  Catholic 
revival,  could  hardly  fail  to  be  attracted  even  by  the  little  that 
was  then  known  of  the  life  and  character  of  Ken.  It  was,  as 
the  event  showed,  precisely  the  type  of  character  with  which 
they  were  most  in  sympathy,  the  ideal  which  they  aimed  at 

1  Remains,  iii.  p.  22G. 

8   Thirty  Tears1  Correspondence  with  Bishop  J  ebb,  ii.  p.  2G0. 
:i  Remains,  iii.  p.  109. 

4  Bemains,  iii.  pp.  434 — 35.  The  last  sentence  is  hut  a  paraphrase  of  some 
lini  B  in  Ken's  Kymnotheo,  Works,  iii.  p.  256  :  — 

"  The  Saints  below,  the  Bless' d  above, 
Aic  <m]y  happy  in  their  love. 
Ah!  how  shall  I  Thy  Goodness  know, 
Thence  to  begin  my  I  [eaves  below." 

[CJ.r  i 


JOHN  KEBLE.  267 

reproducing.  I  have  shown  in  my  Life  of  Dante  how  powerfully 
the  revival  of  the  study  of  the  representative  poet  of  Media3val 
Catholicism  affected  the  Oxford  movement.  As  I  pass  from 
Dante  to  Ken  I  am  struck  with  the  fact  that  his  name  also  is 
intimately  associated  with  it;  one  representing  its  scholarly  and 
historic  side,  the  chain  which  connected  it  with  the  great 
history  of  Latin  Christendom,  the  other  presenting  to  us  the 
more  direct  descent  from  the  Anglo- Catholicism  of  the  seven- 
teenth century,  and  the  type  of  a  devout  asceticism. 

The  earliest  indication  of  the  influence  which  Ken's  memory 
was  thus  exercising  is  found  in  an  unpublished  letter  from 
John  Keble,  to  his  friend  and  brother  Fellow,  C.  J.  Plumer.1 
He  writes  from  Fairford,  July  19th,  1825— 

"  I  will  tell  it  you,  if  you  will  promise  to  keep  it  secret  to  your- 
self. Tom2  and  I  have  a  notion  of  editing  some  of  Bishop  Ken's 
remains,  one  or  two  sermons,  and  some  letters,  and  little  tracts, 
which  would  make  one  small  volume,  and  some  choice  bits  of  his 
poetry,  which  would  make  another ;  but  one  or  two  of  the  tracts  are 
very  scarce,  and  I  dare  say  I  should  have  to  come  to  the  British 
Museum  for  them." 

The  letter  suggests  some  questions  of  interest.  What  letters 
did  Keble  then  know  of?  What  tracts  did  he  recognise  as 
Ken's  ?  Did  they  include  the  Expostulatoria,  the  Royal  Sufferer, 
the  Letter  to  Tenison  ?  All  this  we  are  left,  however,  to 
guess. 

Keble's  plan,  at  all  events,  was  not  realised,  and  the  work  of 
publishing  Ken's  prose  works  and  letters  was  left  to  the  Rev. 
J.  T.  Round,  a  former  Fellow  of  Balliol,  in  1838.3  Of  the 
merits  and  demerits  of  this  work  I  have  spoken  in  the  Preface. 

1  Communicated  by  the  Rev.  J.  R.  Bloxam. 

2  John  Keble's  brother. 

3  It  is  significant  that  a  review  of  Round's  volume  appeared  in  the  first 
number  of  the  British  Critic  that  came  out  under  Newman's  editorship  (No. 
xlvii.,  1838).  Cardinal  Newman  does  not  remember  who  wrote  it.  Internal 
evidence  leads  me  to  conjecture  W.  J.  Copeland,  who  was  then  a  leading 
member  of  the  Oxford  school.  It  displays  a  much  more  full  and  intimate 
acquaintance  with  Ken's  life  and  works  than  we  find  in  Round,  and  is  written 
throughout  in  a  strain  of  devout  admiration.  Notably  he  maintains  the  genuine- 
ness of  the  Letter  to  Tenison,  and  thinks  it  possible  that  the  Expostulatoria  may 
have  been  the  outcome  of  strong  feeling  in  Ken's  youthful  days.  He  has  studied 
the  Poems  carefully  and  protests  against  the   "flippancy"  with  which  Bowles 


268  ESTIMATES.  [chap.  xxix. 

In  1836,  however,  there  had  been  a  significant  proof  of  the  im- 
pression made  by  Ken's  character  on  the  chief  of  the  triumvirate 
who  were  recognised  as  the  leaders  of  the  Oxford  movement.  In 
that  year  (the  Tract  bears  the  date  of  the  Feast  of  St.  John 
Baptist,  June  25)  John  Henry  Newman  published  No.  75  of 
the  Tracts  of  the  Times}  In  many  respects  it  is  among  the 
most  remarkable  of  the  whole  series.  The  writer  had  become 
impressed  with  the  "  excellence  and  beauty  "  of  the  services  of 
the  Breviary.  He  avowedly  wrote  to  claim  "whatever  was 
good  and  true  "  in  those  devotions  "  for  the  Church  Catholic 
in  opposition  to  the  Romish  Church."  The  latter  "has  ap- 
propriated treasure  which  was  as  much  ours  as  theirs."  To 
compile  selections  from  them,  or  services  after  the  same  plan, 
not  in  Latin,  but  in  the  vernacular,  and  to  recommend  them 
for  private  use,  was  from  this  point  of  view  "an  act  of  re-appro- 
priation." The  Tract  proceeds  accordingly,  after  a  short  his- 
torical account  of  the  Breviary,  to  give  a  series  of  services, 
after  the  same  pattern.  Of  these  one  is  for  August  6th,  the 
Festival  of  tbe  Transfiguration  ;  the  second,  for  August  10th, 
asthat  of  St.  Laurence  ;  and  the  last,  for  March  21st,  as  Bishop 
Ken's  day,  the  anniversary  i.e.  of  his  burial.2  He  practically 
took  upon  himself  to  canonise  the  Bishop,  and  to  commend  him 
to  the  commemoration  of  devout  Christians,  justifying  himself 

had  spoken  of  them.  To  him  Ken  seems  "  as  literally  and  entirely  to  illustrate 
the  Scripture  characteristics  of  a  Christian  Bishop  as  any  one  of  whom  we 
know,  very  nearly  to  exemplify  the  theory  of  the  Church  of  England  ;  to  have 
felt  and  developed  its  Catholic  principles,  and  Catholic  spirit." 

1  I  am  authorised  hy  Cardinal  Newman  to  name  him  as  the  author.  lie  says 
in  his  Apologia  (p.  154)  that  it  "frightened  his  friends." 

2  Ken  died  on  March  19th,  and  was  buried  on  the  21st.  Was  Cardinal  New- 
man led  to  choose  the  latter  day  by  the  fact  that  it  was  already  dedicated  to 
St.  Benedict? — (C.  J.  P.)  Another  more  mysterious  service  is  a  commemora- 
tion of  Sunday,  June  21,  1801.  It  fills  fifty  pages,  gives  forms  for  three 
Nocturna,  Lauds,  Prime,  Third,  Sixth  and  Ninth  Hours,  and  includes  the  To  ]><  um 
and  the  Athanasian  creed,  and  many  Psalms  and  hymns.  The  lessons  are  chiefly 
taken  from  the  warfare  of  David  against  the  Philistines,  spiritualized  as  an  alle- 
gory  of  the  Christian's  conflict  with  the  world,  and  from  the  call  of  the  first  four 
Apostles.  The  reader  is  left  to  guess  what  the  service  commemorates.  The 
year  1801  was  that  of  Cardinal  Newman's  birth,  but  his  birthday  was  February 
21st.  "Was  the  service  a  self-reminder  of  the  life  to  which  that  year  called  him, 
*hen  it  witnessed  his  baptism  into  the  Church  of  Christ  P  The  Breviary,  which, 
at  this  time,  seems  to  have  determined  the  current  of  his  thoughts,  was  Froude's 
dying  gift.      (Apol.,  p.  154). 


CARDINAL  NEWMAN.  269 

in  doing  so  at  the  time,  as  of  course  he  could  not  now  justify 
himself,  on  the  ground  that  general  testimony,  as  when  it  is 
said  of  the  people  in  our  Lord's  time,  "  omnes  habebant  Joannem 
sicut  prophet  am,"  was  a  sufficient  ground  for  recognising  the 
saintliness  of  his  character.  The  service  is  one  of  singular 
beauty,  and  though  too  long  to  be  reproduced  in  its  entirety, 
deserves  a  fairly  full  analysis. 

(1.)  After  the  usual  ver sides,  "  0  Lord,  open  Thou  my 
lips/'  &c,  we  have  as  an  "  Invitatory  "  prefixed  to  Psalm  xcv., 
the  words — 

"  0  come,  let  us  worship  the  Lord,  the  King  of  Confessors." 

This  is  followed  by  two  hymns  for  alternative  use,  one  from 
the  poem  for  St.  Matthias,  the  other  from  that  for  St.  John  the 
Evangelist  in  the  Christian  Tear. 

Nocturn  I. 

After  Antiphons  from  Psalm  i.,  ii.,  iii.,  we  have  a  Verse 
and  Response — 

"  The  Lord  loved  him  and  adorned  him, 
And  clothed  him  with  a  robe  of  glory  P 

Lesson  I.  is  from  1  Timothy  iii.  1 — 6,  and  is  followed  by — 

Verse  and  Response  I. — "  Well  done,  thou  good  and  faithful  Servant, 
thou  hast  been  faithful  over  a  few  things,  I  will  make  thee  ruler  over  many 


"Lord,  thou  deliveredst  unto  me  five  talents,  behold,  I  have 
gained  beside  them  five  talents  more." 

Lesson  II.  is  from  Titus  i.  7 — 11 — 

Verse  and  Response  II. — u  Let  thy  Thummim  and  thy  Urim  be  with 
Tliy  holy  one,  whom  thou  didst  prove  at  Massah,  and  with  whom  Thou,  didst 
strive  at  the  waters  of  Meribah ;  they  shall  put  incense  before  Thee,  and 
whole  burnt  sacrifice  upon  Thine  altar. 

1 '  Bless,  Lord,  his  substance,  and  accept  the  work  of  his  hands ; 
smite  through  the  loins  of  them  that  rise  against  him,  and  of  them 
that  hate  him,  that  they  rise  not  again." 

Lesson  III.  is  from  Titus  ii.  1 — 8,  followed  by — 
Verse  and  Response  III. — "  Let  the  Saints  be  joyful  with  glory,  let  them 
rejoice  in  their  bed,  let  the  praises  of  God  be  in  their  mouths  and  a  two-edged 


270  ESTIMATES.  [chap.  xxix. 

sword  in  their  hands:  to  bind  their  kings  in  chains,  and  their  /toll*  with 

links  nf  iron. 

"That  they  may  be  avenged  of  them,  as  it  is  written,  Such 
honour  have  all  His  saints." 

NOCTURN    II. 

Antiphons  from  Psalms  iv.,  v.,  viii. — 

l'<rse  and  Response  IT. — "  The  Lord  hath  chosen  Him  us  a  pru  s/  unto 
Himself. 

"  To  sacrifice  to  Him  the  offering  of  praise." 

Lesson  IV.  relates  the  story  of  Ken's  life  in  the  time  of  his 
chaplaincy  at  the  Hague,  giving  the  Zulestein  episode,  as  told 
by  Hawkins,  without  the  names. 

Verse  and  Response  V — "  Princes  have  persecuted  me  without  a  cause, 
but  my  heart  standeth  in  awe  of  Thy  word. 

"  I  will  speak  of  Thy  testimonies  also,  even  before  kings,  and  will 
not  be  ashamed." 

Lesson  V.  continues  the  life,  reporting  the  Nell  Gwyn  anec- 
dote, and  Ken's  ministrations  at  the  death  of  Charles  II. 

Verse  and  Response  VI. — "Many  shall  be  purified,  and  made  whiU 
and  tried ;  and  many  of  them  that  sleep  in  the  dust  of  the  earth  shall 
awake. 

"  And  they  that  be  wise  shall  shine  as  the  brightness  of  the  firma- 
ment ;  and  they  that  turn  many  to  righteousness  as  the  stars  for 
ever  and  ever." 

Lesson  VI.  goes  on  with  the  life,  recording  the  petition  of  the 
seven  Bishops,  and  Ken's  deprivation  and  death  in  1710  (}"), 
with  the  comment : — 

"Thus  he  gave  to  Cresar  the  things  that  be  Caesar's,  and  to  God 
the  things  that  be  God's.  He  was  as  meek,  gentle  and  affectionate 
in  his  bearing  as  he  was  bold  in  the  cause  of  the  Gospel ;  and  he 
took  his  troubles  cheerfully  and  lightly.  He  possessed,  in  an  espe- 
cial way,  that  most  excellent  gift  of  charity.  Once  when  four  thou- 
sand pounds  fell  to  his  See,  he  gave  great  part  of  it  to  the  French 
Protestants  then  under  persecution  ;  and  when  he  was  deprived,  all 
his  moans,  after  the  sale  of  his  goods  at  his  palace  and  elsewhere,  was 
not  more  than  seven  hundred  pounds.  When  State  interests  inter- 
fered with  t lie  prosperity  of  the  Church  in  Scotland,  he  said1  he 
conceived  greal  hopes  thai  God  would  have  mercy  on  the  English 
branch  of  it.  if  she  did  bu1  compassionate  and  Bupporl  her  sister; 
1  See  Lett*  r  \\\..  p.  19. 


CARDINAL  NEWMAN.  271 

and  he  bore  testimony  shortly  before  his  death,  saying  that  he  died 
in  the  Holy  Catholic  and  Apostolic  Faith,  professed  by  the  whole 
Church  before  the  disunion  of  East  and  West.  Such  was  he  then,  a 
burning  and  shining  light,  bringing  back  primitive  times. 

"  But  Thou,  0  Lord,  have  mercy  upon  us." 

Verse  and  Response  VII. — "  I  said  I  have  laboured  in  vain,  I  have 
spent  my  strength  for  nought  and  in  vain  ;  yet  surely  my  judgment  is  with 
the  lord,  and  my  work  with  my  God. 

' '  He  hath  made  my  mouth  like  a  sharp  sword ;  in  the  shadow  of 
His  hand  hath  He  hid  me." 

NOCTURX    III. 

Antiphons  from  Psalms  xv.,  xxi.,  xxiv. 

Verse  and  Response  VII — "The  key  of  David  will  I  lay  upon  his 
shoulder. 

"  He  shall  open  and  none  shall  shut;  he  shall  shut  and  none 
shall  open." 

Lesson  VII.,  Luke  xxii.  25 — 30. 

This  is  followed  by  a  passage  from  Jeremy  Taylor,  on  the 
joy  of  the  saints  in  heaven. 

Verse  and  Response  VIII — "  Whosoever  shall  confess  Afe  before  men, 
him  shall  the  Son  of  Man  also  confess  before  the  Angels  of  God. 

"To  him  that  overcometh  will  I  grant  to  sit  with  Me  on  My 
throne." 

Lessons  VIII.  and  IX.,   are,  as  before,  from  Jeremy  Taylor. 

Verse  and  Response  IX. — "In  the  sight  of  the  unwise  they  seemed  to 
die,  and  their  departure  is  taken  for  misery,  but  they  are  in  peace. 

"  Though  they  be  punished  in  the  sight  of  men,  yet  is  their  hope 
full  of  immortality." 

After  Lesson  IX.  the  service  ends  with  the  Te  Deiim. 

It  is  difficult  to  tHrow  ourselves  into  the  state  of  mind  of 
which  these  services  were  the  outcome.  One  thinks  that  the 
writer  must  now  look  back  on  them  as  part  of  a  fevered  dream, 
in  which  he  half-pictured  himself  as  the  restorer  of  a  Church 
that  was  sinking  into  a  Latitudinarian  Protestantism,  to  the 
earlier  catholicity  of  which  he  found  a  representative  in  Ken. 
One  asks  how  and  when  he  thought  they  would  be  used.  Did 
he  contemplate  a  community  like  that  of  Little  Gidding,  in 
which  they  should  be  used  as  supplementing  the  offices  of  the 
Prayer-book?1      Anyhow,  this  special  service  has,  if  I  mis- 

1  I  am  informed  by  Cardinal  Newman  that  the  service  was  never  u-ed. 


272  ESTIMATES.  [chap.  xxix. 

take  not,  a  special  psychological  interest,  both  in  the  singular 
appropriateness  of  the  Lessons,  Antiphons,  and  Responses,  as 
bearing  on  Ken's  character,  and  as  showing  how  strong  a  fas- 
cination that  character  then  had  for  the  great  leader  of  the 
Anglo- Catholic  revival.  It  is  hardly  an  overstrained  inference 
to  believe  that,  with  that  half-conscious  aspiration  which  rises 
in  the  minds  of  most  men,  when  they  contemplate  a  life  in 
which  they  recognise  the  embodiment  of  their  own  ideal,  the 
John  Henry  Newman  of  those  days  sought  to  be  the  Ken  of  the 
nineteenth  century,  striving  to  lead  the  Church  of  Enghmd, 
and,  through  her,  other  Christian  communities,  to  the  doctrine 
and  the  worship  of  that  undivided  Church  of  the  East  and 
AVest,  after  which  Ken  yearned  even  to  his  dying  hour 
(p.  209).  If  I  am  right  in  my  conjecture  as  to  the  mysterious 
service  as  for  Sunday,  June  21,  1801,  that  hypothesis  attains 
almost  the  position  of  a  certainty.  That  year  was,  for  him  at 
least,  much  to  be  remembered,  for  it  witnessed  both  the  natural 
and  the  new  birth  into  the  Anglican  branch  of  Christ's  Church, 
of  him  who,  as  he  then  dreamt,  was  called  to  be  as  the  vox 
clamautis  in  dcserto,2  possibly  also  its  restorer  to  a  fuller  life  and 
mightier  power  as  a  witness  of  the  Truth. 

A  poem  in  the  Lyra  Apostolica  (cxiii.)  shows  that  Ken  was 
scarcely  less  prominent  in  the  thoughts  of  another  poet-prophet 
of  the  Oxford  school,  Isaac  Williams.  The  angel  of  the  Church 
is  seen  mourning  "  with  earth-bent  brow  forlorn/'  grieving  less 
for  the  attacks  of  enemies  from  without  than  for  the  lukewarm- 
ness  of  those  within,  for  the  "  something  left  behind :  " — 
"  The  unshackled  high  resolve,  the  holier  aim, 

Single-eyed  faith  in  loyalty  resign'a, 

And  heart- deep  prayers  of  earlier  years  ; 

And  since  that  popular  billow  o'er  thee  past, 

Which  thine  own  Ken  from  out  the  vineyard  cast, 
Now,  e'en  far  more 
Than  then  of  yore, 

An  altered  mien  thy  holy  aspect  wears." 
1  These  words  form  the  motto  inscribed  on  a  lahel  attached  to  the  rude  cross 
which  appears  in  the  right  hand  of  St.  John  Baptist,  forming  the  frontispiece  to 
the  Library  of  the  Fathers.  On  the  rock  at  St.  John's  foot  is  "Advent,  1836." 
— [H.  W.  P.]  One  more  passage  from  the  Apologia  (p.  '273)  may  be  cited  as  sag- 
gestive.  "  Our  position,"  he  writes  in  1841,  "is  diverging  from  that  of  Ken," 
as  though  that  had  hitherto  been  the  parallel  case  by  which  he  had  been  guided. 


ISAAC  WILLIAMS.  273 

A  sonnet  in  the  Cathedral  of  the  same  author  (p.  58)  is  worth 
reproducing,  "both  for  its  own  beauty,  and  as  indicating  the  same 
reverential  devotion. 

Ken. 

"  Ye  holy  gates,  open  your  calm  repose, 

Between  him  and  the  world  your  barriers  close  ; 

Nought  hath  he  but  his  lyre  and  sacred  key, 

Which  the  world  gave  not,  nor  can  take  away. 

One  of  that  Seven  against  a  King  he  stood ; 

The  world  was  with  him  in  his  fortitude. 

One  of  that  Five,  he  scorn' d  her  flattering  breath, 

And  firm  in  strength  which  wisdom  cherisheth, 

Where  Truth  and  Loyalty  had  mark'd  the  ground, 

Stood  by  that  suffering  King,  allegiance-bound  ; 

Then,  as  in  him  his  Saviour  stood  reveal'd, 

The  world  in  anger  rose,  against  him  steeled, 

And  drove  him  from  her — Open  your  repose, 

And,  her  and  him  between,  your  heavenly  barriers  close." l 

I  turn  from  these  estimates  to  one  from  a  very  different 
quarter,  yet  belonging  to  the  same  period  and  tending  to  the 
same  conclusion.  I  find  in  Lord  Beaconsfield's  Correspondence 
with  his  Sister,  1886,  p.  119,  the  following — 

"Feb.  1839.  I  met  a  M.  Eion2  who  ....  spoke  English,  and 
is  the  most  astonishing  litterateur  I  ever  encountered.    He  says  that 

1  A  striking  passage  from  Bishop  Moberly's  Sermons  on  the  Beatitudes  (p.  5) 
may  find  a  place  here.  His  text  is,  "Blessed  are  the  meek,  for  they  shall  in- 
herit the  earth."  He  draws  a  contrast  between  Marlborough  and  Ken,  sketches 
the  fame  of  the  former,  and  then  says  of  the  latter,  "  He  was  poor,  evil  spoken  of, 

and  watcbed  wiih  jealousy,  even  in  his  works  of  charity And  yet,  if  any 

man  should  attempt  to  gauge  the  influence,  the  real,  lasting  influence  of  these 
two  men,  the  real,  essential,  enduring  power,  tbe  true  weight  on  man,  on  his 
liberty,  on  his  heart,  on  his  prospects,  on  his  real  self,  which,  think  you,  has 
most  truly  inherited  this  earth  in  power,  the  author  of  the  Morning  and  Evening 
Hymns  or  the  conqueror  of  Blenheim  ?  he  whose  simple  words  and  few,  not  in 
themselves  particularly  able  or  particularly  beautiful,  whose  simple  words  make, 
and  have  made,  and,  no  doubt,  will  make  sweet  Christian  music  in  the  hearts  of 
millions  who  have  never  heard  his  name  ;  or  he  whose  station,  ability,  and  succtss 
blazed  before  the  world's  eyes  for  a  few+years,  and.  their  effects  swept  away  after 
a  time,  then  disappeared  absolutely  and  for  ever." 

2  I  conjecture  that  A.  F.  Rio,  author  of  Be  la  Poesie  Chre'tienne,  is  meant.  It 
is  interesting  to  note,  in  connpxion  with  the  poem  which  follows,  that  the  meet- 
ing took  place  at  one  of  Monckton  Milnes's  breakfasts. — [C.  J.  P.] 


274  ESTIMATES.  [chap.  xxix. 

Bishop  Ken  was  the  Fenelon  of  England,  and  that  the  Oxford 
Tracts  are  a  mere  revival  of  his  works.  It  is  the  Non-jurors 
again."1 

A  tribute  of  another  kind  comes  in  the  form  of  some  lines  by 
Lord  Houghton,  then  R.  M.  Milnes,  on  Ken's  grave  at  Frorae.  I 
am  unable  to  fix  the  date,  beyond  the  fact  that  it  was  obviously 
prior  to  the  work  done  in  Ken's  honour  at  Frome  in  1844. 

"  Let  other  thoughts,  where'er  I  roam, 
Ne'er  from  my  memory  cancel 
The  coffin-fashioned  tomb  at  Frome, 
That  lies  behind  the  chancel : 
A  basket-work  where  bars  are  bent. 
Iron  in  place  of  ozier, 
And  shapes  above  that  represent 
A  mitre  and  a  erozier. 

"  These  signs  of  him  that  slumbers  there 
The  dignity  betoken ; 
These  iron  bars  a  heart  declare 
Hard  bent,  but  never  broken  ; 
This  form  portrays  how  souls  like  his, 
Their  pride  and  passion  quelling, 
Preferred,  to  earth's  high  palaces, 
This  calm  and  narrow  dwelling. 

"  There  ,with  the  churchyard's  common  dust, 
He  lov'd  his  own  to  mingle  ; 
The  faith  in  which  he  placed  his  trust 
Was  nothing  rare  or  single. 
Yet  la}r  he  to  the  sacred  wall 
As  close  as  he  was  able  ; 
The  blessed  crumbs  might  almost  fall 
Upon  him  from  God's  table. 

"  Who  was  this  father  of  the  Church, 
So  secret  in  his  glory  ? 
In  vain  might  antiquarians  search 
For  record  of  his  story  ; 

l  The  writer  <»f  a  life  of  Nicholas  Pavilion,  Bishop  <-i  Alef  (i860),  Buggesta 
also,  as  I  have  shown  (i.  268),  an  interesting  parallel  between  that  prelate  and 
Ken. 


LORD  HOUGHTON.  275 

But  preciously  tradition  keeps 

The  fame  of  holy  men ; 

So  there  the  Christian  smiles  or  weeps 

For  love  of  Bishop  Ken. 

"  A  name  his  country  once  forsook, 
But  now  with  joy  inherits, 
Confessor  in  the  Church's  book 
And  martyr  in  the  Spirit's  ! 
That  dared  with  royal  power  to  cope, 
In  peaceful  faith  persisting, 
A  braver  Becket — who  could  hope 
To  conquer  unresisting. 

With  this  we  may  compare  a  short  poem  by  Bowles  in  his  Life 
of  Ken  (ii.,  p.  263)— 

' '  The  Grave  of  Ken-. 

"  On  yonder  heap  of  earth  forlorn, 

Where  Ken  his  place  of  burial  chose, 
Peacefully  shine,  0  Sabbath  morn ! 
And  eve,  with  gentlest  hush,  repose. 

"  To  him  is  rear'd  no  marble  tomb, 
Within  the  dim  cathedral  fane, 
But  some  faint  flowers  of  summer  bloom, 
And  silent  falls  the  winter's  rain. 

' '  No  village  monumental  stone 

Records  a  verse,  a  date,  a  name ; 
What  boots  it?     When  thy  task  is  done, 
Christian,  how  vain  the  sound  of  Fame  ! 

' '  Oh,  far  more  grateful  to  thy  God, 
The  voices  of  poor  children  rise, 
Who  hasten  o'er  the  dewy  sod, 
1  To  pay  their  morning  sacrifice.' 

' '  And  can  we  listen  to  their  Hymn, 

Heard,  haply,  when  the  Evening  knell 
Sounds,  where  the  village  tower  is  dim, 
As  if  to  bid  the  world  farewell, 

1 '  Without  a  thought,  that  from  the  dust 
The  morn  shall  wake  the  sleeping  clay, 
And  bid  the  faithful  and  the  just, 
Up  spring  to  heaven's  eternal  day  ?" 


276  ESTIMATES.  [chap.  xxix. 

Lovers  of  the  more  elegant  forms  of  lapidary  Latin  if  y  will,  I 
believe,  thank  me  for  bringing  before  them  two  inscriptions  by 
the  late  Rev.  Francis  Kilvert,  of  Bath.1 


"Thomas  Ken 

:<  DlVINO  QUODAM  ClIARITATIS  ArDORF.  INsl  INCTUS, 

Eandem  Ducem  SIBI 

TOTIUS  VlTTE  DEGENDiE 

Proposuit  : 

Hac  velvt  Cynosvra  VSVS, 

dum  mvnus  apostolicvm  exebceret, 

Vt  Pastor  ovicvlas,  vt  Gaxlina  Pvli.os, 

Vt  MATER  TENELLOS, 

Sic  Clervm  popvdvmque  svvm, 

MlTI  NEC  MINVS  FIRMO 

Imperio,  REGEBAT, 

eodem  dvctv, 

qwm,  prater  jvs  fasque, 

Eex  demens 

Ecclesite  Eebvs  se  intromisisset, 

Malvit  cvm  pavcis  patiendo  resistere 

qvam  cvm  mvltis 

Iniqvo  imperio  Morem  gerere. 

Contra, 

Qwm  Eex  idem, 

a  svis  desertvs, 

Injvriose  a  solio  Paterno  pvlsvs  ESSE  1, 

Cvm  pavcis  malebat 

Officio  bonisqve  cedere 

qvam  cvm  mvltis, 

Fidem  Eegi  DEBITAM  DATAMQVE, 

Ad  alienvm  Domtnvm  transferendo,  fallkkk. 

Deniqve,  hoc  Dvce, 

Bonorvm  celestivm  firmissima  Spe  concepta, 

In  Fide  ecclesue  nondvm  divis/e, 

VlTAM  INOPEM, 
DOMVS  MVNIFICvE  SVltSIDIIS, 

l^ete  placideqve  toleratam 
Veris  et  ^eternis  Opebvs 
commvtavit. 


1  Published  in  hii  Pinacotheca  Hiatorica  Specimen. 


MACAULAY.  211 

Kenni  Cubiculo  apud  Loxgleat 
In  comit.  Wilt,  ixscribexdum 


cvbicvlum  hoc, 

Domicilivm  Sexecttjtis  sv;e, 

Per  axxos  prope  xx  habvit 

Thomas  Kex, 

Episcopvs  Bathox.  et  Wellex.  deprivatvs, 

QvEM,  IXIQVITATE  TeMPORVM  SEDE  DEPVLSVM, 
DOMVS  ISTHtflC, 

exemplo,  coxsilio,  solatio  ejvs 

Adjvta, 

Velvt  Axgelvm  ex  improviso  RECEPTVM, 

experta  est, 

cvjvsqtje  beataxi  memoriam, 

Adhvc  Virextem, 

GrRATISSOIA  EeCORDATIOXE 

Proseqvltvr." 

A  tribute  of  singular  and  almost  reverential  warmth  comes 
from  the  pen  of  the  great  Whig  historian.1 
The  historian  is  describing  Charles  II.'s  death. 

"  Thomas  Ken,  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  then  tried  his  powers 
of  persuasion.  He  was  a  man  of  parts  and  learning,  of  quick  sen- 
sibility and  stainless  virtue.  His  elaborate  works  have  long  been 
forgotten,  but  his  Morning  and  Evening  Hymns  are  still  repeated 
daily  in  thousands  of  dwellings."2 

Elsewhere  he  speaks  of  him  as — 

"Both  in  intellectual  and  moral  qualities  ranking  highest  among 
the  Non-juring  Prelates."3 

And  again — 

1 '  Ken  quietly  retired  from  the  venerable  palace  of  Wells.  He 
had  done,  he  said,  with  strife,  and  should  henceforth  vent  his  feel- 
ings, not  in  disputes,  but  in  hymns.  His  charities  to  the  unhappy 
of  all  persuasions,  especially  to  the  followers  of  Monmouth  and  the 
persecuted  Huguenots,  had  been  so  large  that  his  whole  private 
fortune  consisted  of  seven  hundred  pounds,  and  of  a  library  which 
he  could  not  persuade  himself  to  sell.  But  Thomas  Thynne,  Vis- 
count Weymouth,  though  not  a  Non- juror,  did  himself  honour  by 
offering  to  the  most  virtuous  of  the  Non-jurors  a  tranquil  and  dig- 

1  Macaulay,  History  of  England.  •  Chapter  ii.  3  Chapter  xix. 

VOL.  II.  T 


278  ESTIMATES.  [chap.  xxix. 

nified  retirement  in  the  princely  mansion  of  Longleat.  There  Ken 
passed  a  happy  and  honoured  old  age,  during  which  he  never 
regretted  the  sacrifice  he  had  made  to  what  ho  thought  his  duty, 
and  yet  constantly  became  more  and  more  indulgent  to  those  whose 
views  of  duty  differed  from  his." 

Among  the  less  direct  results  of  what  may  be  described  as 
the  revival  of  Ken's  name  and  fame  initiated  by  the  leaders  of  the 
Oxford  movement,  we  may  note  the  more  public  tributes  to  his 
memory.  For  nearly  a  century  and  a  half  his  own  diocese  had 
remained  without  any  memorial  but  the  iron  grating  at  Frome, 
unaccompanied  by  a  single  word  of  inscription,  as  Lord 
Houghton  has  described  it.  In  1844  a  committee  was  formed 
for  the  general  restoration  of  the  church  of  St.  John  Baptist 
at  Frome,  and  in  particular,  for  some  special  tribute  to  Ken.  It 
numbered  among  its  members  the  Rev.  Charles  Phillott  (then 
Vicar  of  Frome),  the  Warden  of  New  College,  the  Warden 
and  Head  Master  of  Winchester  College,  Mr.  Justice  Coleridge, 
the  present  Sir  T.  D.  Acland,  Bart.,  Mr.  A.  H.  Dyke  Acland, 
Mr.  F.  H.  Dickenson,  and  others.  The  tomb  was  left  undis- 
turbed, but  was  enclosed  and  covered  by  a  small  stone  coping, 
designed  by  Mr.  Butterfield.  A  memorial  window,  given  by 
Harriet,  Marchioness  of  Bath,  was  placed  in  a  chapel  south  of 
the  chancel,  of  which  the  following  is  a  description — 

"In  the  upper  part  of  the  centre  opening  is  a  figure  of  our  Lord, 
as  the  Good  Shepherd,  bearing  the  lamb  upon  His  shoulders, — the 
text,  '  Where  I  am,  there  shall  also  My  servant  be ;  if  any  man 
serve  Me,  him  will  My  Father  honour.'  (S.  John  xii.  26.)  On  the 
one  side,  the  subject  is  our  Lord's  charge  to  S.  Peter,  '  Lovest  thou 
Me? — Feed  my  lambs.'  (S.  John  xxi.  16.)  On  the  other  side,  a 
group  of  angels,  holding  scrolls,  upon  which  is  written,  '  Holy,  holy, 
holy : '  the  text,  '  Salvation  to  our  God  Which  sitteth  upon  the 
throne,  and  unto  the  Lamb.'  (Rev.  vii.  10.)  In  the  lower  part  of 
the  centre  opening,  under  '  the  Good  Shepherd,'  is  a  kneeling  figure 
of  Bishop  Ken,  having  his  faldstool  and  book  before  him,  and  his 
mitre  and  staff  lying  by  his  side ; — the  likeness  has  been  taken  from 
the  original  portrait  of  the  Bishop,  at  Longleat,  and  wrought  with 
much  caro.  The  text  accompanying  this  figure  LB  '  The  Lord  will 
be  a  defence  for  the  oppressed,  even  a  refuge  in  duo  time  of  trouble : 
for  Thou,  Lord,  hast  never  failed  them  that  seek  Thee.'  (Psalm  ix. 
9,   10.)     Tho  other  subjects  are,   'The  Feast,'  illustrative  of  the 


PUBLIC  MEMORIALS.  279 

Bishop's  benevolent  custom  of  entertaining  at  his  table  a  number 
of  poor  persons  once  a  week.  The  text,  '  They  cannot  recompense 
thee  :  for  thou  shalt  be  recompensed  at  the  resurrection  of  the  just.' 
(S.  Luke  xiv.  14.)  Our  Lord  at  the  pool  of  Bethesda,  surrounded 
by  the  sick  and  maimed.  The  text,  '  0  ye  fountains,  bless  ye  the 
Lord ;  praise  Him  and  exalt  Him  above  all  for  ever.'  " 

An  inscription  on  a  brass  plate  below  has  the  heading — 

"  All  Glory  be  to  God. 

Thomas  Ken, 

Born  at  Little  Berkhampstead,  in  the  County 

Of  Hertford, 

1637; 

Consecrated  Bishop  of  this  Diocese, 

1684 j1 

Imprisoned  by  one  King, 

1688; 

And  deprived  by  Another, 

1689; 

Suffering  in  both  Cases  for  the  Testimony 

Of  a  good  Conscience, 

Died  at  Longleat,  under  the  Roof  of  his  Friend 

Thomas  Viscount  Weymouth, 

March  19th,  1710/ 

And  by  his  own  Desire  was  buried  in  the 

Adjoining  Church  Yard. 

Many  revering  his  Memory  have  joined 

To  protect  from  Injury  the  Grave  of  this 

Holy  Confessor,  and  to  Restore 

This  Chancel 

To  the  Glory  of  Almighty  God. 

With  like  Reverence  this  Memorial  Window 

Has  been  set  up  by 

Harriet,  Marchioness  of  Bath. 

mdcccxlviii. 

In  1867  Taunton  followed  in  the  footsteps  of  Frome,  and  by 
the  exertions  of  Mr.  Arthur  Kinglake  and  his  personal  friends 
a  bust  was  placed  in  the  Town  Hall,  side  by  side  with  those  of 
other  Somerset  worthies,  Locke,  Blake  and  Pym.  The  inscrip- 
tion runs  as  follows — 

1  Date  given  according  to  the  old  reckoning.  Ken  was  consecrated 
January  25,  168*.     So  1710  stands  for  Yl\\. 

t2 


280  ESTIMATES.  [ohap.  xxix. 

"  Thomas  Ken 

Descended  from  an  ancient  Somersetshire  Family, 

Born  at  Berkhampstead  ln  the  County  of  Hertford  1637, 

Consecrated  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells  1684,1 

Imprisoned  by  one  King,  deprived  by  another, 

In  Life  blameless,  of  Doctrine  pure, 

The  Jewel  of  mitred  Saints, 

And  a  Pattern  to  all  Believers. 

Died  at  Longleat  1711." 

This  is  followed,  first  by  eight  lines  from  Dryden's  panegyric 
beginning  with — 

"  Rich  was  his  soul,  though  his  attire  was  poor," 

and  secondly  by  Ken's  Confession  of  Faith  in  his  Will. 

Lastly,  in  1884,  the  Cathedral  church  of  Ken's  diocese  took 
in  hand  a  long-delayed  duty.  With  the  exception  of  the  lines 
in  the  Latin  epitaph  to  Kidder,  which  have  been  quoted  in 
p.  63,  there  was  no  visible  record  there  of  the  fact  that  he  had 
ever  been  connected  with  it.  Subscriptions  were  invited  from 
those  who  honoured  his  memory  and  loved  his  hymns,  and  the 
appeal  was  not  made  in  vain.  A  memorial  window  was  placed 
in  the  north  aisle  of  the  choir,  executed  by  Messrs.  Lavers, 
Barraud  and  Westlake,  of  which  the  following  is  a  descrip- 
tion— 

"The  central  panel  of  the  memorial  window  contains  a  portrait 
figure  of  the  Bishop  in  cope  and  mitre,  holding  a  pastoral  staff. 
Over  the  Bishop's  head  are  the  words  'All  glory  be  to  God,'  which 
he  was  in  the  habit  of  writing  as  the  superscription  of  every  letter. 
The  text  below  the  figure,  '  Et  tu  quaeris  tibi  grandia  ?  Noli  quaerere,1 
('And  seekest  thou  great  things  for  thyself?  Seek  them  not' 
(Jer.  xlv.  5),  has  been  chosen  as  having  been  found  written  in 
Ken's  own  hand  in  two  books  that  were  in  constant  use  by  him.  At 
the  foot  of  the  window  runs  the  inscription,  '  In  piam  memoriam  riri 
sanctissimi,  dilectissimi,  TJiomcd  Ken,  S.T.P.,  Olim  Batlwn.  ct  WclJvn. 
Episcopi.  N.  1637,  Ob.  1711.'  Below  the  central  panel  is  the  Bishop's 
coat  of  arms,  those  of  the  Kenn  family,  of  Kenn  Court,  Somerset, 
impaled  with  the  arms  of  the  diocese.  The  motto,  'Pastor  bonus 
dat  animam  pro  ovibus'  ('The  Good  Shopherd  giveth  his  life  for  the 

\  See  note,  p.  279. 


WELLS  CATHEDRAL.  281 

sheep,'  John  x.  11),  is  that  which  the  Bishop  chose  for  himself  as 
embodying  his  ideal  of  the  pastoral  work  of  the  episcopate.  Above 
the  central  panel  are  three  figures  : — (1)  St.  Andrew  as  the  patron 
saint  of  the  diocese  and  Cathedral,  with  the  words,  '  Piscator  hominum1 
('Fisher  of  Men.' — Matt.  iv.  19).  (2)  David,  as  representing  Ken's 
work  as  a  hymn- writer,  with  the  inscription,  '  Egregius  Psaltes  Lsrael ' 
('The  sweet  Psalmist  of  Israel.' — 2  Sam.  xxiii.  1).  (3)  Daniel, 
as  the  subject  of  one  of  Ken's  most  memorable  sermons,  in  which 
he  has  unconsciously  portrayed  his  own  character,  with  the  words, 
1  Vir  desideriorum1  ('A  man  greatly  beloved,'  or  'A  man  of  desires.' 
— Dan.  ix.  23).  The  subjects  in  the  side-panels  have  been  chosen 
as  representing  some  of  the  most  characteristic  features  in  Ken's  life 
and  work.  (1)  St.  Paul  teaching  Timotheus,  as  answering  to  Ken's 
work  in  writing  his  '  Manual  for  Winchester  Scholars '  and  his  '  Ex- 
position of  the  Church  Catechism.'  The  two  texts  of  this  panel  are 
1  Finis  prcecepti  caritas1  ('The  end  of  the  Commandment  is  charity,' 
i.  Tim.  i.  5),  and  ' Prcedica  verbum'  ('Preach  the  Word,'  ii.  Tim. 
iv.  2).  (2)  Our  Lord's  Charge  to  St.  Peter,  with  the  words  '  Diligis 
me?1  ('  Lovest  thou  me  ?')  '  Pasce  agnos  meos  *  ('  Feed  my  Lambs ') 
from  St.  John  xxi.  15.  (3)  St.  Paul  before  Agrippa,  as  parallel  to 
Ken's  protest  in  the  Council  Chamber  of  James  II.  The  two  texts 
are  'A  tenebris  ad  lucem'  ('From  darkness  to  light,'  Acts  xxvi.  18), 
and  '  Coram,  gentibus  et  regibus1  ('Before  the  Gentiles  and  Kings,' 
Acts  ix.  15).  (4)  St.  Peter  in  prison,  as  answering  to  Ken's 
imprisonment  in  the  Tower.  The  two  texts  are  '  Sequere  me ' 
('  Follow  me,'  Acts  xii.  8),  and  '  Et  in  carcerem1  ('  Even  to  prison/ 
Luke  xxii.  33).  (5  and  6).  The  subjects  of  the  two  side  panels  at 
the  foot  of  the  window  are  intended  to  illustrate  the  Morning  and 
Evening  Hymns.  On  the  left  are  men  going  forth  to  their  work 
and  their  labour  in  the  early  dawn,  singing  the  canticle,  '  JBenedicite, 
omnia  opera1  with  the  word  '  Mane '  ('  in  the  morning ')  below.  On 
the  right  side  is  a  priest  with  choir  men  and  boys  chanting  their 
'  Nunc  dimittis '  by  the  light  of  a  lamp,  with  the  word  '  Vesper e ' 
('At  evening  ").     The  two  words  are  taken  from  Psalm  lv.,  17.1 

On  June  29th,  in  1885,  in  the  bicentenary  year  of  Ken's 
consecration,  on  the  anniversary  of  the  Trial  of  the  Seven 
Bishops,  a  Commemorative  Festival  was  held  in  the  Cathedral, 
in  connexion  with  the  first  appearance  of  the  window  just 
described,  and  a  Sermon  preached  by  the  Right  Rev.  William 
Alexander,  D.D.,  Bishop  of  Derry  and  Raphoe.    Those  who  had 

1  The  Latin  texts  are  throughout  taken  from  the  Vulgate. 


282  ESTIMATES.  [chap.  xxix. 

the  privilege  of  hearing  that  sermon  felt  that  it  was  worthy  of 
the  subject  and  the  occasion,  worthy  also  of  the  preacher's 
fame.  I  cannot  close  this  series  of  estimates  better  than  by 
printing  it  in  extenso. 

"  My  reward  is  with  me,  to  give  every  man  according  as  his  work  shall  be." 

Key.  xxii.  12. 

Bishop  Ken  "died  as  he  lived,  a  plain,  humhle  man."  He  desired  to  be 
buried  in  the  churchyard  of  the  nearest  parish  within  his  diocese,  Frome  Bel- 
wood,  under  the  east  window  of  the  chancel,  just  at  sun-rising,  without  any 
manner  of  pomp  or  ceremony  besides  that  of  the  Order  for  Burial  in  the  Liturgy 
of  the  Church  of  England.  Probably  one  reason  of  this  desire  was  his  charac- 
teristic dislike  of  funeral  sermons.  "  Sin  was  seldom  wanting  in  them,"  he 
said.  To  be  preached  over  at  a  funeral  seemed  to  his  humility  to  be  the  addition 
of  a  pang  to  death. 

In  the  case  of  ono  who  has  so  long  entered  into  his  rest,  the  preacher's  poor 
words  of  praise  can  scarcely  offend  the  modesty  of  immortality.  I  shall,  there- 
fore, after  (1)  attempting  to  grasp  the  idea  in  the  text,  proceed  (2)  to  apply  it  to 
the  life-work  of  Thomas  Ken. 

The  risen  Lord  speaks  in  the  text  of  "  the  Reward  "  and  "  the  "Work."  Let 
us  fix  our  attention  on  these  familiar  words. 

(1.)  Reward  (or  hire) — for  speaking  to  man,  Scripture  must,  at  all  events 
Scripture  does,  speak  "  with  the  tongue  of  Man."  The  most  dangerous  errors 
have  arisen  from  pressing  metaphors  too  far.  And  so  "reward,"  in  its  practical 
bearing  upon  men,  must  be  viewed  as  an  approximate  term.  It  is  not  precisely 
so  much  wages  for  so  much  work.  It  is  the  idea  of  hire,  paid  for  labour,  trans- 
ferred to  the  Divine  payment,  with  the  limitations  implied  by  the  feebleness 
of  the  labourer,  and  by  the  infinite  freedom  of  the  grace.  And  the  truth  con- 
veyed by  "reward  "must  be  important.  For  the  word  is  not  dropped  as  if 
accidentally.  It  occurs  again  and  again.  Let  him  who  is  suspicious  of  it 
remember  how  it  comes  to  us,  as  if  it  were  swinging  to  and  fro,  three  times  over, 
on  the  chime  of  Christ's  sweetest  bells  of  promise — M  shall  receive  a  prophet's 
reward"  "  shall  receive  a  righteous  man's  reward"  "shall  in  no  wise  lose  his 
reward."  The  importance  of  this  idea  of  reward  may  be  seen  by  its  bearing  on 
two  aspects  of  tho  Christian  life. 

It  fills  up  what  otherwise  might  be  a  moral  gap  upon  the  moral  side  of  the 
gospel.     It  is  an  effectual  answer  to  one  objection  to  Justification  by  Faith. 

The  circle  has  but  one  centre,  salvation  has  but  one  Saviour. 

Has  man,  then,  nothing  to  do  beyond  a  passive  acceptance  of  this  great  truth  ? 
We  are  not,  indeed,  hirelings  who  dare  to  bargain  with  a  Father,  who,  aftex 
all,  only  "crowns  his  own  gift  in  us."  But  He,  in  a  sense,  condescends  to 
bargain  with  us.  We  do  not  work  up  to  a  life  which  we  win,  but  on  from  a 
life  which  we  receive.  "Not  grace  from  works,  but  works  from  grace."  Yet 
the  judgment  is  according  to  works,  and  the  reward  is  proportionate.  Every 
half  hour  is  golden.  God's  wages  are  not  paid  at  the  end  of  every  week,  but 
they  are  always  paid. 

How  necessary  Reward  is  to  Hope,  one  need  scarcely  show  at  length.  Above 
tho  long  bead-rol]  of  worthies  of  Faith  (of  whom  Ken  was  ono)  stands  the 
eternal  principle  that  "  be  that  cometh  to  God  must  believe  that  he  is;"  i.«.f  that 
he  -  rifte;  and  that  "!!<■  become*  a  rewarder  of  them  that  diligently  seek  Him.-' 


BISHOP  ALEXANDER.  283 

The  second  word  in  the  text  to  which  I  invite  your  attention  is  "  work  " — 
not  "works ." 

This  word,  in  the  singular,  is  frequently  used,  as  in  the  text,  with  very  deep 
solemnity.  It  is  the  look  back  from  the  other  side  of  life.  The  thinker's  busy 
brain  is  stilled,  and  the  worker's  weary  hands  are  folded.  The  man's  journeys, 
business,  pleasures,  conversations,  thoughts,  deeds,  have  been.  So  far  as  these  are 
concerned,  the  pilgrim  of  life  has  gone  on  "  into  the  shadow  vast,  the  silence  that 
must  last."  All  the  multiplied  outward  acts  ;  all  the  inner  acts  which  co-exist 
in  such  countless  numbers,  and  succeed  each  other  with  a  rapidity  which  baffles 
analysis — all  those  doings  which  seem  to  us  so  varied,  and  which  we  alternately 
approve  or  condemn,  are  compressed  into  a  tremendous  unity. 

When  we  are  close  to  a  cataract,  we  are  dazed  with  the  countless,  bewildering 
succession  of  hurried  movements.  It  is  all  variety  ;  vastness,  and  rapidity  of 
mutation, — myriads  of  lines  of  foam,  and  clouds  of  spray,  and  torn  masses  of 
ever-plunging  waters.  But  leave  the  cataract,  and  some  miles  away,  in  clear 
weather,  turn  to  look  back.  Far  off,  in  the  lustrous  distance,  you  see  one  broad 
white  unwavering  ribbon  or  banner,  nailed,  as  it  were,  to  the  steadfast  rock  of 
the  mountain  side.  And  so  our  myriad  thoughts  and  doings,  every  day  and 
night,  are  our  works.  But  all  the  hurry  and  variety  is  lost  in  the  retrospect 
from  the  awful  distances  of  eternity.  The  countless  things,  whose  very  essence 
seems  now  to  be  their  mutability  and  their  multiplicity,  stand  out,  as  if  they 
were  entirely  one  under  that  summer  sky,  whose  light  never  goes  down — the  one 
work  which  we  have  done,  the  one  work  which  we  have  made  ourselves,  the  one 
work  which  we  are,  the  one  work  which  is.  Each  man's  works  have  shrunk 
into  each  man's  work.  The  plural  is  almost  an  anachronism  in  the  land  from 
which  we  survey  the  place  where  our  past  lies.  "  My  reward  is  with  Me  to 
give,"  ay,  to  pay  it  off,  and  give  it  out  to  the  uttermost  farthing — "according 
as  His  work  is"  (not  "shall  be").  For  Christ  thinks  with  the  thought  and 
uses  the  tense  of  God — that  eternal  unity  of  each  man's  existence — "his  work" 
— 0  that  eternal  present! — "as  his  work  is.*' 

(2.)  On  this  day  of  memories  let  me  attempt  to  speak  of  the  work  of  Ken. 
Gazing  upon  it  from  the  remoteness  of  174  years,  we  can  examine  it  with  an 
almost  passionless  impartiality. 

Think  first  of  his  ministerial  work. 

As  a  Bishop  the  circumstances  of  his  day  neither  required,  nor  permitted,  the 
varied  and  minute  activities  which  are  exacted  from  a  Prelate  of  the  nineteenth 
century.  But  Ken  was  a  true  Bishop,  as  he  had  been  a  true  Parish  Priest.  He 
was  diligent  in  confirming,  and  in  preaching  round  his  Diocese.  He  took  an 
interest  in  schools  and  charities  which  was  unusual  in  his  day.  The  picture 
which  he  himself  has  drawn  was,  unconsciously  no  doubt,  painted  from  the  life. 

"  Give  me  the  priest  these  graces  shall  possess : 
Of  an  ambassador  the  just  address, 
A  father's  tenderness,  a  shepherd's  care, 
A  leader's  courage  which  the  cross  can  bear, 
A  prophet's  inspiration  from  above, 
A  teacher's  knowledge  and  a  Saviour's  love ; 
Give  me  the  priest,  a  light  upon  a  hill, 
Whose  rays  his  whole  circumference  can  fill, 
Who  is  all  that  he  would  have  others  be, 
From  wilful  sin,  though  not  from  frailty,  free." 


284  ESTIMATES.  [chap.  xxix. 

The  lesson  of  toleration  is  one  which  was  slowly  learned  in  England  as  else- 
where. But  Ken  was  the  friend  and  instructor  of  the  pious  Nonconformist, 
Elisabeth  Rowe,  of  whom  it  was  said  by  Dr.  Johnson  that  she  and  Isaac  Watts 
are  of  those  "  to  whom  human  eulogies  are  vain,  whom  I  believe  applauded  by 
angels,  and  numbered  with  the  just."  "  The  Church  of  England,"  said  the  holy 
Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells,  "  teaches  me  charity  for  those  who  differ  from  her." 

As  a  preacher,  Ken  stood  in  the  foremost  rank.  He  possessed  a  power  which 
has  been  granted  to  few  of  the  great  Anglican  divines.  His  sweet  face,  musical 
voice,  and  thrilling  earnestness,  fairly  enchanted  the  congregations  who  listened 
to  him.  In  the  great  Abbey  Church  at  Bath  his  ringing  tones  were  heard  from 
the  pulpit  to  the  west  door.  For  an  hour  and  a  half  on  one  occasion  he  poured 
forth  a  stream  of  alternate  logic  and  passion,  which  even  a  Jesuit  who  was 
present  could  not  altogether  resist.  Again  and  again,  in  Whitehall,  when  Ken 
preached  in  that  singular  Chapel1  (where  the  frivolities  of  earth  are  richly  painted 
upon  walls  now  dedicated  to  the  service  of  Heaven),  multitudes  burst  in  long 
before  the  previous  service  was  ended.  "  Crowds  of  people  not  to  be  expressed," 
says  a  contemporary  writer,  "nor  the  wonderful  eloquence  of  that  admirable 
preacher."  From  that  pulpit  he  once  spoke  in  an  hour  of  danger  and  of  glory. 
When  the  Ahaz  of  England  would  have  combined  an  altar  of  Damascus  with 
one  of  higher  origin  and  purer  design,  Dr.  Ken  appeared  there  as  the  Prophet 
of  the  English  church,  to  plead  for  civil  and  religious  liberty.  Before  that 
time  he  had  boldly  rebuktd  royal  vice.  "I  must  go  and  hear  little  Ken  tell 
me  of  my  faults,"  said  Charles  the  Second  with  what  for  him  may  have  been  a 
melancholy  smile.  The  monarch  knew  his  man.  He  remembered  why  and 
when  his  Chaplain  had  said  "Not  for  his  kingdom."2  Notes  and  diaries 
remain  to  show  that  addresses  of  Ken's  in  humbler  churches  were  the  occasion 
of  penitential  tears  and  holy  resolutions,  of  full  surrender  of  the  heart  to  Christ. 
There  can  have  been  little  truth  in  the  criticism  of  envy  or  polemical  acerbity 
that  "  his  sermons  were  rather  beautiful  than  instructire."  3 

As  a  Theologian,  Ken  produced  no  elaborate  work.  His  one  considerable 
book,  The  Exposition  of  the  Church  Catechism,  is  none  of  those  monuments  which 
surprise,  almost  appal  us,  by  the  mass  of  their  learning  ;  by  pages  so  overloaded 
with  erudition  that  they  are  fain  to  spill  their  contents  upon  a  margin,  which, 
in  turn,  groans  under  the  burden.  But  it  is  evident  that  Ken's  knowledge  was 
compacted  and  accessible.  The  grosser  particles  of  his  learning  were  fused  and 
clarified  by  the  fires  of  thought,  of  feeling,  and  of  prayer.     In  this  he  stands 


1  The  present  Chapel  at  Whitehall  is  not,  however,  that  in  which  Ken  preached 
his  sermons,  but  was  then  the  Banqueting  Hall  of  the  Palace.  The  old  Chapel, 
as  well  as  that  which  James  II.  built  for  his  own  use,  were  destroyed  in  tho 
great  fire  of  January  2,  1698,  which,  in  Evelyn's  words,  left  "  nothing  but  walls 
and  ruins."  The  Banqueting  Hall,  however,  escaped,  and  has  been  used  as  a 
Chapel  since  the  time  of  George  I.  The  painted  ceiling,  of  which  the  sermon 
speaks,  represents  the  Apotheosis  of  James  I.,  by  Rubens.  (Wright's  London, 
i.  363).  I  imagine  that  Ken,  when  he  saw  that  ceiling,  would  have  echoed 
Bishop  Andrewes'  prayer  (Prec.  I'riv.,  Day  vii.)  to  be  delivered,  as  "from  tho 
flattery  of  the  people,"  so  also  "from  tho  apotheosis  of  kings." — [E.  H.  P.] 

■  Ken  had  refused  to  allow  Nell  Gwyn  to  occupy  his  prebendal  house  at 
Winchester  (i.  168). 

1  Bishop  Burnet,  in  his  History  of  hi*  Own  Time 


BISHOP  ALEXANDER.  285 

almost  alone  among  our  elder  divines.  But  with  Ken  the  dogma  is  simple  and 
catholic,  the  devotion  tender  and  ardent,  and  the  dogma  and  the  devotion  are 
one.  With  most  orthodox  theologians  dogma  is  like  an  armour,  necessary 
indeed,  hut  cumbrous  ;  with  Ken  the  armour  becomes  winged,  and  lifts  him 
from  the  earth.  No  portion  of  his  prose  writings  is  more  characteristic  than 
that  which  relates  to  the  Sacraments.  Nowhere  is  his  "  Glory  be  to  Thee, 
O  Lord!  "  "  All  Glory  be  to  Thee  !  "  more  fervent  or  more  natural.  For  Ken, 
one  Sacrament  is  that  of  regeneration.  The  other  is  accompanied,  assisted, 
pervaded  by  a  presence,  whose  reality  is  assured  to  faith,  while  its  manner 
cannot  be  rationalised  into  an  absolute  definition.  By  loving  contemporaries 
he  was  called  "  the  seraphic  Ken."  But  while  his  heart  was  rapt  in  the  ardours 
of  devotion  before  the  altar,  his  grave  and  serious  intellect  was  on  its  guard. 
His  words  were  wise  as  well  as  burning — explained  or  modified,  if  misunder- 
stood. If  he  never  "  evaporated  "  the  Sacrament  into  a  "  metaphor,"  he  never 
materialised  the  presence  which  he  confessed.  One  gift  was  bestowed  upon 
Ken  in  no  ordinary  measure— the  gift  of  producing  prayers  which  can  really  be 
used.  If  we  measure  the  value  of  products  by  their  rarity,  then  such  prayers 
are  the  most  precious  of  all  products.  They  are  not  compositions.  They  are 
not  rhapsodies.  They  are  effusions.  The  press  teems  with  Manuals  of  Devotion. 
But  to-day  they  are,  to-morrow  are  cast  into  the  oven.  Monarchs,  senates, 
convocations,  may  order  forms  of  prayer.  They  may  get  speeches  to  be  spoken 
upward  by  people  on  their  knees.  But  prayers  which  have  the  one  condition  of 
precability  they  can  no  more  command  than  they  can  order  a  new  Cologne 
Cathedral  or  a  new  epic  poem.  It  has  been  remarked  that  the  one  form  of 
State  prayers  which  alone  can  have  been  largely  influenced  by  Ken,1  breathes 
more  of  the  spirit  of  the  Liturgy,  and  is  more  free  from  "  the  adulation  and  the 
malignity"  which  too  oiten  disgraced  such  productions,  than  any  other  of  their 
time.  Among  all  the  prayers  which  have  passed  from  an  individual  spirit  into 
the  sanctuary  and  into  the  closet,  and  which,  like  some  mysterious  vestment, 
fit  every  human  soul  in  the  attitude  of  supplication,  few  exceed  those  which  are 
to  be  found  in  the  extracts  from  the  Exposition,  which  have  been  published 
separately  under  the  title  of  Approach  to  the  Holy  Altar.  Faith  sighs  prayers  ; 
"  the  Spirit  himself  maketh  intercession  for  us,  with  sighs  that  none  may  speak." 
Penitence  weeps  prayers;  "the  Lord  hath  heard  the  voice  of  my  weeping." 
Love  looks  prayers;  "  My  prayer  will  I  direct  to  Thee,  and  I  will  look  up." 
There  are  such  looks  of  love  pictured  in  the  heart  of  Him  who  is  upon  the 
Throne.  Is  it  not  recorded  on  an  undying  page,  "  Stephen  looked  up  stead- 
fastly into  heaven?"  As  far  as  those  sighs,  and  tears,  and  looks  have  a 
grammar  and  a  tongue,  and  can  be  written  in  a  book,  Ken  has  written  them. 
He  reminds  us  that  to  pray  truly  is  to  believe  in  God  within  and  without,  God 
within  praying,  God  without  hearing. 

Such  was  the  model  which  inspired  Dry  den's  "  Character  of  a  good  Parson." 
The  first  sketch  was,  of  course,  copied  from  Chaucer's  Parish  Priest,  but  Dryden's 
heart  and  imagination  kindled  as  he  looked  upon  Ken.  Chaucer  is  always 
picturesque.  He  has  that  touch  of  genius  which  suggests  much  when  it  says 
little.     But  here  the  original  is  bettered  by  the  imitation.     The  music  of  the 


1  The  three  Collects  "for  Repentance,"  "for  the  King,"  "for  Peace  and 
Unitie,"  issued  by  Archbishop  Sancroft  in  October,  1688.  The  remark  is  from 
Macaulay's  History.     (See  p.  32.) 


286  ESTIMATES.  [chap.  xxix. 

cadences  is  lofty  and  varied.  The  masculine  and  Bonorous  verse  perhaps  just 
pauses  on  the  line  where  eloquence,  whose  summits  must  always  be  clear, 
reluctantly  refrains  from  passing  into  the  sunlit  mists  of  the  highest  poetry. 
But  if,  as  has  been  said,  there  is  "  always  prose  in  Dry  den,"  it  is  glorified  prose. 

"A  Parish  Priest  was  of  the  pilgrim  train, 
An  awful,  reverent  and  religious  man  ; 
His  eyes  diffused  a  venerable  grace, 
And  charity  itself  was  in  his  face. 
Yet  had  his  aspect  nothing  of  severe, 
But  such  a  face  as  promised  him  sincere  ; 
Nothing  reserved  or  sullen  was  to  see, 
But  sweet  regards  and  pleasing  sanctity ; 
Mild  was  his  accent  and  his  action  free. 
And  oft  with  holy  hymns  he  charmed  their  ears, 
A  music  more  melodious  than  the  spheres  ; 
For  David  left  him,  when  he  went  to  rest, 
His  lyre ;  and  after  him  he  sang  the  best. 
He  preached  the  joys  of  Heaven  and  pains  of  hell, 
And  warned  the  sinner  with  becoming  zeal, 
But  on  eternal  mercy  loved  to  dwell  : 
He  taught  the  Gospel,  rather  than  the  law, 
And  forced  himself  to  drive  but  loved  to  draw."  i 

(3.)  Thmk  again  of  Bishop  Ken  as  a  loyal  Churchman. 

One  or  two  lines  from  a  monumental  brass  tell  us  in  outline  all  which  most 
concerns  us — "  Consecrated  Bishop  of  the  Diocese,  1685  ;  imprisoned  by  one 
King,  1688;  and  deprived  by  another,  1689."  His  pure  conscience  would  not 
trifle  with  an  oath.  He  passed  from  his  Palace  to  a  scanty  income,  and  a  house 
which  was  offered  to  him  by  the  love  and  veneration  of  friends.  Longleat,  in 
return,  possesses  something  beyond  its  magnificence,  beyond  that  which  a  fiiend 
of  Bishop  Ken  called  "the  enchantment  of  that  fairy  land."  "  I  can  but  give 
you,"  he  whispered,  in  his  last  hours,  ''my  all,  myself,  my  poor  heart,  and  my 
last  blessing."2  Over  all  the  stately  pile,  and  through  all  the  glorious  woods, 
there  abides  a  quiet  memory,  a  beauty  not  of  spring  or  summer.  A  saint  said 
for  twenty  years,  "  peace  be  to  this  house  " — and  his  peace  has  rested  upon  it. 

Natural  tendencies  might  well  have  led  Ken  to  inaugurate  or  assi.st  a  formidable 
schism.  His  reading  and  the  spirit  of  his  devotion  would  have  inclined  him  to 
side  with  those  who  desired  to  restore  ancient  usages.  His  intimate  friends  were 
without  the  slightest  disposition  to  submit  to  Rome.  But  they  longed  for  a 
closer  approximation  to  some  features  of  the  ancient  Liturgies ;  for  a  more 
primitive  rule  of  life  ;  for  more  of  mystery,  of  elevation,  of  beauty  in  worship. 
Ken's  dislike  to  latitudinarian  prelates  might  well  be  intensified  as  he  thought  of 
the  occupants  of  Lambeth  and  Wells.  One  so  venerated  as  himself  would  have 
been  the  idol  of  the  separatists.  And  no  man  is  a  popular  preacher  with  impunity. 
It  is  hard  to  find,  hard  even  to  conceive,  an  orator  without  ambition.  Every 
orator  must  have,  in  some   degree,  a  nervous  excitability  of  temperament,  a 

I  See  p.  260. 

-'  I   do  not  find  the  "whispered"  words  in  any  narrative  of  Ken's  death,  but 

they  embody  the  feelings  expressed  in  tlu>  Dedication,  quoted  in  p.  260.  Six 
KoU%  p.  205.— [E.  H.  P.] 


BISHOP  ALEXANDER.  287 

sympathetic  emotion,  a  passion  and  a  capacity  (as  the  first  of  living  orators  has 
said),  for  "  giving  hack  to  his  hearers  in  rain  what  he  has  received  from  them 
in  mist."  Ken  could  never  have  forgotten  the  anxiety  and  enthusiasm  of 
England  on  June  29th,  193  years  ago.  On  this  day  thousands  were  praying 
that  the  miracle  in  the  portion  of  Scripture  for  the  epistle  for  St.  Peter's  day 
might  he  repeated  ;  that  "  the  iron  gate  might  open  to  them  of  its  own  accord." 
The  shout  of  ten  thousand  voices,  which  seemed  "  to  crack  "  the  very  "beams  of 
Westminster  Hall,  when  the  foreman  came  in  with  his  memorable  "  Not 
Guilty,"  must  often  have  sounded  in  his  ears.  He  well  knew  what  followed. 
He  had  heard  the  storm  of  cheers,  the  sobs  of  joy  ;  he  had  seen  the  vast  crowds 
upon  their  knees,  imploring  his  blessing  and  that  of  the  Primate.  Letters  and 
eye-witnesses  had  told  him  of  the  rapidity  with  which  the  news  had  spread 
through  England;  of  the  cathedral  peals  and  village  bells  set  ringing  by  the 
hurricane  of  joy  ;  and  of  the  seven  Bishops  to  whom  men  attributed  the  preserva- 
tion of  the  Protestant  Religion  and  of  the  Church  of  England.  His  own  name 
stood  foremost.  Modern  Bishops  can  scarcely  be  a  picturesque  body  of  men. 
The  life  that  seems  so  quiet,  the  load  of  little  accumulated  cares,  does  not  much 
appeal  to  general  sympathy.  The  days  may  darken  round  the  lonely  man  ;  but 
the  world  does  not  suspect  the  pathos  of  it.  The  heart-strings  may  snap  ;  but 
they  make  no  noise  in  breaking.  Ken,  with  Wesley's  impatience,  out  upon  a 
theological  campaign,  might  have  rent  the  Church  of  England  in  sunder. 
With  himself  and  his  friends  he  would  have  carried  away  from  the  National 
Establishment  the  acorn  in  which  lay  folded  the  Church  Revival.  By  his 
voluntary  and  canonical  cession  of  his  See  to  the  pious  and  orthodox  Bishop 
Hooper,  and  by  his  expressed  determination  to  receive  the  Holy  Communion  from 
the  hand  of  his  successor,  the  fear  of  a  formidable  division  was  averted,  and  the 
long  line  of  Bishops  has  gone  on  without  solution  of  continuity  to  its  present 
beloved  Chief  Pastor.  This  great  success  was  not  achieved  by  Ken  without 
self-restraint  and  self-crucifixion.  By  the  extreme  men  on  both  sides  he  was 
distrusted  and  even  maligned.  By  one  party  it  was  whispered  that  he  might 
have  Roman  predilections  or  be  concerned  in  mysterious  political  conspiracies.  By 
his  own  side  he  was  sometimes  accused  of  the  deadliest  of  deadly  sins  in  theo- 
logical coteries,  reasonable  moderation.  An  episcopal  correspondent  wrote  to 
him,  not  without  cruelty,  that  the  line  which  he  adopted  in  presenting  to  livings 
in  his  Diocese  "  gave  great  advantage  to  those  who  were  so  severe  as  to  say  that 
there  was  something  else  than  conscience  at  the  bottom."  Ken  replied  with 
pathetic  dignity,  "  I  perceive  that,  after  we  have  been  sufficiently  ridiculed,  the 
last  mortal  stab  designed  to  be  given  to  us  is  to  expose  us  to  the  world,  for  men 
of  no  conscience — and  if  God  is  pleased  to  permit  it,  His  most  holy  will  be  done  ; 
though  what  that  particular  portion  of  corrupt  nature  is  that  lies  at  the  bottom, 
and  which  we  gratify  in  losing  all  we  have,  will  be  hard  to  determine."  y  His 
recommendations  after  some  years  to  lay  friends  to  attend  the  services  of  the 
National  Church  were  sneered  at  by  some  of  the  extreme  non-jurors  as  time- 
serving encouragements  to  "  occasional  conformity  and  amphibious  devotions." 

Ridicule,  as  Ken  himself  indicates,  was  not  wanting.  "  Giving  up  rank  and 
fortune  for  a  Utopia."  Utopia!  To  him  Heaven  was  the  one  thing  that  had 
solidity.  "The  city  that  hath  the  foundations."  Ah!  still,  as  in  the  Russian 
poet's  song  of  initiation,  there  are  two  voices  as  the  neophyte  pledges  his  troth. 


1  See  p.  47 


288  ESTIMATES.  [chap.  xxix. 

11  Fool !  "  hisses  from  below,  while  "  Saint !  "  is  heard  overhead,  and  dies  away  in 
the  starlit  distance. 

Let  us  for  a  few  moments  consider  Ken  as  a  Christian  poet. 

The  agonies  of  disease  apparently  incapacitated  him  for  some  years  from 
severe  studies.  Much  of  his  sacred  verse  was  composed  (to  use  his  own  words) 
as  an  "  anodyne  and  alleviative  of  pain."  Of  the  four  volumes  of  his  poetical 
works  not  a  little  could  doubtless  be  spared.  We  would  gladly  exchange  much 
of  the  "  cumbrous  narrative  ; "  of  the  "  languid  lyric  ; "  of  the  clumsy  machinery 
of  the  epic  of  Edmtmd — for  one  or  two  of  the  golden  and  glorious  sermons  to  add  to 
those  which  alone  have  been  preserved.  Yet  any  one  who  will  read  the  volumes 
with  tender  reverence  will  be  rewarded  with  lovely  surprises. 

The  heroic  couplets  occasionally  remind  us  that  we  are  between  the  richness  of 
Dry den  and  the  compression  of  Pope.  The  shorter  measures  not  seldom  assume 
a  sweet  and  simple  stateliness,  and  are  rounded  into  a  self-contained  completeness. 

u  Love  gains  of  boundless  love  the  care, 
By  the  sweet  violence  of  prayer."  1 

"  The  wings  of  the  all-gracious  Dove 
Shed  soft  sweet  penitential  love."  2 

"O  realm  of  undisturb'd  repose, 
Thrones  unassaultable  by  woes ; 
0  robes  unspottable  and  bright, 

Day  void  of  night."  s 


Wo  are  reminded  for  a  moment  of  the  cadence  of  Keble,  and  of  Keble  at 
his  best. 

Bishop  Ken,  indeed,  may  well  have  offered  such  a  prayer  as  that  which  is 
expressed  with  beautiful  simplicity  by  a  living  poet. 

"  0  primal  Love  !  who  grantest  wings 
And  voices  to  the  woodland  birds, 
Grant  me  the  power  of  saying  things 
Too  simple  and  too  sweet  for  words." 

Outside  the  psalter,  no  lines  have  ever  been  so  familiar  to  English  Christians  as 
Ken's  Morning  and  Evening  Hymn. 

Other  hymns  have  been  more  mystical,  more  impassioned,  more  imaginative — 
have  perhaps  contained  pro  founder  thoughts  in  their  depth,  have  certainly 
exhibited  richer  colouring  upon  their  surface.  But  none  are  so  suitable  to  the 
homely  pathos  and  majesty  of  the  English  Liturgy  ;  none  are  so  adapted  to  the 
character  which  the  English  Church  has  aimed  at  forming,  the  sweet  reserve,  the 
quiet  thoroughness,  the  penitence  which  is  continuous  without  being  unhopeful. 
They  are  lines  which  the  child  may  repeat  without  the  painful  senso  that  they 
arc  beyond  him,  and  the  man  without  the  contemptuous  sense  that  they  are  below 
him.  They  appeal  to  the  man  in  the  child,  and  the  child  in  the  man.  They  are 
at  once  a  form  of  devotion,  a  rule  of  life,  a  breath  of  prayer,  a  sigh  of  aspiration. 
They  are  the  utterances  of  a  heart  which  has  no  contempt  for  earth,  but  which  is 


|  Wbrka,  it.  77  2  Works,  iii.  139.  Wwh»x  i.  616. 


BISHOP  ALEXANDER.  289 

at  home  among  the  angels.  When  we  listen  to  them  or  repeat  them  with 
congenial  spirit,  in  whatever  climate  we  may  he,  the  roses  of  the  English  dawn, 
and  the  gold  of  the  English  sunset  are  in  our  sky.  No  church  may  he  near  us, 
no  copse  or  lawn  within  a  thousand  miles — hut  there  are  two  sounds  which  they 
always  suggest — the  roll  of  the  organ  and  the  music  of  the  thrush. 

Such  stands  "the  work"  of  Ken  "before  us  on  this  day.  Such  is  it  as 
suggested  to  us  hy  the  memorial  window.  How  feehly  it  is  now  described,  and 
with  what  imperfect  knowledge,  the  preacher  keenly  feels.  His  deficiencies  will 
he  supplied  hy  one  who  will  bring  to  the  task  full  knowledge,  and  the  congenial 
inspiration  of  a  poet. 

"  Such  his  work  is  ;"  may  its  spirit  more  and  more  pass  into  our  Bishop  and 
clergy.  A  bishop  and  pastor  unsurpassed  ;  a  preacher  of  Christ  unrivalled  in 
that  touch  of  the  magic  of  grace,  that  witchery  of  Heaven,  that  "  light  and 
sweetness  "  of  God  which  is  called  unction ;  a  theologian  of  the  true  English 
type,  who  brings  us  the  purest  silver  of  antiquity  stamped  with  the  honest  hall- 
mark of  the  English  Reformation  ;  a  churchman,  to  whom  the  National  Church 
was  so  dear  that  he  subordinated  all  private  feelings  and  preferences  to  the  "  peace 
of  Jerusalem  ;  "  a  poet,  who  if  he  has  written  much  upon  the  sand  has  at  least 
engraven  some  lines  upon  the  rock,  from  which  they  have  passed  to  the  hearts 
and  lips  of  millions  in  each  successive  generation.  And  if  we  venture  to  speak  of 
reward — though  his  own  meek  soul,  if  he  had  ever  ventured  to  pray,  "  Remember 
me,  0  my  God,"  would  have  added,  "  and  spare  me  according  to  the  greatness  of 
Thy  mercy."  He  had  his  reward  even  here.  Once  again,  the  meek  man,  pushed 
forth  from  his  home,  "  possesses  the  earth  "  with  the  spirit  at  once  of  a  child  and 
of  a  king.  "  He  is  both  dead  and  buried,  and  his  sepulchre  is  with  us  to  this 
day."  The  iron  grating,  strangely  ribbed,  with  mitre  and  pastoral  staff,  abides 
over  his  dust  at  Frome.  "  He  is  not  ascended  into  the  heavens."  His  spirit  is 
in  the  land  where  (according  to  his  own  strange,  but  lovely  fancy),  one  disem- 
bodied soul  may  be  moulding  itself  for  a  habitation  of  the  ruby,  and  another  for 
a  tabernacle  of  the  pearl.1  It  longs  (according  to  the  inscription,  written  by 
himself  for  his  own  tomb)  for  "  a  perfect  consummation  of  bliss  both  in  body  and 
soul  at  the  great  Day ;  "  a  longing  which  he  has  described  with  something  of 
the  spiritual  beauty  of  that  favourite  of  Gordon — "  The  Dream  of  Gerontius." 
In  that  land  he  is.  His  is  the  sweet  life,  the  life  of  purity,  for  which  he  trained 
himself,  "bearing  himself  full  maidenly,"  from  Winchester,  until  the  day  came 
to  seal  his  body,  with  its  self-invested  shroud,  in  the  coffin  ;  ("  they  are  virgins  ; 
these  are  they  which  follow  the  Lamb,  whithersoever  he  goeth,") — the  life  of 
Music,  where  that  "inarticulate  poetry"  of  earth  which  he  loved  so  well,  be- 
comes yet  more  rapturous  and  more  soothing,  the  life  of  song,  where  no  sweet 
bird  is  dumb  in  all  the  depths  of  the  forest  glades  of  the  paradise  of  God  ;  above 
all  the  life  in  that  Presence  without  which  for  such  as  Ken,  Heaven  would  be 
unheavened  ;  the  life  with  Jesus. 

Still,  as  in  successive  readings  of  Scripture  with  the  Church  we  draw  near  to 
the  end  of  the  vision  of  which  the  Apostle  says  in  his  simple,  stately  way,  "I, 
John,  saw  these  things,  and  heard  them  ; ' '  still,  as  the  colours  of  the  Apocalypse 
melt  in  enchanted  distance,  and  the  storm  of  music  dies  into  something  faint  and 
low,  as  the  breathing  of  our  hearts, — still,  as  we  feel  that  the  sights  of  heaven 
are  displaced  for  the  seer  by  the  lights  and  shadows  of  the  Grecian  hills,  and  the 


1  Edmund,  B.  vi. 


290  ESTIMATES.  [chap.  xxix. 

songs  like  many  waters,  by  the  break  of  the  wave  upon  the  rocks  ;  still  we  hear 
a  voice.  It  is  like  the  voice — it  it  the  voice — to  which  we  listen  in  the  Gospels- 
Still  as  gravely  and  severely  sweet, — still  with  the  same  imperious  oracular 
tenderness, — still  claiming  all  from  us,  and  promising  all  to  us.  It  speaks  with 
such  awe  as  never  master  to  workmen  ;  with  such  trembling  pathetic  tender- 
ness as  never  mother  to  children,  whom  she  lias  trusted  lor  half  an  hour 
without  her,  to  diffuse  her  loving  influence  over  every  moment  of  her  absence. 
"  Behold,  I  come  quickly,  and  my  reward  is  with  Me."  Yes !  for  He  Himself  is 
the  reward  of  His  saints — u  to  each  according  as  his  work  ?'&." 


APPENDIX  I. 


KEN  POETEAITS. 

I  can  scarcely  hope  that  the  facts  which  I  have  brought  together 
under  this  head  are  at  all  exhaustive.  It  is  probable,  I  think,  that 
here  and  there  throughout  the  country  there  may  be  portraits  of 
Ken  in  private  houses  of  which  I  know  nothing.  I  shall  be  grate- 
ful for  any  further  information  which  may  tell  me  of  the  existence 
of  such  pictures  or  of  the  history  connected  with  them. 

I.  I  am  able  to  enumerate  at  least  ten  portraits  in  oils  :  (1)  in 
the  Palace  at  Wells  ;  (2)  at  Longleat;  (3)  in  the  Refectory  at  Win- 
chester ;  (4)  in  the  Warden's  Lodge  at  Winchester ;  (5)  in  the  Hall 
of  New  College,  Oxford ;  (6)  in  the  Warden's  Lodge  at  New 
College  ;  (7)  at  Oriel  College  ;  (8)  in  the  National  Portrait  Gallery; 
(9)  one  mentioned  by  Anderdon  (p.  333)  as  in  his  possession;  (10) 
one  in  the  possession  of  the  Eev.  J.  W.  Wickham,  of  Horsington 
Rectory,  Somerset.  I  am  not  aware  that  any  one  of  these  has  been 
identified  as  the  work  of  any  well-known  painter.  All  that  I  can 
learn  of  (1)  is  that  it  is  believed  to  have  been  left  by  Bishop  Ken,  of 
Bath  and  Wells,  to  some  one  at  Salisbury.  I  conjecture  that  it 
may  represent  a  Waltonian  tradition,  possibly  may  have  belonged 
to  Ken's  nephew,  Izaak  Walton,  jun.,  Canon  of  Salisbury.  Such 
of  the  portraits  as  I  have  seen  agree  in  representing  something  of 
the  feebleness  of  age ;  the  eyes  are  lustrous,  but  the  cheeks  are 
flabby  and  the  lips  pendulous,  and  seem  to  have  been  painted,  like 
the  portrait  engraved  by  Yertue  as  a  frontispiece  to  Ken's  poems, 
in  the  later  years  of  his  life.  Many  have,  more  or  less,  the  same 
style  of  workmanship,  as  though  they  had  been  copied  from  the 
same  original.  (10)  gives  the  face  with  a  younger  and  more  cheer- 
ful look ;  (8)  and  (9)  agree  in  representing  Ken  as  in  one  of  six 
medallions  (portraits  of  the  Bishops  of  the  Petition)  round  a  central 
portrait  of  Sancroft. 

II.  The  engraved  portraits  of  Ken  may  be  divided  into  two 
groups  : — 


292  APPENDIX  I. 

A.  Those  published  to  commemorate  the  trial  of  the  Seven 
Bishops.  Of  these  I  print  a  list  from  the  catalogue  of  the  Suther- 
land Collection  (London,  1837,  i.  pp.  70,  71)  in  the  Bodleian 
Library,  given  by  Anderdon  (p.  438)  :  — 

"The  Seven  Bishops. 
"  Sheets. 

"Seven  ovals,  with  ornaments.  Engraven  by  R.  White,  and  sold  by  R. 
White. 

"  A  similar  print.     Engraven  by  J.  Drepentier. 

"  Another  ;  with  vignettes  below.  Dutch  and  French  inscription.  A.  Hael- 
wig,  scul. 

"Another;  with  Moses  and  David.  Allegories.  M.  vander  Guest,  scul. 
Sold  by  T.  Bowles. 

"Another.  The  Portraits  in  Mez.  ;  the  ornaments  etched.  R.  Robins  fecit 
et  ex. 

"  The  Seven  Candlesticks.  Small  ovals  of  the  Bishops  and  their  Counsel. 
The  Royal  arms,  emblematical  devices,  &c.  With  letterpress,  '  Primitive 
Christianity  restored  in  England.'     S.  Gribelin. 

"  Folio. 

"  Seven  ovals,  with  ornaments.     Engraven  and  sold  by  J.  Sturt. 

11  Seven  ovals.     '  Immobile  Saxttm.1 

"The  same.     (Proof  before  '  Immobile  Saxum.') 

"  Seven  ovals,  with  ornaments.     A  mitre  above. 

"A  similar  print.     R.  White,  scul.     Printed  for  Bassett  and  Fox.     Small. 

"The  Seven  Candlesticks.  Small  ovals,  with  ornaments  and  emblematical 
d- vices.     S.  Gribelin,  in.  et  scul.  1688.     Sold  by  T.  Jeffries. 

"  The  same.     (Proof  before  Gribelin's  name.) 

"  Mez.  Seven  ovals ;  and  a  vignette  of  the  Tower,  &c.  Dutch  verses. 
P.  Schenck,  fecit  et  ex. 

"  Quarto. 

"  Seven  ovals  ;  with  a  View  of  their  going  to  the  Tower.     Dutch. 
"  Two  ovals  ;  with  a  Viow  of  the  same.     In  a  border.     German. 
"  Going   to    the    Tower.      Dutch   and    French    inscription.      A.    Schoone- 
breeck  ex." 

To  these  I  have  to  add  an  engraving  of  the  Seven  Bishops,  by 
Loggan,  from  which  Anderdon  says  (p.  806)  that  the  portrait  pre- 
fixed to  his  "Life  of  Ken  "  has  been  taken.  This  and  such  others 
of  the  engravings  as  I  have  seen,  agree,  as  might  be  expected,  in 
giving  Ken's  face  as  it  was  at  the  time  of  the  trial,  when  he  was 
fifty-one. 

B.  Separate  engravings.  Here  also  I  am  indebted  to  Anderdon 
(p.  806)  for  the  list  which  he  gives  from  the  catalogue  of  the 
Sutherland  Collection  (i.  pp.  571,  572): — 

"Octagon,  in  a  pen-flourish.    By  J.  Dundas,  Epsom,  Surrey.    Octavo. 
••  .Ya.  :.;.     With  arms,    G.  Vertue.    Octavo. 


APPENDIX.  I.  293 

"  A  similar  print,  the  portrait  rather  smaller.     By  the  same.     Octavo. 

"  Oval.  The  same  on  a  tablet  below.  Octavo.  The  same,  proof,  without 
letters. 

"  Oval,  in  a  frame.     Proof,  without  letters.     Octavo. 

"From  a  shop  bill.  From  J.  Dunbar,  a  vender  of  gowns  and  cassocks. 
Octavo. 

"  A  book  plate.     G.  Adcock,  scul.     Published  by  Seeley.     Octavo. 

"With  arms.     J.  Basire,  scul.     Sold  by  Hazard.     Duodecimo. 

"  Oval.     G.  Vertue,  scul.     Duodecimo. 

"Oval.     Proof,  before  letters.     Duodecimo. 

"  Oval, — facing  the  reverse  way." 

Most  of  the  above  were  published  as  frontispieces  to  one  or 
other  of  Ken's  works.  That  which  I  have  chosen  as  a  frontispiece 
to  Vol.  I.  has  been  reproduced  from  the  engraving  by  Vertue  in  the 
Print  Room  of  the  British  Museum.  It  seemed  to  me  that  the 
choice  of  that  portrait  by  the  editor  of  Ken's  poems,  who  was  Ken's 
great-nephew,  might  be  fairly  taken  as  evidence  that  it  was  looked 
on  by  the  family  as  more  satisfactory  than  the  others.  The  por- 
trait in  Bowles'  Life  is  given  as  from  a  drawing  in  the  possession 
of  Sir  E.  C.  Hoare,  Bart.  It  purports  to  be  taken  from  the 
Longleat  portrait,  but  it  represents,  as  it  seems  to  me,  the  face  of 
a  much  younger  man. 

III.  A  list  of  the  medals  which  give  Ken's  head,  with  those  of 
his  companion  Bishops,  will  be  found  in  page  9  of  this  volume  ; 
they  are  too  small  to  be  of  much  service  in  the  identification  of  his 
features. 


VOL.   II. 


APPENDIX  II. 


KEN'S  BOOKS. 

I  have,  from  time  to  time,  in  the  course  of  these  volumes  (i.  pp. 
94,  95,  192,  259),  called  attention  to  some  of  the  books  which  were 
in  Ken's  possession,  and  have  drawn  inferences  from  them,  more 
or  less  suggestive, — I  am  bound  to  add  also,  more  or  less  precarious 
— as  to  the  nature  of  his  studies.  I  enter  now  on  a  further 
examination  of  the  catalogues  of  those  books,  as  they  are  found  at 
Longleat,  in  our  cathedral  library  at  Wells,  and  in  that  at  Bath. 
I  wish  I  could  impart  to  my  readers  something  of  the  interest 
which  I  have  felt  in  taking  down  volumes  of  the  second  group, 
connecting  them,  as  I  did  so,  with  some  special  crisis  in  Ken's 
life,  with  his  travels,  with  the  part  he  took  in  the  religion  and 
politics  of  his  time,  with  personal  friendships,1  and  the  like.  I 
ask  myself,  "  Where,  and  when,  and  why,  did  he  buy  this  book  ? 
What  influence  did  it  have  upon  his  mind  ?  How  far  can  we  trace 
that  influence  in  his  writings  or  his  works  ?  "  2  Even  for  those  who 
feel  no  special  interest  in  Ken,  something  will,  I  imagine,  be  gained 
for  a  fuller  estimate  of  the  divines  of  the  Eestoration  period,  by 
giving  what  no  one  has  ever,  to  my  knowledge,  before  attempted  to 
give — materials  for  judging  of  the  range  of  studies  of  one  of  them, 
who  possessed  a  wider  culture  and  a  higher  standard  of  saintliness 
than  most  others.     Of  Walton's  Library  I  have  spoken  in  i.  18. 

The  omissions  of  the  list  are,  to  begin  with,  more  or  less  sugges- 
tive. Shakespeare  is  not  there,  nor  any  other  of  the  Elizabethan 
or  Stuart  dramatists,  nor  Spenser,  nor  Bunyan,  nor  Dryden,  nor 

1  I  note  Goodman's  Penitent  Pardoned,  a  red  morocco  volume,  with  "Mary 
Kemeys,  her  book,"  as  a  singularly  touching  instance  of  what  I  mean.  I  take 
it  to  have  been  a  gift  or  legacy  (ii.,  p.  169). 

-  My  limits  of  space  compel  me  to  omit  some  books  of  minor  importance,  and 
the  dates  and  places  of  publication. 


APPEXDIX  II.  295 

Cowley.  The  German  Reformers,  Luther,  Melancthon  and  their 
fellows  ;  the  English  Eeformers,  Tyndale,  Cranmer,  Ridley,  Latimer, 
Parker,  and  the  others,  with  whom  the  Parker  Society  has  made 
this  generation  familiar ;  these  are,  as  I  have  said  (i.  94),  simply 
conspicuous  by  their  absence.  So  also  are  the  Puritan  Divines, 
Baxter,  Manton,  Howe,  Calamy,  and  Owen,  and  even  most  of  those 
of  the  Anglo-Catholic  school,  Bramhall,  and  Bancroft,  and  Bull, 
and  Andrewes'  Sermons  and  Pearson.  The  great  interpreters  of 
Scripture,  Roman  Catholic  and  Protestant — Maldonatus,  and  Estius, 
and  Cornelius  a  Lapide,  Hammond,  and  Grotius  and  the  other 
writers  collected  in  the  Critici  £ffm— found  no  place  on  his  shelves, 
though  the  latter  are  represented  by  Poole's  Synopsis  Criticorum.  It 
may,  I  think,  be  inferred  from  this  that  Ken,  acting  perhaps  on 
grounds  of  personal  edification,  deliberately  excluded  from  his  studies 
the  whole  region  of  lighter  literature,  and  that  he  had  a  positive  dis- 
taste for  controversial  reading.  In  the  absence  of  any  indication 
of  a  taste  for  the  exegetical  study  of  Scripture,  after  the  methods 
which  we  employ  in  the  study  of  other  books,  such  as  we  find  in 
the  Commentators  I  have  named,  I  note  a  marked  parallelism  with 
the  line  of  study  traceable  in  some  of  the  leading  minds  of  the 
Oxford  School,  notably  in  Newman  and  Keble,  Dr.  Pusey  presenting, 
of  course,  in  his  Minor  Prophets  and  Daniel,  a  marked  exception.  I 
pass  on  to  special  groups  of  books. 

I.  Greek  Classics. — Here  again  we  miss  what  we  should  cer- 
tainly have  expected  to  find.  Neither  Homer,  nor  Herodotus,  nor 
Demosthenes,  nor  iEsehylus  is  found  there.  With  these  exceptions, 
the  range  is  tolerably  wide.  I  find  Aristophanes,  and  Sophocles, 
and  Euripides,  and  Thucydides,  Isocrates,  and  Theophrastus,  and 
Epictetus,  and  Sappho,  and  Lucian,  and  Longinus,  and  Aratus,  and 
Dioscorides,  and  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus.  As  a  matter  of  con- 
venience, I  close  the  list  with  Hellenistic  writers  who  are  not  com- 
monly counted  as  classics  —  Josephus,  Philo,  and  the  Pseudo- 
Aristeas. 

II.  Latin  Classics. — Here,  reflecting  the  dominant  taste  of  the 
time  in  school  and  college  training,  the  list,  and  in  some  cases  the 
number  of  editions  of  the  same  author,  indicate  that  these,  rather 
than  those  of  Greece,  were  Ken's  favourite  authors.  Thus  we  have 
thirteen  different  copies  of  Horace  (see  i.  16,  198),  ten  of  Livy 
and  of  Ovid,  and  six  of  Tacitus,  Virgil,  Valerius  Maximus,  and 
Sallust ;  while  the  authors  represented  by  single  copies  are  Juvenal, 
Claudian,  Cicero,  Catullus,  Petronius,  Justin,  Lucan,  Statius, 
Martial,  Terence,  Plautus,  and  Pliny's  Epistolce. 

III.  Hebrew  and  Arabic. — It  was  somewhat  of  a  surprise  to  me 

u2 


296  APPENDIX  II 

to  meet  with  so  many  volumes  indicating  a  range  of  studies  of  which 
I  had  found  no  traces  in  Ken's  writings,  and  which  are  not  mentioned 
by  any  of  his  contemporaries.  The  list,  it  will  be  seen,  if  it  does  not 
give  proof  of  a  standard  of  scholarship  in  these  matters  equal  to  that 
of  his  friend  Hooper  (see  i.  90  ;  ii.  251),  shows  that  he  was,  at  least, 
able  to  appreciate  him.  It  includes  the  Ilischna  in  Hebrew, 
Bythner'e  L;/ra  Prophetica,  some  of  Buxtorf's  works,  the  Lexicons  of 
Cocceius  and  Pagninus,  a  grammar  by  Levi,  Kircher's  and  another 
Concordance.  In  Arabic,  I  find  Pocock's  edition  of  Abulpharagius, 
Eutychius,  Golius's  Lexicon,  Erpenius's  Grammar,  and  Ilistoria 
Saracenorum.  An  edition  of  Ephraem  indicates  some  knowledge  of 
Syriac.  A  general  interest  in  Oriental  matters  is  shown  by  books 
like  Ockley's  Introductio  Linguarum  Orientalium,  Maundrell's  From 
Aleppo  to  Jerusalem,  Prideaux's  Life  of  Mahomet,  Buxtorf's  Church 
History  of  Ethiopia} 

IV.  Greek  Fathers. — These,  as  might  be  expected  with  one 
whose  ideal  was  that  of  the  undivided  Church  of  the  East  and 
West,  are  well  represented.  Athanasius,  Athenagoras,  Barnabas, 
Clement  of  Alexandria,  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,  the  Ilistoria,  Pmparatio, 
and  Demonstrate  of  Eusebius;  Epiphanius,  Justin  Martyr,  Theo- 
doret,  Theophilus  of  Antioch,  Gregory  of  Nazianzum,  Gregory  of 
Nyssa,  Origen,  Dionysius  the  Areopagite,  form  a  sufficiently  copious 
list,  though  one  misses  Chrysostom.  A  small  Porphyrius,  Be 
Abstinentid,  seems  to  indicate  a  wish  to  include  the  ascetic  mystic 
side  of  Neo-Platonism  within  the  range  of  study.  A  Rituale 
Gmcorum  may  well  close  the  list. 

V.  Latin  Fathers. — I  content  myself  with  familiar  names : 
Ambrose,  Augustine,  Bernard,  Jerome,  Gregory,  Be  Curd  Pastoral i. 
Hilary  of  Tours,  Lactantius,  Tertullian,  Isidore  of  Seville,  Vincent 
of  Lerins,  Optatus,  Minucius  Felix.  A  Corpus  Juris  Canon  ici  and 
Bo\  fliius  may,  perhaps,  be  named  under  this  head. 

VI.  The  Schoolmen. — These  are  represented  by  the  Scut  rutin  of 
Lombard  and  the  Summa  of  Aquinas. 

VII.  Eoman  Catholic  Theology. — The  prominence  of  the  works 
that  come  under  this  section  in  all  the  three  divisions  of  Ken's  library 
is,  perhaps,  its  most  striking  feature.  If  I  held  a  brief,  as  the  A  dvo- 
catus  Biaboli,  against  his  canonisation  as  an  Anglican  Saint,  it  would 
not  be  difficult  to  make  out  a  primd-facie  case  for  the  theory  thai  he 
was  a  '  Jesuit  in  disguise.'  I  need  not  say  to  those  who  have  read 
these  volumes  that  I  do  not  hold  that  theory,  but  the  fact  that  he 

i  I  surmise  that  Ken's  mind  may  have  been  turned  in  this  direction  by  his 
sympathy  with  Frampton,  who  had  been  chaplain  at  Aleppo  for  many  years,  as 
well  as  with  Sooner.     (See  ]>.  27.) 


APPENDIX  II  297 

loved  to  gather  and  read  such  books  as  those  of  which  I  give  the 
titles,  accounts,  in  some  measure,  for  the  suspicions  which  led  men 
to  look  on  him,  till  the  crisis  of  1686 — 88  forced  him  to  take  up  a 
definite  position,  as  more  or  less  "Popishly  inclined."  (See  i.,  276.) 
It  will  be  noticed,  however,  that  very  few  of  the  volumes  in  the 
somewhat  long  list  that  follows  are  of  the  directly  controversial 
type.  Of  that  class  I  find  only  De  Cressy's  Exomologesis  (see  i.,  25), 
and  Maimbourg's  (see  i.,  127),  Method  for  Uniting  Protestants,  and 
an  anonymous  Moyens  surs  pour  la  Conversion  de  tous  les  Heretiques. 
Authoritative  statements  of  the  doctrine  of  the  Eoman  Church  are 
represented  by  the  Catechismus  of  the  Council  of  Trent  andBossuet's 
Doctrina  Christiana  Expositio  ;  the  Moral  Theology  of  that  Church  by 
Cabassutius,  by  a  Manuale  Confessariorum,  and  by  the  books  which 
he  presented  to  the  library  of  Winchester  Cathedral  when  he  was 
made  Bishop  (see  i.,  192).  What  seems  to  have  attracted  him  much 
more,  as  it  afterwards  attracted  John  Henry  Newman,  was  the 
stately  ritual  of  that  Church,  so  rich  in  the  profusion  of  its 
materials,  and  often  in  the  poetry  of  its  symbolism ;  and  so  we 
have  Bona's  work  on  Liturgies,  the  Eoman  Missal  and  Breviary, 
and  Hora  Diurna,  Mabillon's  Liturgia  Gallica,  and  the  Rituale 
Romanum.  Far  outnumbering  even  these  are  the  devotional  books 
of  the  ascetic  and  mystic  types,  which  include  (I  give  the  names 
without  any  definite  order,  and  I  reserve  the  Spanish  and  other 
books  in  the  Bath  Library  for  a  separate  paragraph),  Flores  from 
the  works  of  Luis  de  Granada,  the  Passio  of  S.  Felicitas, 
S.  Brigitta's  Prayers,  Francis  de  Sales  on  the  Devout  Life  and  on 
the  Love  of  God,  the  Life  of  Ignatius  Loyola,  the  complete  Opera 
of  Thomas  a  Kempis,  Bishop  Fisher's  Precationes,  the  Mrumma 
Christi  and  Praxis  Viva  Fidei  of  Thomas  a  Jesu,  the  De  Deo 
Inserviendo  of  Alphonso  of  Madrid,  the  Tears  of  Mary  Magdalen, 
the  Eoman  Martyrologium,  the  Maria  Virginis  Officium,  Nierem- 
berg's  Difference  between  Things  Temporal  and  Eternal  (see  i.,  263), 
his  Vita  Divina  and  de  Adoratione,  Rossignol's  Disciplina  Christiana 
Perfectionis,  the  Life  of  St.  Teresa,  the  Life  and  Glory  of  the  Blessed 
Virgin,  Bellarmine's  De  Gemitu  Columba,  Horstius'  Paradisus 
Anima,1  Joan's  De  Sequendo  ductu  Divina  Providentia,  the  Manual  of 
the  Arch-  Confraternity  of  the  Passion  of  St.  Francis,  and  the  Circulus 
Aureus,  a  manual  of  devotions  for  the  Christian  seasons,  and  the  Arte 
della  Perfezione  Christiana,  and  Molinos' Spiritual  Guide  (see  i.,  117). 
The  remarkable  collection  of  Spanish  books  left  to  Bath  Abbey 

I  Cardinal  Manning  classes  this  book  with  Dante's  Paradiso,  as  the  nearest 
approximation  in  human  language  to  the  beatific  vision,  (See  my  Translation 
of  Dante,  ii.,  455). 


APPENDIX  II 

deserves  a  separate  treatment.  Of  these  some  have  been  already 
mentioned,  but  I  repeat  the  titles  for  the  sake  of  completeness. 

1.   Luis  Je  Granada  (sec  i.,  269).     Thctrina  Christiaua. 
2. Primera  Park  de  la  Introduction  <h  la  Fe. 

3.  Palafox  dc  Mendoza.  Eccclenciaa  de  S.  Petro.  A  full  treatise  en  the 
prerogatives  of  the  Pope. 

4.  Historia  Real  Sagrada.     A  commentary  on  the  history  of  Samuel, 

Saul,  and  David,  dealing  with  the  duties  of  kings  and  subjects. 

5.   Luz  d  los  Vivos  y  Escarmicntos  en  Ion  Muertcs  (Light  for  the  laving 

and  Warnings  from  the  Dead).  Notes  on  visions  of  the  souls  in  Purgatory 
which  had  been  given  to  Francis  of  the  Most  Holy  Sacrament.  The  Bishop 
omits  the  names  of  the  souls  in  Purgatory  out  of  respect  for  the  feelings  of  their 
relations. 

6.  Vida  di  Juan  de  Palafox.  Life  of  the  Bishop,  by  Antonio  Gonzales  di 
Eosande,  now  in  the  thirteenth  vol.  of  his  collected  works. 

7.  Juan  de  Avila.  Vida  e  Obras.  Life  and  works  of  the  great  preacher, 
commonly  known  as  the  Apostle  of  Andalusia  (see  i.,  259). 

8.  Fr.  Juan  dela  Cruz.  Obras  (Works)  (see  i.,  259).  Lately  translated  into 
English  (2  vols.,  1864). 

9. Sermones  Solennes  dt  Espaiia.     Possibly  by   the   same  writer,  but 

possibly  also  by  a  Dominican  friar  of  the  same  name,  who  wrote  a  Directorwm 
Coiiscicutiec.     There  is  a  French  Translation  by  M.  le  Pere  Maillard,  S.J.,  1864. 

10.  Garcia  di  Mello.  Mystica  Ciudad  de  Dios.  Of  the  author  of  this  book  I 
can  learn  nothing. 

11.  Antonio  di  Molina.  Excrcicios  Espiritualcs.  A  devotional  book  written 
for  the  lay-brothers  of  the  Carthusian  Order. 

12.  Quevedo  Villegas.  Politica  di  Dios  y  Govierno  di  Christo.  A  book  for  the 
instruction  of  princes.  The  writer  was  a  Knight  of  the  Order  of  Santiago 
(St.  James  of  Spain). 

13.  Juan  de  Palafox.  El  Pastor  di  Xochcbucna  (The  Shepherd  of  Christmas 
Night).  The  vision  of  a  shepherd  who  falls  asleep  on  the  evening  of  Christmas 
Day  and  has  visions  of  the  Christian  life  which  take  the  form  of  an  allegory, 
after  the  manner  of  the  Pilgrim's  Progress.^ 

One  small  group  of  books  deserves  a  separate  notice  as  indicating 
the  interest  which  Ken  took  in  the  Port-Royalist  Controversy.  It 
consists  of  the  works  of  Jansonius,  Nicole's  Instructions  Theologiques, 
St.  Cyran's  Lettres  Chretiennes,  and  the  Statuts  Synodaux  du  Dioche 
dyAlet  (see  i.,  258),  and,  disguised  under  the  title  of  the  Mystery  of 
Iniquity,  an  English  translation  of  the  Lettres  Provinciates.  Labadie's 
Recueil  de  Mutinies  Chrcticnnes  stands,  for  reasons  given  in  the  note, 
apart  by  itself.2 

1  I  am  indebted  for  most  of  the  information  given  as  to  these  books  to 
Cardinal  Manning,  who,  though  not  a  Spanish  scholar  himself,  kindly  obtained 
it  for  me  from  a  friend  who  is,  and  to  the  Rw.  II.  W.  Pereira. 

-  Labadie  seems  to  have  been  a  man  of  the  De  Larnennais  type,  enthusiastic 
and  changeable.      His  Jesuit  opponents,    followed  by    Hayle,   accused  him  of 


APPENDIX  II.  299 

VIII.  Foreign  Protestant  Divines.— The  list  includes  the 
Corpus  Confessionum,  the  Acta  of  the  Synod  of  Dort,  the  West- 
minster Assembly's  Catechism,  the  Liturgia  Tigurina  (Zurich), 
Antonio  de  Dominis'  (the  forerunner  of  the  old  Catholic  movement) 
Be  Republicd  Ecclesice,  Dallseus'  (Daille)  De  Usu  Patrum,  Calvin's 
Opera,  the  Institutiones  of  Turretin  (a  Genevan  divine  ;  see  i.), 
Grotius'  Be  Veritate  and  Be  Imperio,  Wollebius'  Compendium 
Theologice,  and  Jurieu,  Vraie  Systhne  de  VEglise,  and  Outram,  Be 
Sacrificiis. 

IX.  English  Divines. — Of  Ken's  own  school  I  find  Andrewe's 
Bevotions,  Cosin's  Scholastic  History  and  Transubstantiation  ;  Scan- 
dret's  Sacrifice  the  Bivine  Sacrifice;  Heylyn.  On  the  Creed ;  Field, 
Of  the  Church ;  Pearson,  Vindicia  Ignatianw  (but  not  On  the  Creed) ; 
Sanderson's  Sermons ;  Sancroft's  Fur  Pradestinatus ;  Thorndike's 
Just  Weights  and  Measures  ;  R.  Boyle,  Considerations  on  Holy  Scrip- 
ture ;  Kettlewell's  Measure  of  Obedience ;  C.Leslie's  Biscourses,  and 
Forbes's  Considerations  Modesto;,  and  Jeremy  Taylor's  Life  of 
Christ.  Among  those  which  can  hardly  be  thus  classed,  I  note 
Mede's  Works,  Spencer's  Be  Legibus  Hebraorum,  Johnson's  Julian 
the  Apostate;  Kidder,  On  the  Pentateuch.  A  passing  interest  in 
the  Quaker  controversy,  arising,  probably,  out  of  Ken's  relations 
with  Penn,  is  shown  by  his  having  Barclay's  Apology  and  Keith's 
Beism  of  Quakers,  and  his  Answer  to  Barclay.  Dodwell,  On  the  SouVs 
Immortality,  has  been  already  spoken  of  (p.  128).  Julian  is  balanced 
by  Hickes'  Jovian.  Three  of  Burnet's  works  found  a  place  on  his 
shelves,  the  Vindication  of  the  Revolution,  the  Rights  of  Princes,  the 
Beaths  of  the  Primitive  Persecutors,  as  did  Sherlock's  Case  of  Resistance 
and  the  Sermons  of  E.  Young,  who  had  preached  at  his  consecration. 
The  tone  of  anxiety  and  fear  which  pervades  his  letters  and  his 
poems  as  he  looks  forward  to  the  free-thinking  of  the  next  generation 
as  the  child  of  the  Erastian  Latitudinarianism  of  his  own,  finds  an 
explanation  in  the  fact  that  he  had  read  the  Be  Religione  Gentilium 
and  the  Be  Veritate  of  Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury,  George  Herbert's 
brother;  Hobbes,  On  Human  Nature ;  and  Toland's  Christianity  not 
Mysterious.  Gassendi's  Philosophia  Epicurea  and  Vanini's  Ajnphi- 
theatrum  Bivince  Providentia  '  may  have  led  him  to  a  forecast  of  a 

uniting  high  pretensions  to  spiritual  perfection  with  the  grossest  impurity  ;  but 
the  former  were  not  over-scrupulous,  as  we  see  in  the  cases  of  Molinos  and 
Pavilion  (i.,  117),  in  bringing  such  charges  against  their  adversaries,  and 
Bayle  was  only  too  ready  to  repeat  any  stories  that  had  the  merit  of  indecency. 

1  As  Vanini's  work  is  but  little  known,  it  may  be  well  to  give  a  brief  account 
of  it.  The  Amphitlxeatrum  was  published  in  1615,  with  the  warm  approval  of 
the  censor  who  acted  for  the  Archbishop  of  Lyons       It  was  after  the  pattern  of 


300  APPENDIX  II. 

wave  of  unbelief  passing  over  Europe,  threatening  old  faiths  and 
old  institutions,  and  having  its  ultimate  outcome — if  anything  in 
this  world  of  ours  can  be  called  ultimate — in  Voltaire,  and  the 
Kncyclopsedists,  and  the  French  Revolution. 

X.  Exglisii  and  Foreign  Literature,  Science,  &c. — What  I 
have  already  said  will  have  prepared  the  reader  for  a  singularly 
narrow  range  of  study  in  the  lighter  regions  of  English  literature. 
I  find  hardly  anything  beyond  Milton's  Paradise  Lost  and  Paradise 
Regained,  and  his  Befensio.  Crashaw,  Herbert,  Donne,  and  Sandys 
contribute  their  respective  poems.  So,  of  works  which  represent 
the  scholarship  of  Europe,  I  find  only  the  Adagia  and  Epistolai  of 
Erasmus,  translations  of  Casaubon's  Credulity  and  Incredulity,  and 
Puffendorf's  Religion  and  Civil  Society,  Vigerus'  Be  Idiotiftmis, 
Grotius'  Be  Veritate  and  Votum  pro  pace  Ecclesiir,  Vossius'  Be  Sibyl- 
Urns  Oraculis,  and  Campanella's  Be  Monarchid  Ilispanicd.  Of 
studies  in  the  region  of  science,  notably  in  that  of  medicine, 
to  which  he  was  perhaps  led  by  his  own  sufferings,  we  have  traces 
in  the  Sy  sterna  Cosmicum  of  Galileo,  Ray's  Wisdom  of  God  in  Creation, 
Fournier's  Geographica  Orbis  JVotitia,  Drelincourt's  Be  Febribus,  the 
Opuscula  of  Galen,  Fioravante's  11  Reggimento  delta  Pesta,  a  treatise 
On  Coffee  and  Chocolate,  an  anonymous  Entretien  sur  les  Sciences,  and 
some  odd  volumes  of  the  Bibliotheque  Uhiverselle  and  the  Journal  des 
Sqavans. 

XL  History. — The  range  of  reading  here  is  not  a  very  wide  one, 
but  for  the  subjects  in  which  Ken  was  chiefly  interested  in  con- 
nexion with  his  epic  of  Edmund,  and  with  ecclesiastical  history  in 
general,  it  was,  I  take  it,  for  his  time,  sufficiently  thorough.  In  the 
former  region  I  find  Spelman's  Vita  JElfredi,  the  Chronicles  of  Speed, 
Holinshed  and  Froissart,  the  Historic  Anglican®  Scriptores  Vetercs, 
Ussher's  Britannic®  Ecclesia,  Antiquitates,  Bede's  Historia  Ecclesi- 

Gibbon's  celebrated  chapter  (ch.  xv.)  on  Christianity.  It  purported  to  be  a  Defence 
of  Natural  Religion  and  Christianity  against  Atheists  and  Epicureans.  But  the 
defence  was  ironical,  and  the  drift  of  the  book  was  to  destroy  and  not  to  build 
up.  This  was  followed  up  by  Dialogues  of  the  same  type  in  1616.  Here  also 
there  was  the  mask  of  a  defender  of  orthodoxy,  and  three  doctors  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Paris  affirmed  that  it  contained  nothing  contrary  to  the  Catholic 
faith,  even  though  it  ended  with  a  quotation  from  Tasso's  Aminta  that  "  all  time 
was  lost  but  that  spent  in  love,"  the  love  of  which  he  spoke  being  that  of  the 
freest  license.  After  this  he  threw  off  the  mask,  and  the  scandals  of  his  life  and 
his  open  impiety  became  notorious,  and  in  February,  1619,  he  was  condemned  to 
the  stake  by  the  Parliament  of  Toulouse.  I  take  my  facts  from  a  Biogrmphioal 
Dictionary  of  1798,  which  gives  Durand's  Vic  ct  Smtimma  <Ie  Vmnini  (Rotterdam, 
1727)  as  its  authority.  The  history  presents  a  painful  parallel  to  that  of 
Giordano  Bruno,  and  may,  perhaps,  admit  of  a  like  Ai)<>l<><i>". 


APPEXDIX  II  301 

astica,  Sheringham's  De  Anglorum  Gentis  Origine,  and  Buchanan's 
Rerum  Scoticarum  Historia.  In  the  latter  I  note  Dupin's  Biblio- 
theque  des  Auteurs  Ecclesiastiques,  Fleury's  Histoire  Ecclesiastique 
(only  vol.  ii.),  the  Histoire  des  Empereurs,  and  lit  moires  Ecclesias- 
tiques by  "D.  T."  (I  conjecture  De  Tillemont,  d.  1698),  Davila's 
Guerres  Chiles  de  France,  and  Moni's  Histoire  des  J\ratio?is  die  Levant 
This  closes  my  examination  of  the  books  which  entered  so  largely 
into  Ken's  life,  which,  of  all  his  possessions,  were  the  only  treasure 
from  which  he  could  not  bear  to  separate  himself,  and  which  he  left 
on  his  death  to  the  friend  and  to  the  institutions  which  were  dearest 
to  his  heart.  The  task  which  I  have  undertaken  in  examining  the 
contents  of  three  catalogues,  only  one  of  which  was  alphabetically 
arranged,  has  involved  a  considerable  amount  of  labour.  I  think 
it  will  be  admitted  that  the  results  are  not  altogether  uninteresting 
or  unprofitable. 

Note. — The  Sherborne  Proclamation  (p.  25). — I  seize  on  a  spare  corner  to  state 
a  fact  that  bears  upon  this  question,  and  which  comes  to  my  knowledge  too  late 
for  insertion  in  its  proper  place.  I  find  in  a  collection  of  State  Tracts  published 
in  1692  by  R.  Baldwin,  M  In  Defence  of  the  auspicious  and  happy  Revolution," 
the  proclamation  known  by  this  title,  in  company  with  documents,  everyone  of 
which  is  authentic.  Up  to  that  date,  four  years  after  its  publication,  it  had  not 
been  repudiated.  Is  there  any  evidence  that  it  was  treated  by  any  one  as 
spurious  till  Speke  claimed  the  credit  of  its  authorship  ? 


INDEX. 


Abjuration,  Q.  Elizabeth's  Statute  on, 
i.,  153,  154 

Abjuration  Oaths,  ii.,  126  (n),  150  (n) 

Abjuration  and  Attainder  Acts  of  Wil- 
liam III.,  ii.,  105,  150-1 

Addison,  Lancelot,  i.,  47  (n),  162 

Admiralty,  efficiency  of,  under  James 
II.,  i.,  127;  ii.,  287 

Albuquerque,  ii.,  106 

Alexandrian  Codex,  the,  i.,  66 

Allibone,  John,  squib  by,  i.,  46  (n) 

Amasia,  Archbishop  of,  Papal  Nuncio, 
i.,  267,  277 

"Amphibious  Devotions,"  ii.,  137,  287 

Anne,  the  Princess,  L,  136,  205,  230  (n), 
271,  289;  ii.,  26,  119,  257,  262 

"  Anodynes"  Ken's  poems  so  styled, 
ii.,  199,  200,  226,  233 

Antony,  S.  of  Padua,  i.,  114 

Arthurian  Legends,  i.,  200 

Ashmole,  Elias,  i.,  15 

Asparagus,  i.,  256,  286  (n) 

Attainder  Acts  of  James  II.,  i.,  213, 
217  (n) 
of  William  III.,  ii.,  105,  150-1 

Attendance   at  parish  churches  ques- 
tioned by  Non-jurors,  ii.,  126  (n) 

Augustine,  S.,  and  Valerius,  ii.,  132, 
134,  250 

Bacon,  Lord,  i.,  105 

Baltimore,  Lord,  i.,  241,  295 

Bampton,  i.,  123,  124 

Barillon,  i.,  186 

Barlow,  Bishop  of  Lincoln,  i.,  46  (n), 

310 
Barrow,  Dr.  J.  S.,  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph, 

i.,  43,  124 
Bath,  Ken's  sermon  at,  i.,  275  ;  ii.,  284 
Bathurst,  Ralph,  i.,  48  (n),  52,  54  (n), 

180,  200,  201,  215,  227  (n) 
his  will,  i.,  201  (n) 
Beacham,  John,  Ken's  nephew,  L,  171 ; 

ii.,  206 


Beaconsfield,  Lord,  his  novel,  Lolhair, 

i.,  186 
Bedsteads  at  Wincb ester,  i.,  36  (n) 
Bentinck,i.,  136,  137,  141, 145,  147  (n), 

148,  152  ;  ii.,  23  (n),  29,  34,  106,257 
Berkhampstead,  i.,  3,  and  n. 
Beveridge,  Bishop,  ii.,  51,  and  n. 
Bishop,  Ken's  ideal,  ii.,  245 
Blagge,    Margaret    (Mrs.  Godolphin), 

i.,  76,  130,  142  and  n.,  304  ;  ii.,  150 
Bohun,  Edm.,  ii.,  94 
Borromeo,  S.  Carlo,  i.,  113,  117 
Boscobel,  i.,  187 
Bossuet,  i.,  108  ;  ii.,  152  (n) 
Bourdaloue,  i.,  108 
Bowles,  W.  L.,  ii.,  227,    232-3,  265, 

267  (n) 
Boyle,  Robert,  i.,  50,  52,  107 
Bradley,  Thomas,  ii.,  102  (n) 
Bramston,  Sir  John,  i.,  73 
Breda,  declaration  of,  by  Charles  II., 

ii.,  57,  126 

the  Peace  of,  i.,  134 
Brent,  Sir  Nathaniel,  i.,  40 
Brokesby  (Non-juror),  ii.,  192,  195  (n) 
Browne,  Sir  Thomas,  ii.,  222 
Bruno,  S.,  i.,  110 
Bubwith,  Bishop,  i.,  193 
Bull,  Bishop,  ii.,  152,  and  n. 
Burgess,  Cornelius,  i.,  198 
Burnet,  Bishop,  i.,  107,  108,  109,  111, 

112,  116,  127  (n),  131,  137,  140,  152 

(n),  179, 183, 184  (n),  185  (n),  189  (n), 

223,  261  (n),  263  ;  ii.,  2.  20,  22, 34,  35, 

38  (n),  41,  44,  46,  48,  49  (n),  53  (n), 

261,  284 
Busby,   Dr.  Richard,   i.,  50,  202 ;  ii., 

38  (n) 

Cante,  Matthew,  singular  account  of, 

i.,  91  (n) 
Cartwright,  Bishop  of  Chester,  i.,  26  7 

and  n.,   281   (n),  285,  297  (n),  300, 

301,  310  (n) ;  ii.,  3 


304 


INDEX. 


Catharine  of  Braganza,  i.,  67,  107  (n), 

161,  '200,  210 
Chalkhill,  Ion,  father  of  Ken's  mother, 
i.,  2,  3 

John,  Fellow  of  Winchester  Col- 
lege, i.,  12  (n),20,33(n),  138  (n) 
Chaplains,  naval,  their  status  in  1684, 

L,  164 
( lharity  schools  in  London,  i.,  251  (n) 
Charlea  I.,  L,  9,  29,  74  (n),  162 
Charles  II.,  i.,  74  (n) 

court  life  under,  i.,  21,  63,  76,  98, 

182-3. 
undergraduate  life   at  Oxford  on 

his  restoration,  i.,  47 
his  secret  treaty  with  Louis  XIV., 

i.,  12S 
history  of  that  treaty,  i.,  128  (n) 
his  proposed  palace  at  Winches- 
ter, i.,  158 
conduct  about  Tangier,  i.,  162 
his  sayings  about  Ken,  i.,  159,  171, 

178,  183 ;  ii.,  260  (n),  284 
Johnson's  estimate  of,  i.,  178  (n) 
last  days  and  death,  i.,  183  seq. 
rumour  of  his  having  been  poi- 
soned, i.,  198,  213 
his  burial,  i.,  191 
Chartreuse,  the  Grande,  i.,  110 
Cheney,  Thomas,  i.,  203  and  n. 
Cherry,  Mr.,  ii.,  57,  59,  194 
Chevnell,  Thomas,  i.,  40,  41  (n) 
Chillingworth,  W.,  i.,  15,  40,  41,  65, 

67,  84,  152  (n);  ii.,  31 
"  Circum,"  to  go,  i.,  36,  99 
Clarendon,  Lord,  i.,  125-7,  300;   ii.,  2, 

18,  39  (n),  51 
Clarke,  Edward,  Fellow  of  New  Col- 
lege, Oxford,  i.,  45 
Clement  of  Alexandria,  his  story  of  St. 

John,  i.,  60,  63 
Cloberry,  Sir  John,  i.,  194  (n) 
Clutterbuck,  Alderman,  i.,  124 

Dr.,  ib. 
Coffee,  i.,  253;  ii.,  208 
Coles,  Gilbert,  i.,  122,  124 
Collier  (Non -juror),  ii.,  192 
Compton,  Bishop   of   London,  i.,  128, 
140,  145,  146,  149,  152,  153,  180,  183, 
268,  285,  301,  312  (n)  ;  ii.,  8,  19 
"  Conditional  Immortality,"  ii.,  76  (n), 

128  (n) 
Coney,  Prebendary,  ii.,  131  (n) 
( 'onset -ration  feasts,  expenses  at,  i.,  130 

(n),  191 
( bpeland,  W.  J.,  ii.,  267  (n) 
Cotton,  i.,  15, 107 

Conrt  life  of  Charles  II.,  i.,  21,  63,  76 
Cowley,  Abm.,  i.,  15,  33;  ii.,  232,  233, 
234 
his  Davideia,  i.,  18,64,  96 


Cranmer,  Arrhbiah  »p,  i.,  15  (n) 

George,  i.,  23 
Crashaw,  Richard,  ii.,  232 
Cressy,  Mr.  and  Mrs.,  ii.,  197,  198  (n) 
Crewe,  Bishop  of  Durham,  i.,  52,  ISO, 

183,  207,  267  (n),  268,  310  :  ii..  227 
Creyghton,  Robert,  Bishop  of  Bath  and 
Wells,  i.,  130  (n),  131.  199 
Robert,  Precentor  of  Wells,  i.,  20  2 

and  n. ;  ii.,  138  (n) 
Mrs.  Frideswide,  i.,  214,  215 
Croft,  Herbert,  Bishop  of  Hereford,  i., 

310 
Cromwell,  Thomas,  Deanery  of  Wellfl 

assigned  to,  i.,  199 
Cross,  doctrine  of  the,  ii.,  102,  252 
Cutler,  Sir  Thomas,  i.,  225,  265 
Cyprian,  St.,  i.,  245  ;    ii.,  42  (n) 
Cyprus,  i.,  90  (n);  ii.,  184,  185,  207  (n) 

D'Adda,  Count  Ferdinand.  See  "  Ania- 

sia  " 
Daniel,  Ken's  Lent  sermon  on,  i.,205, 

206,  209,  265 
Dartmouth,  Lord,  i.,  162,  163, 168,  170 

(n)  ;  ii.,  15,  258 
Davenport.  Christopher  alias  "  Francis 

aSancta  Clara,"  i.,  25  (n),  67,  68, 

105,  266 
De  Crcssv,  Hugh,  i.,  25   (n),  105  (n), 

108,  275  (n) ;  ii.,  198  (n) 
De  Ranee,  ii.,  105,  118 
De  Sales,  S.  Francis,  i.,  Ill  (n),  117, 

265  (n) 
De  Witt,  the  brothers,  murder  of,  i., 

134;  ii.,  1,  66 
Dodwell,  Henry,  ii.,  41,  42,  53  (n),  58, 

69,  76  (n),   i09,    110  (n),  113,  12S, 

142  (n),  191,  192,  193,  194,  198  (n), 

258,  261 
Donne,  Dr..  i.,  15,  18,  19,  20,  33,  171 
Drayton,  author  of  the  rolyolbion,  i., 

75 
Drexclius,  ii.,  263  (n) 
Dryden,  John,  i.,  202  ;  ii.,  234,  259 
his  Absalom   ami  Aehithophel,  i., 

211;  ii.,  128  (n) 
his  Retigio  Laici,  ii..  212,  285 
Duppa,  Bishop,  i.,  72,  74  and  n.,  171 
Duras,  Louis,  i.,  187  (n) 

Earle,  Bishop  of  Worcester,  i.,  130  (n), 
191 

Edmund,  Ken's  poem,  i.,  18,  22,  60,  62 
(n),  69  (n),  80  (n),  95,  98  (n),  112, 
117,  119,  169,  200  ;  ii.,  282,  233 
and  n.,  231,  264,  255,  265,  267,  2S7, 
289 

Elizabeth's  (QO  Statute  "n  Abjuration, 
i.,  153,  151 


INDEX. 


305 


Evelyn,  John,  i.,  15,  37  (n),  46  (n),  51, 
52,  54  (n),  72  (n),  107  (n),  129, 
130,  155,  194  (n),  201,  269,  288, 
301  (n),  395  (n)  ;  ii.,  2,  26,  30, 
31,  33,  51,  157,  258 
his  description   of    Charles  II. 's 

last  hours,  i.,  182-3 
of  Charles's  hurial,  i.,  191 
Exclusion  Bill,  The,  i.,  137,  156,  195, 

204,  208,  210,  240,  295;  ii.,  33 
"  Expostulatoria,"  question  as  to  Ken's 
authorship  of,  i.,  55  seq.,  119,  249,  284 
(n)  ;  ii.,  115,  259,  263,  267  and  n. 
"  Exsurgat"  money,  i.,  39  (n) 

Fairfax,  Thomas,  Lord,  i.,  40 

Fell,  Dr.  John,  Bishop  of  Oxford,  i., 
49,  50,  84,  191 

Fenwick,  Sir  John,  ii.,  101  (n),  103 
and  n. 

Ferdinand,  Count  d'Adda.  See  "  Ama- 
sia" 

Ferguson,  the  Plotter,  i.,  212  and  n., 
216  (n)  ;  ii.,  25  and  n. 

Ferrar,  Nicholas,  i.,  19,  31  and  n.,  73 

Feversham,  Lord,  i.,  187  and  n.,  216, 
225,  265,  266  ;  ii.,  7 

Finch,  Heneage,  i.,  312  ;  ii.,  8  (n) 

Fitz-Patrick,  Colonel,  his  "  conver- 
sion," i.,  148  and  n.,  149  (n) 

Fitzwilliam,  Dr.  John,  i.,  51  and  n., 
73,  78,  88,  128,  159,  160,  174,  282  ; 
ii.,  40,  45,  103,  257,  261 

Fletcher  of  Saltoun,  i.,  212 
Thomas,  ii.,  257 

Florence,  i.,  114 

Fowler,  Edward,  Bishop  of  Gloucester, 
ii.,  51 

Frampton,  Dr.  Robert,  Bishop  of 
Gloucester,  i.,  16  (n),  57,  24S  (n),  253 
(n),  262,  301 ;  ii.,  27  (n),  46  (n),  50, 
53  (n),  69,  80,  103,  120,  121  (n), 
126  (n),  142  (n),  152  and  n.,  191 

Francis  a  Sancta  Clara.  &"  Daven- 
port" 

Gates,  Sir  John,  i,,  198,  215  (n) 
Geneva,  state  of,  i.,  Ill 
Gibbons,  Dr.  Orlando,  i.,  52 
Gidding,  Little,  L,  19,  31  (n),  73 

The  brotherhood  at,  i.,  110  ;  ii..  27 
Godfrey,    Sir   Edmundbury,    i.,    213, 

305 
Godolphin,  Lord,  i.,  75  ;  ii.,  101  (n) 
Mrs.  Margaret,    i.,    76,    130,    142 
and  n. 
Grahme,  Colonel  James,  i.,  128,   142, 

173  (n) ;  ii.,  157 
Gregory  Nazianzen,  S.,  i.,  245 
Grev  of   Warke,   Lord,   i.,  212,  214, 

217 


Grigge,  Mrs  ,  i.,  50  (n) ;  ii.,  52,  53 

Rev.  Thomas,  ii.,  53  (n) 
Grove,  Rector  of  St.  Andrew's  Under  - 

shaft,  i.,  301 
Gunning,  Peter,  Bishop,   i.,  6  (n),  31 

(n),  43,  72,  73,  304 
Gwynn,  Nell,  i.,   158,  177,  178,  189; 

ii.,  270 

Hales,  Sir  Edward,  i.,    15,  26S,  297; 

ii.,  26 
Hall,  Bishop,  i.,  18,  33,  37  (n),  54  (n), 

171 
Hammond,  Dr.  Henry,  i.,  15,  42,  50, 

84 
Harbin,  Mr.,  ii.,  54,   107  and  n.,  108, 

111,  181,  183,  184,  202 
Harmar,  John,  i.,  66 
Harris,  Dr.  John,    Warden  of   Win- 
chester College,  i.,  30,  32,  34  (n) 
Hart  Hall,  Oxford,  i.,   19,  42  and  n., 

51  (n) 
Harvey,  Dr.  William,  i.,  40 
Hawkins,  Dr.  William,  i.,  121 

William,  Ken's  great-nephew  and 

biographer,  i.,  10,  12,56,  57,  58, 

93,  144  (n),  224,  250,  251,  293  ; 

ii.,  201,  202,  227,  263 

Heathen  husband's  inscription  to   his 

wife,  at  Lyons,  i.,  109 
Henry,  Matthew,  i.,  47 

Philip,  i.,  47,  202 
Herbert,  George,  i.,  16,  18,  21,  22,  33, 
45,  73,  98,  99 
Influence  of  his  works  on  Bishop 
Ken,  i.,  21,  22,  81,  253  (n) ;   ii., 
232 
Hickes,  Dr.  George,  i.,  226,  227,  229 
(n)  ;  ii.,    87,  108,    109  (n),   120, 
135,  142,  192,  261 
John,  i.,  226,  229  (n),  254  (n) 
Hobbes  of  Malmesbury,  i.,  200 
Holt,  Chancellor  of  Wells,  i.,  202,  215 
Homer,  i.,  62 
Hooker,  Richard,  i.,  22,  23,  C3,   198, 

292 
Hooper,  Bishop,  i.,  50,  90  and  n.,  129, 
140,  141  and  n.,  142,  147  (n),  150  (n), 
178,  179,  202,  218,  231  (n),  301,  305, 
310;  ii.,  43,  109,  110,  127,  131,  132, 
133,  139,  140,  149  seq.,  191,  202,  250, 
257,  287 
Huddleston,  John,  S.J.,  i.,  128,   187, 
279 
his  account  of  Charles  II.'s  last 
moments,  i.,  188;  ii.,  12  (n) 
Huguenots,  The,  i.,  109  and  n.,   239 

seq.,  247  and  n.  ;  ii.,  270,  277 
Huse  (or  House),  i.,  194  andn. 
Hutchinson,  Colonel,  i..  98 
Lucy.  i..  76 


30G 


TNLEX. 


Hyde,   Anno,    i.,    125,    175,    207  (n), 

Hymnotheo,  i.,  5,  17,  85,  60,  61,  62,  64, 
BO,  91,  93  (n),  95,  98,  116  (n),  202 
(n),   253;    ii.,    157,    169,    174,   200, 
226,  232,  234,  245,  246 

Tchabod,  L,  56,  57,  58,  258,  284  (n) 
Icon  Basilike,  i.,  7  J  (n),  264 
[gnatiuB,  S.,  i.,  231  (n) 
Imitatio  Christi,  The,  i..  131,  259 
L>  ilrsitnt,  John.     -See  "  Shorthouse." 
"  Ion,"  as  a  Christian  name,  i.,  2  (n), 

13  (n) 
Inland,   James    II.'s  policy  towards, 

i.,  268 
Irena3us,  S.,  i.,  109 
Italian    and    Spanish    books,    Bishop 

Ken's,  L,  94,  251,  263  (n) 

Jacobite  formulary,  ii.,  59 

"  Jam  lucis  orto  sidere,"  i.,  34   (n) ; 

ii.,  218,  224 
James  II.  man  its  Mary  Beatrice   of 
Modena,  i.,  132,  135 
resists    his  brother's   pressure   to 
adopt   a   mock    conformity,    i., 
128 
first  address    to    his   Council  on 
succeeding    to    the   throne,   i., 
204 
his  coronation,  i.,  207,  208  and  n. 
his  first  Declaration  of  Indulgence, 

i ,  57,  65,  241,  271 
ditto  for  Scotland,  i..  268 
his  second  Declaration,  i.,  293 
touches   for    the    Evil,    i.,    277, 

281  (n) 
goes  to  hear  Penn  after  attending 

Mass,  L,  281  (n) 
his  Order  in  Council  for  the  public 
reading  of    his  Declaration   in 
churches,  &C,  i  ,  297 
his  rumoured  transfer  of  Ireland 

to  Lonii  XIV..  ii.,  40,  49  (n) 
respect  lor  Ken,  ii.,  257 
his  death,  ii.,  104 
Jeffreys,   Judge,  i.,  225    and  n.,   226, 
227',   212,    266,    268,  310,   312,   314, 
.'51 5;  ii.,  2,  14  (n),  27 
his  last  days  ;  ii.,  27  (n) 
John,  St.,  traditions  respecting,  i.,  17, 

60,  62 
Jones,  Mr.,   ii.,  52  (n),  71  (n),  124  (n), 

L25  (n) 
Juan  de  Avila,  i.,  259 
Juan  de  la  Cruz,  i.,  259 


Keblc,  Rev.  John,  i.,  236  fit) 


Kemevs.  The  Misses,  of  Naish  Court, 
i.,  5  (n),  256  (n),  259  (n)  ;   ii., 
(n),   127  and  n.,   136,    137  (n),    138 
(n),  139  (n\  142,   111,   167  >-/..  172. 
175  (n),  186,  187  (n),   191,  215,  256 
(n),  258 
Kemeys,  Sir  Charles,  ii.,  172 
Kkn.  Bishop,  his  descent,  i.,  1 
founder  of  the  house,  i.,  l  (n) 
place   and    date   of  his   birth,  i., 

3,  9 
inllueneeof  his  sister,  i.,  5.  7.  8 
his     home     in     Izaak     Walton's 

house,  i.,  8 
"  Kenna,"  in  The  Complete  Anglert 

i.,  7  and  n. 
genealogies   of  his  family,   i.,    9, 

10,  li,  12 
his  love  of  nature,  i.,  16,  17 
habits  of  observation,  i.,  17 
influenced  by  George  Herbert,  i., 

21.  22 
by  Hooker,  i.,  22 
rule  of  life  adopted  by  Ken  and  his 

fellows,  i.,  26,  27 
admitted  a  scholar  at  Winch- 
College,  i.,  29 
elected  to  New  College,  Oxford, 

i.,  33 
admitted  to  New  College,  Oxford, 

friendship   with   Francis   Turner, 

i.,  31 
life  at  Winchester,  i.,  33,  38,  97 
life  at  Oxford,  i.,  39 
his  habit  of  distributing  alms  dur- 
ing his  Oxford  life,  i..  52 
member  of  a  Musical  Society   at 

Oxford,  i.,  53 
whether  he  was    the    author    of 

Expostirfatoria,  i.,  55 
his    Hymnolheo,  i.,  5,  16,  35,  60, 

61,  91,  95,  98,  &C. 
appointed  to  Little  Easton,  i.,  69 
to  Winchester,  i.,  82 
resigns  Easton,  i.,  82 
Chaplain  to  Bishop  Morley,  i..  s! 
undertakes  the  charge  of  St.  John's 

in  the  Soke,  i.,  86 
Rector  of  Brightstone,  i-,  ^7 
Prebendary  of  Winchester,  i.,  Si) 
Elector  of  Woodhay,  i.,  90 
writes  the  Manual  of  Prayer*  for 

Winchester  scholars,  i.,  91,  95, 

96,  97,  &C. 

alleged  miraculoua  cure,  i.,  91  (n) 

ascetic  life  at  Winchester,  i..  92 
love  and  practice  of  music,  i.,  92, 

122.  20*2  (n) 
literary  tastes  and   studies,  i.,   93, 

9  1 


INDEX. 


307 


Ken,    Bishop,    his  Exposition   of    the 

Church  Catechism,  i.,  81,231,  276 
his  love  of  children,  i.,  97  and  n. 
attached    importance  to  personal 
intercourse    as    an   element  of 

spiritual  lite,  i.,  100 
Meditations  on  the  Holy  Eucharist, 

i.,  101 
republished  hy  Bishop  Moberly, 

i.,  104 
makes  alterations  in  the  Manual, 

i.,  101 
goes  abroad,  i.,  105  seq. 
visits   Milan,    Venice,   Rome,   i., 

107,  113,  114,  115 
becomes     acquainted     with     the 

French,    Italian,    and    Spanish 

languages  and  literature,  i.,  121 
his  use  of  the  prayer  "  R.I. P.," 

i.,  123,  124 
becomes  popular  as  a  preacher,  i., 

125 
Chaplain  to  the  Princess  Mary,  L, 

125 
at  the  Hague,  i.,  125,  138 
life  at  the  Hague,  i.,  139  seq. 
takes   a    text  from    Jeremiah   as 

the  "  watchword  of  his  life,"  i., 

139 
resigns  his  Chaplaincy  to  Queen 

Mary   in    consequence    of    the 

Zulestein  affair,  i.,  144 
interests  himself  in :    1 .  The  Union 

of  Protestants.      2.    The  Con- 
version of  Colonel  Fitz-Putrick, 

i.,  145  seq. 
his  letter  to  Bishop  Compton,  i. 

146 
his  letter  to  Archbishop  Sancroft, 

L,  148 
his  letter  to  Lord  Maynard  on  the 

death  of  Lady  Maynard,  i.,  157 
his  bold  faithfulness,  i.,  158 
Nell  Gwynn,  i.,  158,  159 
sails    with    Lord    Dartmouth    as 

Chaplain  of  the  Fleet,  i.,  164 
at  Tangier,  i,  167,  177 
life  at  sea,  i.,  168 
Burnet's  description  of   him,   i., 

179 
consecrated  Bishop  of  Bath  and 

Wells,  i.,  180 
declines  to  give  the  usual  conse- 
cration dinner,  i.,  191 
a  letter  to  Lord  Dartmouth,   i., 

193 
his  episcopal  seal  and  motto,  i., 

193,  209 
life  at  Wells,  i.,  195  seq. 
his  Lent  Sermon   at  Whitehall, 

1685,  i.,  205,  265 


Ken,    Bishop,    his    Lent   Snrmon   at 

Whitehall,  1687,  i.,  269 

ministers   to   prisoners  at   Wells, 

Taunton,  and  Bridge  water,   i., 

226 

his  address  to  the  Privy  Council, 

i.,  226 
letters    to    Viscount   Weymouth, 
i.,  22%  254  ;  ii.,  13 

writes  The  Practice  of  Divine  Love, 
i.,  230,  237  ;  ii.,  263 

makes  alterations  therein,  i.,  236, 
_277 

his  Hymnarium,  i.,  178,  231  (n) ; 
ii.,  132  (n),  246,  247 

his  teaching  on  "  The  Holv  Catho- 
lic Church,"  i.,  232 

on  "  The  Communion  of  Saints," 
L,  233 

devotions  on  the  2nd  Command- 
ment, i.,  234 

thoughts  on  the  Lord's  Day,  i., 
234 

thoughts  on  the  4th  Command- 
ment, i.,  235 

thoughts  on  Holy  Baptism,  i., 
235 

makes  alterations  in  his  phraseo- 
logy respecting  the  Eucharist, 
i.,  236 

Directions  for  Prayer  for  the  Dio- 
cese of  Bath  and  Wells,  i.,  237 

exhortation  to  prayers  for  the 
king,  i.,  237 

issues  prayers  for  the  visitors  to 
Bath,  i.,  238 

encyclical  letter  to  the  Clergy  "in 
behalf  of  the  French  Protes- 
tants," i  ,  239 

Whitehall  Sermon  for  the  Refu- 
gees, i.,  242 

his  munificence,  i.,  243  ;  ii.,  57 

pastoral  for  Lent,  i.,  244,  245 

"Articles  of  Visitation  and  In- 
quiry," i.,  248 

his  sympathy  with  the  poor,  i., 
251,  252 

and  with  others,  i.,  256  and  n. ; 
ii.,  96,  276 

purposes  to  set  up  a  workhouse  at 
Wells,  i.,  251 

probably  a  total  abstainer,  i.,  93, 
253 

his  adherence  to  the  cause  of 
James  II.,  i.,  261 

his  personal  attachment  to  the 
king,  i.,  261,  264 

his  Sermon  at  St.  Martin' s-in-the- 
Fields,  i.,  270 

his  success  as  an  Expounder  and 
Catechist,  i.,  271  and  n. 


TNLEX. 


Kkn,  Bishop,  attractive  character  of 
his  Whitehall  and  other  Ser- 
mons, i.,  54,  242,  265,  288  ;    ii., 

his  Sermon  at  Bath,  i.,  275  ;  ii., 

258 
animadversions      thereon      hy 

"  P.  J.  K.,"  i.,  275  aeq. 
literary     history     of    his     three 

hymns,  ii.,  210  teq. 
his  fondness  for  coffee,    i.,    253  ; 

ii.,  208 
suspended  from  the  exercise  of  his 

office,  ii.,  46 
deprived,  ii.,  51 
his  deliverance  from  the  storm  of 

1703,  ii.,  133 
his  opinion  of  latitudinarianism, 

ii.,  139 
purposes  to  resume  Communion  in 

the    Cathedral    at    AVells,    ii., 

195 
his  view  of  democracy,  ii.  235 
his  estimate  of  Lord  Weymouth, 

ii.,  249 
compares  his  retirement  with  that 

of  S.    Gregory  Nazianzen,  ii., 

249,  250 
his  ideal  Priest,  ii.,  248 

,,         Bishop,  ii.,  248 
his  picture  of  an  ideal  court,  ii., 

235 
of  an  ideal  king,  ii.,  238 
his  Theodikcea,  ii.,  247 
increasing  illness  and    suffering, 

ii.,  199 
his   poems  entitled  Anodynes,  ii., 

199,  200,  226,233 
writes  an  epitaph  for  himself,  ii., 

208 
not  inscrihed  on  his  tomb,  i.,  124  ; 

ii.,  203 
puts  on  his  own  shroud,  ii.  202 
his  end  at  Longleat,  ii.,  202 
his  burial,  ii.,  204 
his  will,  ii.,  206 
service   for    commemorating  him  ' 

in  "Tracts  for  the  Times,"  ii., 

268 
effects  of  his  influence  contrasted 

with  that  of  Marlborough,  ii., 

273  and  n. 
poetical    tributes    to    him   by   R. 

M.    Milnes  (Lord    Houghton), 

and  W.    L.  Bowles,    i. 

275 
portraits  of,  ii.,  291 
notices  of  ln>  books,  ii.,  294 
KettlewelL,  John,  i  .  128,  L29,  L59  .  ii., 

15.    58,    101,    102,    121    and   n..    124, 
126,  L68,  L69,  L98 


Kettlewell,  Mrs  ,  ii.,  102  (n) 
Kidder,  Bishop,  i.,  203,  253;  ii.,  51.52, 
53,   57    (n),   60,    61,    130,    131    (n), 
134   (n),  136,  137  (n),   138  (n),  191, 
203 

his  epitaph   in   AVells  Cathedral, 
ii.,  63 
Kinaston's  hoax,  i.,  66 
King.  Bishop,  i.,  15 

Mr.,  i.,  229  (n),  254  and  n.,  255 
and  n.  ;  ii.,  107 
Kirke,  Colonel  Percy,  i.,  167,  168,  169, 
225;  ii.,  20,  237 

his  "Lambs,"  i..  225  ;  ii.,  237 
Knox,  Alexander,  ii.,  265 


Laehryma  Ecclesianm,  i.,  56 

Lake,  Bishop,  i.,  140,  145,  303,  307 
Lamplugh,  Bishop  of  Exeter,  i.,  54  (n)  : 

ii.,  8,  17  (n) 
Landor,  W.  S.,  i.,  107 
Langley,  Sir  Roger,  ii.,  6,  7  (n) 
"  Latitudinarian    Traditour,    A,"    ii., 

133,  134  (n),  135 
Latitudinarianism,  i.,  65 

Ken's  description  of,  ii.,  139,  243 
LaTrappe,  ii.,  105,  118 
Laud,  Archbishop,    i.,  9,   41,   4S,    65, 

67,  106 
Lauderdale,  i.,  261  (n) 
Lazarus,  i.,  253  ;  ii.,  246,  248 
Lcgge,  Colonel,  i.,  162 
Leighton,  Archbishop,  i.,   130  and  n., 

131  (nl,  147  (n) 
Sir  Elisha,  i.,  130 
Lent,  Ken's  description  of  its  proper 

observance,  i.,  205 
Lenten  Pastoral,  Ken's,  i.,  244-6 
L'Estrange,  Sir  Roger,  i.,  194  and  n. 
Levinz,  Baptist,  i.,  202,  203 
Leweston,  i.,  254  ;  ii.,  57,  172,  258 
Lisle,  Alice,  i.,  226,  229  (n) 
Lloyd,  Bishop  of  St.  Asaph,  i.,  66.  1  10, 

145,  180,  274,  301,  303,   312;  ii.,  2, 

103,    120,  140,  142  (n),  144  (n),   149, 

191 
Nicholas,  Fellow  of  Wadham  Col- 
lege, Oxford,  i.,  66 
Locke,  John,  i.,  60  and  n.,  107,  108  (n) ; 

ii.,  53  (n) 
Longleat,  I.,  60,  211,228,  229  (n),  254, 

263  (n),286;  ii.,  14,  16  (n), 64 (n), 68, 

59 

view  of,  ii.,  56 
Longueville,  Viscountess,  i.,  97  (n) 
1,  .u  a  XIV.  at  Prance,  L,  108  (n),  lis. 

L28,  L33,    L36,   162,    240,    295  ;    ii., 

I  l,  19,  10,  93,  106 
Lui  aria,  Cyril,  i..  66 
Luis  de  I  tranada,  i..  '-'5:' 


INDEX. 


300 


Macaulay,  Lord,  i.,  260  (n) ;  ii.,  82,  83, 

86 
"  Maids  of  Taunton,  the,"  i.,  213 
Malarhe,  Mr.,  ii.,  138  (n) 
Manual  for  Winchester  Scholars,!.  ,22, 36, 
91   95,  96,  97,  122,  125,  261 ;  ii.,  215, 
218,  219,  263 
Marshall,    George,   made   Warden   of 

New  College,  Oxford,  i.,  45,  53 
Mary  of  Modena,  i.,  132,  135 
Marv,  the  Piincess,  i.,  9,  136,  150  (n), 
177,  264  ;  ii.,  34,  35,  257 
her  remarks  on  Bishops  Ken  and 
Frampton,  ii.,  55  (n) 
Mary,  Queen  of  Sco's,  ii.,  182,  183 

Register    of    the   commission    by 

which  she  was  tried,  ii.,    183, 

seq. 

Maynard,  Lord  and  Lady,  i.,  70,  71,  74, 

76,  87,  128.  155,  156,  268,  285,  286 

(n)  ;  ii.,  255,  256 

their  household,  i.,  110 
portrait  of  Lady  Maynard,  i.,  77 
Medals  commemorating  the  acquittal  of 

the  seven  bishops,  ii.,  9 
Meggot,  Dean,  i.,  158,  177,  266 
Melfort,  ii.,  104,  110,  111  (n) 
Memorial  rings.     See  "  Rings  " 
Mews,  Bishop  Peter,  i.,  177,  178,  199, 
210   (n),  216  and   n.,   217  (n),  225, 
253,  255  (n),  301  ;  ii.,  18,  27  (n) 
Milan,  Sunday-School  in  the  cathedral, 

i.,  113 
Milton,  i.,  21,  63,  64,  96,   166  and  n. ; 

ii.,  232,  233 
Molinos,  Michael,  i.,    117  andn.,  118 
Monk  and  the  bird,  legend  of  the,  i., 

263  (n)  ;  ii.,  248 
Monmouth,  the  Duke  of,  159,  183,  209 
seq.,  229  (n) 

his  letter  to  the  university  of  Cam- 
bridge, i., 48  (n),  210 
his  declaration,  ii.,  25  (n) 
his  cowardice,  i.,  217 
dealings     of     divines    with    him 
before  his  execution,  i.,  218  seq. 
his  execution,  i.,  228 
popular  disbelief  of  his  death,  i., 
224,  225  (n) 
More,  Mrs.  Hannah,  i.,  230  (n) 
Morley,  Bishop,  i.,  8  (n),l5,  42,  51  (n), 
82,  83,  84,  85,  88,  89,  121,  126,  127, 
128,  129,  130,  131,  137,  140,  155,  156, 
164,  171,  174,  191,  253,  262,  282  (n), 
298  ;  ii.,  257 

his  austere  habits,  i.,  175 
his  munificence,  i ,  175 
his  death,  i.,  174,  175 
his  will,  i.,  176 
Morley,     Francis,    nephew      of      the 
Bishop,  i.,  192,  194  and  n. 
VOL.    II. 


Morning  and  Evening  Hymns,  earliest 

recorded  use  of,  i..  99  (n) 
Mossom,  Dr.,  i.,  7  (n).  72,  73,  74 
Motto    chosen    by    Bishop    Ken,     i., 

209 
Musioal  society  at  Oxford,  i.,  52,  165, 

229  (n) 

Nag's  Head  Tavern,  i.,  130  (n) 
Naish  Court.  See  "  Kemeys  " 
Nantes,  the  edict  of,  i.,  2^9 

Revocation  of,  i.,  240,  295 
Naseby,  battle  of,  i.,  40 
Naval  chaplains,  their  status  in  1684, 

i.,  164 

life,  ii.,  237 
Nelson,  Robert,  i.,  15,  251  (n) ;  ii.,  45, 

58,61, 152  (n),  192,  193,  194,  195, 198 

(n),  225,  258 
New   College   not   among  the  contri- 
butors to  the  royal  treasury ,  i.,  39 

(n) 
Newman,  J.  H.,  xii.  (n)  ;  i.,   120  ;    ii., 

268,  295,  297 
Nicaea,  Council  of,  i.,  246 
Nicholas,  Dr.   John,   i.,    31,   43,    122, 

124 
Nieremberg,  i.,   117,  263  and  n.  ;  ii., 

116,  249  (n) 
"  Xon-compounders,"  ii.,  120  (n) 
Non-jurors,  L,  226  ;    ii.,  32,    38   (n), 

45,  47,  52  (n),  54  (u),   56,  95,  142, 

261  (n) 
Non-resistance,  the   doctrine   of,   159, 

224,  298;  ii.,  40,  49  (n).     See  also 

"  Passive  Obedience" 
Nowell,  Dean,  i..  18,  33 
Oath,  episcopal,  i.,  193 
"Occasional  conformity,"  i.,  207  (n)  ; 

ii.,  134,  137,287 
Oley,  B  irnabas.  i.,  73,  81 
Overall's  convocation  h>ok,  ii.,  44 
Owen,  John,  Puritan  Vice- Chancellor 

of  Oxford,  i.,  48,  49  (n),  66 
Oxford  University  under  Puritan  rule, 

i.,  39  seq.,  67 

at  the  restoration,  i.,  53,  59 

Palace,    the   episcopal,   at    Wells,    i., 

196 
Parental  influence,  i.,  1,  3,  4 
Parker,  Samuel,  Bishop  of  Oxford,  177, 

297  (n),  310 
Pasquinade,  118  (n) 
"Passive  Obedience,"  i.,  39,  159,  224  ; 

ii.,  39,  40,  48,  49  (n),  102 
"Patriarch  Jeremias,"  the,  i.,  65 

White,  i.,  44 
Patrick,  Bishop,  i.,  54  (n)  300,  301  ;  ii. 

51 


;no 


INDEX. 


Pavilion,  Nicholas, i.,  110  (n),  ISO  (n), 

268,  259  (n),  288 
Pechell,  Dr.,  i..  1G3  ;  ii.,  16  (u) 
Penderell  family,  L,  L87 

11  Pennvless  Pouh,"  i.,  193 

Pepys,  Samuel,  L,  129,  1G1,  1G3,  164 

$eg.;  ii.,  261 
Perkins,  Joseph,  Latin  Pool  Laureate, 

i.,  217  (n),  225  and  n.,   275  (n),  301 

(n);  ii.,  2G2 
Peterborough,  Lord,  i.,  1G1 
Peters,  Hugh,  i.,  46 
Petre,  Father,  i.,  263,  277,  290,  311  (n) ; 

ii.,  19  (n),  27 
Petty,  William,  i.,  61,  52 
"  Philistinism,"  i.,  26,  27  (n),  32 
Phillips.  Colonel,  ii.,  57 
"  Philotheus,"  i.,  31,  34  (n),  36,  98,  99  ; 

ii.,  218  and  n. 
Pierce  (or  Piers),  Bishop,  i.,  199 
Pink,   Dr.  Robert,    Warden    of   New 

College,  Oxford,  i.,  43,  44,  72 
Pollexfen,  ii.,  8  (n) 
Poulett,   Lord,    married    one    of    the 

Kens,  i.,  2,  10,  12 
"Pretender,  The,"  ii.,  59,  161  (n) 
Priest,  the    Model,  Ken's  picture   of, 

ii.,  245 
Prowsc,    Mrs.    (daughter    of     Bishop 

Hooper),  ii.,  131 
Prynne,  William,   author  of  Histrio- 

mastix,  i  ,  40 
Pullen,  Josiah,  i.,  51  (n) 
Puritan  Visitation  of  Oxford  Univer- 
sity, i.,  40 

Quarles,  ii.,  232 

"Rabbi"  Smith,  ii.,  179 

Beading     sermons,    i.,    48    (n),    201, 

210 
Refugees,  French.    See  "  Huguenots." 
"  Eequiescat  in  Paee,"  i.,  122,  124;    ii., 

104,  105,  106 
Restoration,      social      and      religious 

''down-grade"  of  the,  i.,  53,  59,  97, 

98 
Reynolds,  Puritan  Vico-Chanccllor  of 

(  Kl'oid,  i.,  41  and  n. 
"  Ridding,  Mr.  and  Mrs.,"  ii.,  71 
Rings,  Memorial,  i.,  20,  171, 176 
Robber,  The  Penitent,  ii.,  217 
Borne,  i.,  116 

social  and  moral  condition  of,  ib. 
nepotism  and  venality  of,  ib. 
Rosmini,  i.,  58 

Rous,  Francis,  chief  "Trier of  Preach- 
ers," i.,  1 1 
Routh,  Dr.  M.  J.,  ii.,  L5J 
Rowe,  Elizabeth,  i.,  52  (n) ;    ii.,  172, 

284 


"Royal  Sufferer,  The,"    i.,   226  (n), 

264,  316  (n)  ;  ii.,  31,    115  sea.,   120, 
263 

Rupert,  Prince,  i.,  39,  46,  161 
Russell,  Lady  Rachel,  i.,61  (n),  76,  78, 

128,  159,  1*60,  174  ;  ii.,  40 

William,   Lord,   i.,  159,   211;   ii., 

49  (n) 
Ruvignv,  i.,  241  and  n. 
Rye  House  Plot,   The,    i.,    159,    165, 

211 

St.  Cyran,  i.,  259 

Bancroft,  Archbishop,  i.,  175,  180,  183, 
204,  207  (n).  242,  243,  248  (n),  2t>8, 
285,  288,   292,  298,   29*>,   300,   302, 

308,  311,  312,   313;  ii.,  12,  16,    19, 

22  and  n.,  27  (n),   36,  39,  50,  180, 

258,  285  (n) 
Sanderson,   Bishop,  i.,  15,  24,  41,  42, 

84 
Sandys,  Edwin,  Archdeacon  of  Wells, 

i.,23  (n),  203  (n);  ii.,  57 
Savile,  Sir  1L  my,  i.,  32 
Sawyer,  Sir  Robert,  i.,  90  (n),  312  and 

n.,  313  ;  ii.,  8  (n) 
S-hool-life at  Winchester,  i..  36, 36(n) 
Seal,  Ken's  Episcopal,  i.,  103 
Sedgmoor,  i.,  215,  217,  225 
"  Seekrtrs,  The,"  i.,  47  (n) 
Seven  Bishops,  petition  of  the,  i.,  2S7  ; 

ii.,  270 

trial  of  ditto,  ii..  1  seq. 
acquittal  of,  ii.,  7 
Shakespeare,  i.,  105 
Sharp,  Dean  of  Norwich  (afterwards 

Archbishop  of    York),   i.,  268  ;    ii., 

195 
Sheldon,  Archbishop,  i.,  15,  16,  40,  41, 

42,  298  (n) 

his  costly  banquets,  i  ,  130  (n) 
Sherborne  Proclamation,  The,   ii.,  24, 

25  (n),  301 
Sherlock,    Richard,  Chaplain  of  New 

College,  Oxford,  i.,  43 

William,    Dean   of   St.   Paul's,   i., 

300,  301,  309;  ii..  4  1 
Shorthouse,  Mr.,  author  of  John  Tngle- 

aant,  i.,  6,  26  and  n.,  26  and  u.,  63 

(n),  67,  73,  117  (n) 
Sidney,   lion.  Algernon,  i  ,   142,    159, 

211 

Eon.  Henry,  i.,  142,  147  (ri),  152, 

153,  154,  156,  208  and  n.,  309  ;  ii  .  8 
references  to  his  diary,  i.,  143, 

144,  145,  148,  164 

Sir  Philip, i.,  142,  147  (n) 
Skinner,  Bishop  of  Oxford,  i.,  37  (n), 

6  i  and  n. 
Smith,  Dr.  Thomas,  i.,  282;  ii.,  102, 
L88,  170  80q.t  191 


INDEX. 


311 


Socrates,  ii.,  246,  247 

Soke,  St.  John  in  the,  i.,  86  (n),  91  (n), 
176,  179,  229  (n) 

Somers,  John,  afterwards  Lord,  i., 
312!;  ii.,  5,  8  (n) 

Somersetshire  peasantry,  heathen  ig- 
norance of,  i.,  230  and  n. 

Southcombe,  Lewis,  ii.,  258 

Southey,  Robert,  ii.,  264 

Speke,  Hugh,  ii.,  25  (n),  27  (n) 

Spenser,  Edmund,  i.,  2,  61,  64 

Spinckes,  JSathanitd,  ii.,  101 

Spirits,  Discussion  on,  between  Pepys 
and  Ken,  i.,  165  scq. 

S|rat,  Thos.,  Bishop  of  Rochester,  i., 
52,  180,  268,  297  (n),  310;  ii.,  3,  14 

Stamp,  Mr.,  ii.,  137  (n),  147  (n),  148 

Stillingneet,  Edward,  Bishop  of  Wor- 
cester, i.,  16  (n),  288,  300,  301 

Storm  of  Nov.  26th,  1703,  ii.,  129, 
130 

Stringer,  Dr.,  Warden  of  New  College, 
Oxford,  i.,  33,  44,  45 

"Student  Penitent,  The,"  ii.,  155, 
258 

"  Super-effluence,"  i.,  283 ;  ii.,  92, 
247 

u  Super-effluently,"  ii.,  132,  250 

Sylvius,  Sir  Gabriel,  i.,  137  (n),  142, 
143;  ii,  157 

Talleyrand,  i.,  28 

Tangier,  the  garrison  at,  i.,  162 

social  condition  of,  i.,  167 
Taylor,  John,  the  "  Water  Poet,"  ii., 

217 
"Telucisanteterminum,  ii.,  218,224" 
Tenison,  Archbishop,  i.,  143,  219,  223, 
251  (n),  264,  270,  300,  301,  305  ;  ii., 
79,  86,  101  (n),  lu6  (n),  117,  129  (n) 
Kens  letter  to,  i.,   135  (n),  264; 
ii.,  86,  267 
Test  Acts,  i.,  133 

'1  exts  written  on  the  flyleaves  of  Ken's 
Grutius   and   Greek   Testament,    i., 
139  and  n. 
Thcrndike,  Herbert,  i.,  57,  73 
Thurcross  (or  Thruscross),  Dr.  Timo- 
thy, i  ,  6  (n),  72  and  n.,  73 
Thynne,  Sir  Frederick,  i.,  229  (n) 
Mr.  Henry,  i.,  254  (n) ;  ii.,  172 
Mrs.  Henry,  i.,  254  ;  ii.,  57,  172, 

258 
Thos.,  i.,  227 

Mr.    Thos.,   afterwards   Viscount 
Weymouth,  i.,  50,  229  (n)  ;  ii., 
257 
Tillotson,  Archbishop,  i.,  147  (n),  300  ; 
ii.,    39,    44,  49  (n),   51,    53.    61,   79, 
243  (n) 
"Traditour,"  ii.,  138 


Trelawney,  Sir  Jonathan  (Bishop  of 
Bristol,  Exeter,  and  Winchester), 
i.,  36  (n),  142,  274,  306  ;  ii.,  150 

Turner,  Francis,  Bishop  of  Ely,  i.,  31, 
37  (n),  43  (n),  50  (n),  51,  72,  106, 
128,  155,  179,  180,  183,  207,  208, 
218,  224  (n),  265,  270,  300,  304,  308, 
316  ;  ii.,  18,  40,  53  (n),  55  (n),  56, 
71,  83,  103,  107,  126  (n),  148,  198 
(n),  257 

Universalism,  i.,  Ill 
Ussher,  Archbishop,  i.,  15 

Venice,  i.,  113,  114 

"  Yinuo-i,"  the  Society  at  Oxford,  i., 

52,  200 
"  Viso  sciolto,"  &c,  i.,  21  ;  ii.,  238 

Wagstaffe,  Thos.,  non-juror  suffragan 

Bishop,  ii.,  101,  102  (n),  120,  192 
Wallis,  Dr.,  i.,  51 
Walters,  Lucy,  i.,  209,  210  (n) 
Walton,  Izaak,  i.,  2,   5,  7,   8,    11,  12, 
13,  14,  17,  18,  19,  20,  23,  24,  33,  37 
(n),  46,  52,  61,  73,  83,  98,  107,  121, 
164,  203  (n),  292;  ii.,  257 
his  death,  i.,  170 
epitaph,  L,  170 

Dr.  Izaak,  junior,  i.,  92,  107,  116, 
(n),   121,   171   (n)  ;    ii.,   23   (n), 
38  (n),  52,  53,  206,  207,  208 
"Warming-pan  Story,  The,"  ii.,  2 
Warwick,  Ladv,  i.,  77,  78  (n),  88,  156; 

ii.,  61,  257 
Watson,  Thos.,  Bishop  of  St.  David's, 

i.,  310  ;  ii.,  19,  2u  (n) 
Well,  St.  Andrew's,  at  Wells,  i.,  197 
Wells,  Episcopal  Palace  at,  view  of,  i., 

196 
Wentworth,   Lady  H,   i.,   211,   218, 

223 
Wesleys,  the,  i.,  310;  ii.,  225,  233 
Weymouth,  Viscount,  i.,  228,  229  (n), 
251  (n)  ;  ii.,  38  (n),  55,  58,  151,  249, 
258 
White,   Bishop   of    Peterborough,    i., 

297,  300,  304;  ii.,  101,  103 
White,  "The  Patriarch,"  i.,  44 
Whiteare,  Benjn.,  i.,  180  (n) 
Whitehall  Sermons,  i.,  209,  242,  265, 

269,  288 
Whiting,  last  abbot  of  Glastonbury,  i., 

199 
Wilkins,  Bishop  of  Chester,  i.,  51,  52 
William  of   Orange,  i.,   133,  208  (n), 
212  (n)  ;  ii.,  21,  257 

marries  the  Princess  Mary,  i.,  136 
his  "  Petruchio  "  policy,  i.,  140; 

ii.,  36 
his  death,  it.,  105 


312 


INDEX. 


"William  of  Wykeham,  i.,  35 

Williams,     Janus,    Sacrist    of    Wells 
Cathedral,  i.,  216 

Woodward,  Dr.,  Warden  of  New  Col- 
lege, ( ).\ford,  i.,  53 

Workhouse,  Ken's  proposal  to  set  one 
up  at  Wells,  i.,  251 

Wotton,  Sir  Henry,  i.,  15,  1G,  20,  21, 
25,  98,  105,  171 

Wren,  Sir  Christopher,  i.,  51,  52 

Wroth,  Sir  Henry,  i.,  142 
Jane,  i.,  142,"  144 


York,  the  Duchess  of,  i.,  175 

her  death,  i  ,  127  (n) 
Young,  Aithur,  i.,  109 
Young,    Edward,    Dean   of  Salisbury, 
i.,  31 

Edward,  junior,  author  of  "Night 
Thoughts,"  i.,  95,  180 


Zulestein,    Count,    i.,    55, 
145  ;  ii.,  21,  23  (n),  270 
Madams,  147  (n) 


136,     144, 


THE    END. 


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A    NEW    TRANSLATION. 

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Volume     I. — Life.     Hell,  Purgatory. 

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of  the  Commedia.  Estimates  of  Dante.  Dante  as  an  Observer 
and  Traveller.     Portraits  of  Dante,  &c. 


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theology  of  the  Middle  Ages  has  given  him  a  great  advantage  over  other  translators  and  com- 
mentators  For  Students  of  Dante,  the  '  Studies '  wdl  be  found  most  valuable  and 

interesting.  A  large  quantity  of  material  ha*  been  collected  and  arranged  as  it  only  could  have 
been  by  one  thoroughly  conversant  with  his  subject,  and  giving  his  best  abilities  and  affections  to 
the  accomplishment  of  his  work." 

The  Westminster  Review  says:— "A  work  of  a  very  high  order  indeed  ....  we 
may  safely  prophesy  that  this  noble  work  will  hold  the  field." 

The  Spectator  says:— "No  book  about  Dante  has  been  published  in  England  that  will 
stand  comparison  with  Dean  Plumptre's.  He  deserves  the  gratitude  of  all  true  lovers  of  good 
literature  for  writing  it.  We  have  nothing  further  to  say  of  it  except  that,  take  it  for  all  in  all, 
the  only  fitting  epithet  we  can  find  for  it  is  '  noble  ; '  and  that  we  do  most  heartily  wish  it  all  the 
success  which  it  richly  deserves." 

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and  eujoyinsr  the  message  of  Dante  to  men.  The  second  volume  deepens  the  impression  made  by 
the  first.  The  parts  interlace  as  well  as  complete  each  other ;  the  volumes  are  two,  the  book  is 
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the  gratitude  of  all  Dante  students.  He  has  given  us  notes  full  of  syinpithy  and  knowledge 
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page  of  his  version.  The  notes  alone  would  give  importance  and  value  to  the  volumes.  As  a 
whole,  the  translation  is  very  close  and  accurate,  and  stands  in  the  front  rank." 

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and  English  literature  with  a  translation  of  Dante,  which,  we  do  not  doubt,  will  probably  eff  ice 
all  other  English  translations.  We  do  not  hesitate  to  say,  that  never  before  have  English  readers 
been  able  tuily  to  realise  the  beauty  as  well  as  the  grandeur,  the  charm  as  well  as  the  thrilling 
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which  rivals  the  excellence  of  its  contents." 


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Scholar'  .     With  exquisite  delioaoy  the  writer  poun  forth  onoe  nunc  the  pitiful  wail  of  poor 

i  Loisi'a  broken   heart   over  the  idol  of  her  passion and  weaves  the  traditions  of  the 

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CHRIST   AND    CHRISTENDOM. 

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Contexts. — 1.  Cravings  after  Union,  and  Lives  of  Jesus.  2.  Sources  for  the  Life 
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Miracles  of  Christ.  6.  The  "Work  and  Teaching  of  Christ.  7.  The  Ministerial 
Work  of  Christ.     8.  The  Resurrection. 

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Jesus,  c.  The  Apocryphal  Gospels  in  their  relation  to  Theology  and  Art. 
d.  The  Relation  of  the  Two  Epistles  of  St.  Peter  to  the  Gospel  according  to  St. 
Mark.  e.  The  Relation  of  the  Epistle  of  St.  James  to  the  Gospel  according  to 
St.  Matthew,  p.  The  Asiatic  Epistles  of  St.  Paul  and  the  Gospel  according  to 
St.  John.  g.  The  History  of  the  Infancy,  h.  The  Influence  of  Apollina nan- 
ism on  Modern  Theology,     i.  The  Personality  of  Evil. 

"  It  is  long  since  the  Church  of  England  produced  two  more  noble  works  of  controversy  than 
these  ('  Christ  and  Christendom '  and  Liddon's  -Banrpton  Lectures'),  more  likely,  by  the  blessing 
of  tiod,  to  influence  public  opinion." — Contemporary  Review. 

"  The  Boyle  Lectures  for  1S66  will  stand  not  imworthily  by  the  side  of  those  produced  by  Professor 
Plumptre's  most  eminent  predecessors.  In  them  he  displays  with  ease,  force,  and  constant  readi- 
ness, all  the  resources  of  a  ripe  scholar,  a  keen  critic,  and  an  eloquent  writer." — Athenceum. 


BIBLICAL    STUDIES 

Post  Svo,  price  5s. 


OLD  TESTAMENT.— 1.  The  Lord  of  Saboath.  2.  The  most  High  God.  3. 
Shiloh — Immanuel — The  Lord  our  Righteousness.  4.  The  Tree  of  Life.  5. 
Caleb,  the  Son  of  Jephunneh.  6.  The  Revolt  of  Absalom.  7.  The  Earth- 
quake in  the  Days  of  Uzziah.  8.  The  P.salms  of  the  Sons  of  Korah.  9.  The 
Authorship  of  the  Book  of  Job.  10.  The  Old  Age  of  Isaiah.  11.  Three 
Generations  of  Jewish  Patriotism.  12.  The  Babylonian  Captivity.  13.  The 
Last  of  the  Prophets. 

NEW  TESTAMENT.— 1.  The  Prophets  of  the  New  Testament.  2.  Stephen,  the 
Proto-Martyr.  3.  Manaen.  4.  Simon  of  Cyrene.  5.  St.  P.iul  and  the  Sister- 
hood at  Phil'ppi.     6.  Aquila  and  Priscilla.     7.  The  Old  Age  of  St.  Peter. 

"We  have  seen  few  books  which  will  serve  more  efficiently  to  give  life  and  body  to  ordinary 
people's  conception  of  biblical  characters,  events,  and  narratives."— Literary  Churchman. 

"  Mi*.  Plumptre  has  gone  into  the  byways  of  sacred  InVory,  and  has  studied  them  profoundly, 
....  so  that  the  whole  life  of  its  greatest  characters  and  the  course  and  meaning  of  the  divine 
drama  become  more  luminous  in  his  hands."— Contemporary  Bevitiv. 


23n  tljc  same  gtutljor. 


THEOLOGY    AND    LIFE. 

Small  Svo,  price  3s.  6d. 

Contents. — 1.  The  Ministry  of  Great  Cities.  2.  The  Consecration  of  the  Priest- 
hood. 3.  Anathema  from  Christ.  4.  Aiming  at  Completeness.  5.  Kicking 
against  the  Pricks.  6.  The  Prophets  of  the  New  Testament.  7  Music  in 
Worship  and  in  Life.  8.  Our  Life  in  Heaven.  9.  The  Life  of  Moses.  10.  The 
Theology  of  the  Book  of  Proverhs.  11.  The  Social  Ethics  of  the  Book  of 
Proverbs.  12.  Dangers  Past  and  Present.  13.  The  Education  of  the  Clergy. 
14.  Self -Knowledge  dependent  on  Obedience.  1.').  The  Ordinary  and  the 
Marvellous  in  the  Religious  Life.  16.  The  Dangers  of  the  Religious  Tempera- 
ment. 17.  The  Confessions  of  King  Solomon.  18.  Things  New  and  Old. 
19.  The  Shepherds  who  Feed  Themselves.  20.  Other  Men's  Labours.  21. 
Justification  by  Faith,  and  its  First  Preacher. 

ArPENDix. — The  Authorship  of  the  Book  of  Job. 

"  Vigorous  in  thought  and  unconventional  in  manner,  fai'hful,  earnest,  and  sound  in  the 
faith.     ...    At  once   scholarly,  instructive,   and  practical.'  —British  Quarterly  Review. 

"  It  is  long  since  we  have  read  a  volume  of  sermons  which  maintain  so  high  a  level  of  thought, 
feeling,  and  expression."— Theological  Review. 

'*  Earnest,  clear,  eloquent,  .  .  .  adhering  to  the  old  formulae."— Spectator. 


SUNDAY. 

Svo,  price  3d. 
A  learned,  comprehensive,  and  singularly  candid  and  valuable  treatise."— Scotsman. 


CONFESSION    AND    ABSOLUTION 

Price  Is. 


THE    LAW    OF    DEVELOPMENT    IN 
THEOLOGY, 

AND 

RESPICE,    ASPICE,    PROSPICE. 

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WELLS    CATHEDRAL    AND    ITS    DEANS. 

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